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Статті в журналах з теми "Cornelio Nepote"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 11 березня 2023

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1

Szabó, Ferenc Krisztián. "Cornelius Nepos király-életrajzai?" Antik Tanulmányok 51, no. 2 (December 1, 2007): 217–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/anttan.51.2007.2.1.

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2

Gibson, B. J. "Catullus 1.5–7." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 2 (December 1995): 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043652.

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Анотація:

In this note I wish to reopen discussion of the role of Cornelius Nepos in Catullus' dedicatory poem. The Callimachean features of Catullus' assessment of his own work have been well documented. However I believe that, since this is a poem where Catullus evaluates not only his own work, but also that of Nepos, a closer examination of the latter is called for.

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3

Füves, Ödön. "G. Zaviras Übersetzer von Cornelius Nepos." Gleaner 2 (September 16, 2016): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/er.9637.

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4

Titchener, Frances. "Cornelius Nepos and the Biographical Tradition." Greece and Rome 50, no. 1 (April 2003): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/50.1.85.

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5

Pryzwansky, Molly M. "Cornelius Nepos: Key Issues and Critical Approaches." Classical Journal 105, no. 2 (December 2009): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.5184/00098353.105.2.97.

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6

Molly M. Pryzwansky. "Cornelius Nepos: Key Issues and Critical Approaches." Classical Journal 105, no. 2 (2010): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5184/classicalj.105.2.97.

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7

Pryzwansky, Molly M. "Cornelius Nepos: Key Issues and Critical Approaches." Classical Journal 105, no. 2 (2009): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2009.0042.

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8

Millar, Fergus. "Cornelius Nepos, ‘Atticus’ and the Roman Revolution." Greece and Rome 35, no. 1 (April 1988): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738350002876x.

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Анотація:

The biography of Atticus by Cornelius Nepos, covering the last eight decades of the Republic and written at the precise moment of the establishment of monarchy by Octavian, ought always to have been treated both as one of the best introductions to the period, and as an exposition, from a unique angle, of some of the values expressed in Roman society. But now, more than ever, there may be a place for a brief essay which attempts to bring out both some values exhibited in this particular text and the way in which these were taken up, distorted, and deployed in the propaganda of the Augustan regime. For, first, the larger background of late-Republican scholarship, antiquarianism, historiography, and biography has been fully explored by Elizabeth Rawson; second, Joseph Geiger has argued for the originality of Nepos as a writer of political biography; third, we have a major study of the ethical models which it is the purpose of the biography to hold up for emulation. Finally, John North, in an important review-article on recent works on Roman religion, has identified three significant characteristics of late-Republican religiosity: a scholarly or antiquarian perception of religious change, often seen as decline; the identification of religion as the subject of a particular form of discourse; and a shift in focus within the sphere of religion, from the community as a whole to great men within it. All three come together, as we will see below, in the passage of Nepos' biography in which he records how, some time in the 30s B.C., Atticus suggested to Octavian that the now roofless temple of Juppiter Feretrius on the Capitol should be repaired.

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9

Dionisotti, A. C. "Nepos and the Generals." Journal of Roman Studies 78 (November 1988): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301449.

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This paper begins in the year 1569, when a hefty commentary on the Lives of Cornelius Nepos was published in Paris by one of the Royal Professors, Denys Lambin (known to classicists as Lambinus). The event intrigued me for two reasons. Firstly because, in France at that time, history was not a proper subject for professors. A professor could deal in Greek and Latin poetry, in oratory, philosophy, maths or Hebrew, or of course in the degree subjects theology, medicine and law; but history, including ancient history, was mostly a popular interest among the cultured ruling class, who preferred to read it in elegant vernacular versions, like Amyot's Diodorus and Plutarch, not in the dusty didactic form of text and commentary. So why did a professor, famous for his work on poetry and philosophy, suddenly devote himself to Nepos? The second puzzle was that, within weeks of publishing this commentary, Lambinus was violently attacked for it, and came close to losing both his job and his life. How, I wondered, could commenting on Nepos so seriously endanger the health?

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10

Chassignet, Martine. "The Political Biographies of Cornelius Nepos by Rex Stem." Phoenix 67, no. 1-2 (2013): 189–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2013.0041.

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11

Nepos, Cornelius. "Hamilcar ve Hannibal." Belleten 54, no. 211 (December 1, 1990): 1221–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1990.1221.

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Анотація:

Cornelius Nepos, Catullus'un, Vergilius'un, Livius'un ve Plinius'un doğduğu topraklarda-Gallia Cisalpina-doğmuştur. Doğum yerinin Ticinum olduğu sanılmaktadır. Doğum ve ölüm tarihi kesin olarak bilinmemekle birlikte, İ.Ö. 99-24 yılları arasında yaşamış olsa gerektir. Nepos, gençliğinde Roma'ya yerleşmiş, yaşamının büyük bölümünü orada geçirmiştir. Politikaya ilgi duymamıştır. Çağının ünlü kişilerinden Cicero'yla ve onun can dostu Atticus'la yazışmıştır. Ozan Catullus'un övgüsünü kazanmıştır. Nepos'un günümüze kalan en önemli kitabı, De Excellentibus Ducibus Exterarum Gentium'dur (Yabancı Halkların Seçkin Komutanları). Bu kitap, De Viris Illustribus (Ünlü Kişiler) adlı onaltı kitaplık yapıtının bir bölümü olsa gerektir. Yazarın, De Historicis Latinis (Latin Tarihçileri) adlı yapıtından günümüze yalnızca iki yaşamöyküsü kalmıştır. Üç kitaplık bir dünya tarihi olan Chronica'dan, beş kitaplık kısa öyküleri içeren Exempla'dan, sevgi şiirlerinden, coğrafya yazılarıdan günümüze hiç bir şey kalmamıştır. Nepos'un dili yalındır, düşüncelerini genellikle kısa tümcelerle anlatmaya çalışır. Pek özgün ve başarılı bir tarih yazarı olarak tanınmayan Nepos'un yapıtları kişileri yüceltici niteliktedir. Buna karşılık, Comelius Nepos yazıları günümüze değin gelen ilk yaşamöyküsü yazarı olması açısından önemlidir. Roma'nın siyasal ve ekonomik yaşamını etkileyen Kartaca Savaşlarının iki ünlü komutanı, Hamilcar ve Hannibal'i de yazılarına konu eden Nepos'un yazıları henüz Türkçe'ye çevrilmemiştir. Hamilcar ve Hannibal'in yaşamöyküsünü çevirirken büyük ölçüde Calonne'nin kullandığı Latince metinden yararlandım. Bu çeviriyi yaparken yardımlarına başvurduğum Latin Dili ve Edebiyatı Anabilim Dalı Araştırma Görevlisi Haydar Dönmez'e teşekkürlerimi sunarım.

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12

Dillon. "A Note on the Text and Interpretation of Cornelius Nepos "Alcibiades" 10.2." Classical Philology 104, no. 4 (2009): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20616391.

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13

Moles, J. L. "Cornelius Nepos - Nicholas Horsfall: Cornelius Nepos, a Selection, Including the Lives of Cato and Atticus. (Clarendon Ancient History Series.) Pp. xxi + 132. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989. £19.50 (Paper, £7.95)." Classical Review 42, no. 2 (October 1992): 314–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0028390x.

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14

Tuplin, Christopher. "Sabine Anselm: Struktur und Transparenz. Eine literaturwissenschaftliche Analyse der Feldherrnviten des Cornelius Nepos." Gnomon 78, no. 6 (2006): 498–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2006_6_498.

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15

Roberts, Alasdair. "Paul Maclachlan and the Ironmaster: A Case Study in Controversya." Recusant History 29, no. 1 (May 2008): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011869.

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Анотація:

Born at the small Highland farm of Belachknockan in Glenlivet on 18 September 1805, Paul Maclachlan was the second of John Maclachlan and Helen Grant’s sons to be educated for the priesthood. There were already clergy kinsmen from Banffshire, a county which produced many priests for the increasingly industrial Lowlands of Scotland. Two James Maclachlans had attended the nearby seminary of Scalan, and Paul Maclachlan and his brother John, the older by nineteen months, were sent to the successor college of Aquhorties in Aberdeenshire. Paul, who won renown for his high intellectual qualities, entered the Lowland District seminary nine months ahead of his older brother on 17 March 1819. In January 1821 he was in the second class studying Caesar under the future Bishop James Kyle, while John was a year behind with the Rev. James Sinnott and Cornelius Nepos.

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16

Moles, J. L. "Nepos and Biography - Joseph Geiger: Cornelius Nepos and Ancient Political Biography. (Historia Einzelschriften, 47.) Pp. 128. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1985. DM 44." Classical Review 39, no. 2 (October 1989): 229–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00271515.

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17

Mazza, Emilio. "«Something else too abominable to be nam'd». David Hume and Greek Love." RIVISTA DI STORIA DELLA FILOSOFIA, no. 1 (March 2022): 51–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sf2022-001004.

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Анотація:

«Greek Love is a modern invention», asserts the classical scholar. David Hume can claim the title of inventor. In his 1751 Dialogue on morals he used the phrase to account for the relationship between a university boy and a man of merit. How did Hume come to this expression? Pederasty was a traditional sceptical topic against a universal standard for morals. What did Hume think of this practice and its origin? When he accounts for pederasty and homosocial arrangements by negative epithets, is Hume seriously condemning them or he is «only» and prudentially following the common use? The Article tries to give a first answer to these questions by examining Hume's writings and their sources (Plato, Plutarch, Cornelius Nepos and Cicero), and the views of the modern authors (Hobbes, Mandeville, Montesquieu, Charlemont, Smollet and Voltaire). The Article delineates the eighteenth-century debate, without projecting on it our views, and maintains that, like some ancient philosophers according to Sextus Empricus, and possibly like Smith, Hume would have declared practice in itself «indifferent».

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18

Hallett, Judith P. "Centering from the Periphery in the Augustan Roman World: Ovid's Autobiography in Tristia 4.10 and Cornelius Nepo's Biography of Atticus." Arethusa 36, no. 3 (2003): 345–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2003.0024.

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19

Tatum, W. Jeffrey. "The regal image in Plutarch's Lives: I. Physical Descriptions in Plutarchan Narrative." Journal of Hellenic Studies 116 (November 1996): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631961.

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Анотація:

That the physical description of a biographer's subject constitutes a natural and (one should think) necessary element of the genre seems an unremarkable premise on which to entertain a reading of Plutarch. In such chronicles of wasted time as we possess, after all, descriptions of the fair and the not-so-fair are hardly unusual, regardless of literary category. And, at least since the time of Leo, the prevailing scholarly assumption has been that Plutarch's Lives ordinarily include an account of the subject's appearance as a standard structural component of the biography—an idea still to be found in P. Stadter's magisterial commentary on the Pericles. One ought perhaps to hesitate in speaking of generic requirements for Plutarchan biography, if only because we are now more than ever quite uncertain in which exact literary tradition our author is most appropriately situated, though it is fair (I think) to observe how commonly physical descriptions are to be found in the extant biographies of Cornelius Nepos and in Suetonius' Lives of the Caesars. The narrative conventions of biography, one instinctively supposes, require a personal description. Moreover, the eikonismos was by Plutarch's day a staple of rhetorical technique, useful to encomium and invective alike, and regularly discussed in handbooks. Literary and rhetorical expections, then tend to support Leo's proposition.

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20

Wiseman, T. P. "Joseph Geiger, Cornelius Nepos and Ancient Political Biography (Historia Einzelschriften XLVII). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1985. Pp. 128. ISBN 3-515-04414-0." Journal of Roman Studies 77 (November 1987): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300622.

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21

Havas, László. "Geschichtsphilosophische Interpretationsmöglichkeiten bei Cornelius Nepos." Klio 67, no. 67 (January 1, 1985). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/klio.1985.67.67.502.

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22

"The political biographies of Cornelius Nepos." Choice Reviews Online 50, no. 10 (May 22, 2013): 50–5448. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.50-5448.

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23

DEUFERT, MARCUS. "ZWEI KONJEKTUREN ZUR ATTICUSVITA DES CORNELIUS NEPOS." Philologus 144, no. 1 (January 1, 2000). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/phil.2000.144.1.143.

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24

Liubimova, Olga V. "The Mother of Decimus Brutus and the Wife of Gaius Gracchus." Mnemosyne, October 9, 2020, 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10005.

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Abstract The article deals with several problems concerning the parentage of D. Brutus Albinus, one of the leaders of the conspiracy against Caesar: the identity of his adoptive father, his relationship with Sempronia mentioned by Sallust and the lineage of this Sempronia. The results of the research make it possible to advance a hypothesis on the source of Cornelius Nepos’ problematic evidence about Gaius Gracchus’ relationship with Junii Bruti.

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25

Westall, Richard. "CORNELIUS NEPOS AS A WRITER - (J.A.) Lobur Cornelius Nepos. A Study in the Evidence and Influence. Pp. xiv + 305. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2021. Cased, US$80. ISBN: 978-0-472-13274-4." Classical Review, June 22, 2022, 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x22001366.

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26

Song, Seung-In. "Interpreting the Double Conclusion of the Gospel of John from the Perspective of Ancient Greco-Roman Literature." Expository Times, May 28, 2022, 001452462211013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246221101338.

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Анотація:

This study examines how the double conclusion of the Gospel of John can be viewed from the perspective of ancient Greco-Roman literature. I have found four Greco-Roman works that include double conclusions (Josephus’ Antiquities, Cornelius Nepos’ Atticus, Isocrates’ Panathenaicus, and Isocrates’ Nicocles). I have also found that the double conclusion of these four was written by the same author. These four works indicate that the double conclusion was not a rare phenomenon in ancient Greco-Roman literature at the time when the Gospel of John was written. That the double conclusion was written by the same author in these four works also enhances the possibility that the double conclusion of John’s Gospel was also written by the same author. Based on the observations thus far, I propose that the double conclusion of John’s Gospel was written by the same person and that John 21 including the second conclusion (21:24-25) was written after a considerable amount of time after John 1-20 including the first conclusion (20:30-31) was written.

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