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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 14 березня 2023

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1

Blay, Michel. "Soleil de Copernic et soleil de Galilée." Revue des questions scientifiques 189, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/qs.v189i4.69323.

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Dans cet article nous revenons sur la transformation du système du monde attribuée à Copernic et à Galilée. En quel sens le travail de Galilée prolonge-t-il celui de Copernic ? Nous montrerons que loin de n’en être qu’un développement, l’approche galiléenne transforme radicalement la conception copernicienne du système du monde. À l’idée copernicienne d’une nature traversée par la présence divine et devenant comme le « Dieu visible », la conception galiléenne s’inscrit principalement dans une orientation profondément mécaniste transformant la nature en machine. Le soleil de Copernic ne peut donc pas être le soleil de Galilée. * * * In this article we return to the transformation of the world system attributed to Copernicus and Galileo. In what sense did the work of Galileo extend that of Copernicus? Far from being a development, we will show that the Galilean approach radically changed the Copernican conception of the world system. To the Copernican idea of a nature traversed by the divine presence and becoming like the “visible God”, the Galilean conception was mainly in a deeply mechanistic orientation transforming nature into a machine. The sun of Copernicus could not be the sun of Galileo.

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2

Barker, Peter, Peter Dear, J. R. Christianson, and Robert S. Westman. "Why was Copernicus a Copernican?" Metascience 23, no. 2 (November 6, 2013): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-013-9841-z.

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3

Mehl, Édouard. "Soleil au cinquième concile du Latran (1512-1516)." Revue des questions scientifiques 189, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/qs.v189i4.69333.

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Quel type d’interaction a pu exister entre l’essor de l’astronomie copernicienne et les travaux astronomiques contemporains sur la réforme du calendrier (1514-1516) ? Rien n’attestant que Copernic ait réellement pris part aux travaux conciliaires, la tentation a été forte, chez les historiens des sciences, d’en conclure qu’il n’avait pour ces questions qu’un intérêt très distant, ou à la rigueur tactique. Cet article prend au contraire très au sérieux l’objection selon laquelle cette réforme nécessiterait une mesure précise de la « quantité de l’année », et souligne le rôle central du travail accompli par Copernic dans ce domaine, entre 1515 et 1524, avec sa théorie très originale du cycle de l’anomalie de la précession des équinoxes, constituant toute la matière du livre III du De Revolutionibus (1543). * * * What kind of interaction could have existed between the rise of Copernican astronomy and contemporary astronomical works leading up to the reform of this calendar (1514-1516)? Since there was nothing stating that Copernicus had indeed taken part in the work of the Council, there was great temptation on the part of scientific historians to conclude that his interest in such questions was very remote, or at most, tactical. This article, however, takes the objection that this reform would require an accurate measure of the “quantity of the year” very seriously, and emphasises the pivotal role of the work accomplished by Copernicus in this domain, between 1515 and 1524, through his highly original theory pertaining to the anomaly of the precession of the equinoxes cycle, constituting all of the material in Book III of De Revolutionibus (1543).

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4

Westman, Robert S. "How Did Copernicus Become a Copernican?" Isis 110, no. 2 (June 2019): 296–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/703410.

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5

Brāzma, Gunārs. "Kopernika Revolūcija – zinātnes laikmeta simbols un klišeja." Sabiedrība un kultūra: rakstu krājums = Society and Culture: conference proceedings, no. XXII (January 6, 2021): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/sk.2020.22.098.

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Анотація:

According to a broadly accepted view, contemporary science emerged after the scientific revolution of the 17th century, which started with Copernican revolution in astronomy. Copernican revolution has become a symbol for characterizing a revolutionary scientific development. During the following centuries, the Copernican revolution has been generalised rethinking of humans’ place and significance in the Universe. Eventually, this has transformed into a claim that Copernicus began “dethronement” of humans from the privileged position in the centre of the Universe, and thus gave a severe blow to the religious world-view. In fact, the concept of Copernican revolution has been transformed into frequently repeated “Copernican cliché”, particularly promoted in many popular science publications and textbooks. Although indeed Copernican revolution led to rethink the significance of humans in the Universe, the “Copernican cliché” oversimplifies both the intentions of Copernicus and the historical science-religion relationship.

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6

Seidengart, Jean. "parenté du Soleil et des étoiles fixes dans la cosmologie de Giordano Bruno." Revue des questions scientifiques 189, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 511–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/qs.v189i4.69383.

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L’objectif de notre recherche est d’examiner pour quelles raisons l’innovation héliocentrique n’a pas conduit d’emblée Copernic à considérer les étoiles fixes comme des soleils en tous points semblables au nôtre. À cette fin, nous évoquerons brièvement en premier lieu l’état de la question dans la pensée scientifique antico-médiévale. Puis, dans un deuxième temps, nous nous demanderons pourquoi le système de Copernic qui avait immobilisé le Soleil ainsi que la sphère des étoiles fixes n’a pas jugé pertinent de leur reconnaître une semblable nature. D’ailleurs le copernicien Kepler refusa lui aussi de « stellariser » le Soleil. Dans un dernier temps, nous analyserons les raisons qui conduisirent Giordano Bruno à concevoir une nouvelle cosmologie qui multiplie à l’infini la pluralité des systèmes coperniciens dont chacun possède son propre soleil et son cortège de planètes. Cette refonte du système du monde à la fin de la Renaissance inspira certains des grands protagonistes de la science classique comme Galilée et Descartes, malgré leur profonde aversion pour la philosophie brunienne. * * * The aim of this paper is to examine the reasons for which the heliocentric innovation did not lead straight away Copernicus to consider the fixed stars as suns comparable to our own Sun. For this purpose, in the first place will be briefly recalled the state of scientific thought on this matter during antiquity and Middle Ages. Then, in the second place we will wonder why Copernicus, in his world-system which had “immobilized” the Sun as well as the fixed stars, did not judge relevant to acknowledge that they have a similar nature. Moreover Kepler himself, the great Copernican astronomer, denied also considering the Sun as a fixed star. Lastly, we will analyze the reasons which led Giordano Bruno to conceive a new cosmology which multiplies to infinity the plurality of Copernican systems of which each one possesses its own sun and its procession of planets, just as our solar system. This recasting of the world-system at the end of Renaissance inspired some of the greatest protagonists of classical science like Galileo and Descartes, in spite of their deep aversion to Bruno’s philosophy.

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7

Carman, Christián C. "The first Copernican was Copernicus: the difference between Pre-Copernican and Copernican heliocentrism." Archive for History of Exact Sciences 72, no. 1 (December 23, 2017): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00407-017-0198-3.

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8

Schulting, Dennis. "Kant’s Copernican Analogy: Beyond the Non-Specific Reading (Translated by A.A. Polyakov)." Studies in Transcendental Philosophy 3, no. 1-2 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s271326680021086-4.

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Анотація:

References to Kant’s so-called Copernicanism or Copernican turn are often put in very general terms. It is commonly thought that Kant makes the Copernican analogy solely in order to point out the fact as such of a paradigm shift in philosophy. This is too historical an interpretation of the analogy. It leaves unexplained both Kant’s and Copernicus’ reasons for advancing their respective hypotheses, which brought about major changes in the conceptual schemes of philosophy and astronomy. In this article, I consider whether (1) Kant actually speaks of an analogy with Copernicus here and (2) he indeed herewith refers to the Copernican revolution, more in particular the postulation of the heliocentric universe. In this context, I explain that there is a greater systematic relation between Kant and Copernicus than heretofore believed, which contrary to received understanding makes Kant’s analogy in fact particularly apt.

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9

Blair, Ann. "Tycho Brahe's Critique of Copernicus and the Copernican System." Journal of the History of Ideas 51, no. 3 (July 1990): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2709620.

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10

Tolchelnikova, S. A. "The mystery of Copernicus’ star catalog (Part one)." Geodesy and Cartography 945, no. 3 (April 20, 2019): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22389/0016-7126-2019-945-3-37-47.

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Анотація:

The Copernican catalog differs from the catalogs of previous epochs by transferring the reference point of ecliptic longitudes from the vernal equinox to the star γ Aries. This violation of the tradition which did not influence the catalogs of subsequent epochs, is regarded by N. I. Idelson as an anachronism, and in the opinion of E. P. Fedorov, this idea of Copernicus was ahead of time. Since the contradictions in the evaluation of Copernicus’ works are inherent in the literature of the 20th century, it is necessary to recall the pre-Copernican astronomy and refer to the text of his works. Our study consists of three parts (papers). The first one is devoted to the period from the studying the motion of heavenly bodies upon celestial sphere to passing to the World structure and the movements of the Solar system bodies. Copernicus’s heliocentric theory made invaluable contribution into the solution of this problem, impossible without determining the distances. The previous basis of astronomical observations was increased by 20 thousand times. A similar advance in the determination of distances by a mathematically exact method is hardly possible in the foreseeable future.

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11

MEDOVA, ANASTASIYA. "The Copernican Revolution as a Spatial Methaphor." Studies in Transcendental Philosophy 3, no. 1-2 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s271326680020076-3.

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Анотація:

The author specifies the origin of the terms “Copernican Upheaval” and “Copernican Revolution” considering the spatial interpretations of this philosophical metaphor, which was evoked by the Kantian analogy between his model of knowledge process and the model of the solar system by Copernicus. On the base of Solomon Maimon’s criticism and subsequent scientific discussion, the author studies the analogy between a rotation of celestial bodies and the conformity of objects to knowing reason. As the result, the author offers two approaches to the interpretation of the spatial analogy of the Copernican Revolution. 1) As the analogy of mobility (plasticity) and immobility (immutability) of celestial bodies / reason in relation to knowable objects. 2) As the analogy of relativity and absoluteness of movement / cognition, leads to the question of the starting point and direction of predication in cognitive trajectories.

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12

Biela, Adam. "The Paradigm of Unity (PU) as the Basis for a “Copernican Revolution” (CR) in the Social Sciences (Note 1)." Advances in Politics and Economics 3, no. 3 (June 28, 2020): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v3n3p1.

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Thomas Kuhn regarded the Copernican Revolution (CR) as the one which best illustrates the nature of scientific revolutions in the history of science. This is related with the essence of the paradigm in a Kuhnian sense that is a mental shift involving change in the theories, instruments, values and assumptions used to understand a set of phenomena. Copernicus had to change the well-established geocentric system, which functioned not only in the science of his day but also in the culture, tradition, social perception, and even the mentality of religious and political The concept of Paradigm of Unity (PU) is used to denote the societal activity of Chiara Lubich and the Focolare Movemen—in building the psychosocial infrastructure for unity in various social domains; for example, in the economy of communion, in politics (politicians for unity project), in public media (journalists for unity), in ecumenism and interreligious contacts (ecumenical and interreligious Focolari Centers). This conception is a great inspiration, a kind of Copernican revolution for the social sciences, which would motivate researchers in the social sciences to build their own research paradigm with a mental and methodological power and potentiality that could offer new vision to the social sciences (as Copernicus did in the natural sciences).

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13

Barker, Peter. "Book Review: Method in Copernicus: Copernicus's Originality: Towards Integration of Contemporary Copernican Studies." Journal for the History of Astronomy 36, no. 4 (November 2005): 454–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860503600407.

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14

Principe, Lawrence M., and Andrew Weeks. "Jacob Boehme's Divine Substance Salitter: its Nature, Origin, and Relationship to Seventeenth Century Scientific Theories." British Journal for the History of Science 22, no. 1 (March 1989): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000708740002553x.

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Анотація:

The Century between the death of Copernicus (1543) and the birth of Newton (1642) witnessed a major reshaping of traditional ways of viewing the universe. The Ptolemaic system was challenged by Copernican heliocentrism, the Aristotelian world was assailed by Galilean physics and revived atomism, and theology was troubled by the progressive distancing of God from the daily operation of His creation. Besides earning this era the title of ‘the Scientific Revolution’, the intellectual ferment of these times offered many world systems as successors to the throne of crumbling Aristotelianism.

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15

Grbic, Safer. "Blumenberg’s presentation of the history of cosmology as an introduction to the genesis of the Copernican world." Theoria, Beograd 64, no. 3 (2021): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo2103137g.

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Cosmology, especially as a pre-Copernican question of metaphysics, represented one of the central questions of thought throughout the history of the Western horizon: the relationship between metaphysics and cosmology was questioned with Copernicus major work on cosmology and especially in post-Copernican literature where the position of metaphysics alone was questioned. Following this, Hans Blumenberg (?1996) in his work ?Genesis of the Copernican world? presented the history of cosmos thinking from ancient cosmology through the relationship of cosmos and tragedy to the postclassicalidealistic development of science and cosmology within the field of natural science, encyclopedically presenting the results of his research. The main hypothesis of this paper is reflected in proving how Blumenberg, by expounding the genesis of the Copernican world and presenting the thesis of the ?ambiguity of heaven?, actually sets out the preconditions for the development of modern science in the field of natural science thinking. Namely, modern science is in fact the result of a history of thought with all it?s essential principles on the path of clarity and certainty, and finally to the pinnacle of science which is theoretically manifested in exactness. The ultimate goal of the paper is to present the genesis of the ambiguity of heaven to modern cosmology and cosmological research in modern times, especially - on the example of Blumenberg?s work

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16

Miles, Murray. "Kant’s ‘Copernican Revolution’: Toward Rehabilitation of a Concept and Provision of a Framework for the Interpretation of the Critique of Pure Reason (Translated by M.D. Lakhuti)." Studies in Transcendental Philosophy 3, no. 1-2 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s271326680023505-5.

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Against those commentators who consider Kant’s explicit reference to Copernicus’s heliocentric reversal either grossly misleading or simply irrelevant to the revolution in philosophy carried out in the Critique of Pure Reason, it is argued in this paper that Kant’s transcendental idealist inversion of the familiar standpoint of realism and sound common sense fully justifies the talk of a ‘Copernican revolution,’ even if Kant himself never used the expression. It is not just the dominant ‘moving spectator’ motif (or transcendental turn) of the Preface that has to do with Copernicus; both the immediately following ‘crucial experiment’ motif (on the distinction between appearances and things in themselves) and the ‘critical’ motif (regarding self-knowledge and the possibility of synthetic a priori judgments) confirm the aptness of the Copernican analogy. Still, some commentators have stretched the analogy too far; the final section of the paper attempts to determine just how far it may reasonably be said to go.

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17

Vesel, Matjaž. "Before Copernicus and Copernicus." Aestimatio: Critical Reviews in the History of Science 13 (June 18, 2018): 37–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v13i0.30999.

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18

Vesel, Matjaž. "Before Copernicus and Copernicus." Aestimatio: Sources and Studies in the History of Science 1 (April 30, 2021): 71–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v1i1.37603.

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Анотація:

A discussion of Before Copernicus: The Cultures and Contexts of Scientific Learning in the Fifteenth Century edited by Rivka Feldhay and F. Jamil Ragep. Published Online (2021-04-30)Copyright © 2021 by Matjaž Vesel Article PDF Link: https://jps.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/aestimatio/article/view/37603/28608 Corresponding Author: Matjaž Vesel, Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and ArtsE-Mail: matjaz.vesel@zrc-sazu.si

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19

Brabyn, Trevor, and Mohammad Sadegh Ansari. "On Void and the Plausibility of the Copernican Paradigm: an Indo-Persian Link in the Qajar Reception of Modern Astronomy." Philological Encounters 5, no. 3-4 (September 21, 2020): 378–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-bja10010.

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Abstract Historiography on the introduction of the Copernican astronomical paradigm in Iran has acknowledged the presence of Persian treatises from India in early-nineteenth century Qajar Iran for some time. In spite of this acknowledgment, the processes by which the modern paradigm was transmitted to Iran via the subcontinent have remained shrouded in mystery for the most part. MS Or. 462 at Columbia University, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, represents a unique early nineteenth-century composite manuscript (majmūʿah), in which, alongside treatises belonging to the premodern Ptolemaic paradigm, appears an entry on the Copernican planetary system. The treatise in question, titled “The discovery of the novel opinions of the sages of Europe” (Istikshāf-i rāyhā-yi tāzah-ʾi ḥakīmān-i farang), outlines the expanding geographical knowledge of Europe as well as the cosmological revisions of Copernicus and Newton, among other unnamed European scholars. In this article, we first examine the treatise’s connection to its Indo-Persian source and present an overview of its content on the new Copernican cosmology. Furthermore, we examine an encounter between proponents and detractors of the new scientific paradigm as detailed at the end of the treatise. Finally, we draw a few conclusions about the introduction of modernity and modern science into nineteenth-century Qajar Iran, based on the information that can be retrieved from this treatise.

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20

Zeil, Peter, Stephane Ourevitch, Annekatrien Debien, and Udrivolf Pico. "Copernicus User Uptake – Copernicus Relays and the Copernicus Academy." GI_Forum 1 (2017): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/giscience2017_01_s253.

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21

Katrechko, Sergey. "Kant's Copernican revolution as an altered method of thinking [in metaphysics]: its structure and status in the system of transcendental philosophy." Studies in Transcendental Philosophy 3, no. 1-2 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s271326680020991-0.

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Kant’s transcendental philosophy of Kant is the metaphysics of possible experience related to the solution of the [semantic] problem set in his famous letter to M. Hertz (02.21.1772): “What is the ground of the relation of that in us which we call 'representation' to the object?” There are two possible ways to solve it: empiricism and apriorism, – and Kant chooses the second of them, thus making his “Copernican Revolution”. In the Preface to the 2nd ed. Critique Kant correlates his Copernican turn/revolution with "altered method of our way of thinking [in metaphysics]" [BXVIII] and considers it as an analogue of the hypothetico-deductive scientific method of Copernicus – Galileo – Newton. The analysis of structure of the Copernican Revolution shows that it is possible to pick out two vectors: the empirical (from the thing-in-itself to representations) and the noumenal ones (from the transcendental unity of apperception [or transcendental object] to objects of experience). The introduction of an a priori vector (resp. a priori forms) means that Kant's conception is not empirical, but Kant’s keeping empirical vector says that it is compatible with empirical realism [A370–1]. Thus, Kantian transcendentalism is a synthesis of realism (basic level) and transcendental idealism (as a meta-level superstructure above it), whose task is to find out and analyze the transcendental conditions [possibility] of our knowledge of objects.

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22

de Asúa, Miguel. "Los phisicos modernos quasi todos son copernicanos: Copernicanism and its Discontents in Colonial Río De La Plata." Journal for the History of Astronomy 48, no. 2 (May 2017): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828617701210.

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This paper distinguishes four perspectives in the process of reception of Copernicanism in colonial Rio de la Plata: (1) the discussion of the systems of the world in the University of Córdoba by the Jesuits until 1767, (2) the treatment of this topic by the Franciscans in Córdoba and in their convent school in Buenos Aires, (3) the teaching by the secular clergy in the Colegio de San Carlos in the same city, and (4) the celebration of Copernicus by the enlightened naval engineer Pedro Cerviño in the Nautical School of the Consulado de Buenos Aires. The examination of these cases on the basis of manuscript sources and colonial printings shows that the reception of Copernican theory was an erratic process rich in incidences.

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23

Hardless, Christian, Malin Nilsson, and Urban Nuldén. "‘Copernicus’." Management Learning 36, no. 2 (June 2005): 181–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350507605052557.

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24

Hussla, Ingo, and Natasha Us. "Copernicus." Advanced Materials 6, no. 2 (February 1994): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/adma.19940060202.

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25

Dmitriev, Igor S. "Copernicus Contra Kuhn." Epistemology & Philosophy of Science 59, no. 4 (2022): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eps202259462.

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Анотація:

T. Kuhn’s theory of scientific revolutions has repeatedly been the subject of criticism. It is important to note that Kuhn pays very limited attention to the phenomenon of the scientific revolution itself, comparing the revolution either with a religious conversion or with a gestalt switch. Such comparisons, however, are very superficial. This paper outlines a new understanding of the scientific revolution as a result of the resonance of the intellectual trends of the early modern period. It was the quasi-simultaneous action of various factors (from the great geographical discoveries to social cataclysms and the religious Reformation) that led to revolutionary changes in natural philosophy, which, in turn, gave rise (already in the XVIIIth century) to the actual scientific revolution. In addition, the article shows that the Copernican Revolution cannot be described within the model of scientific revolution developed by T. Kuhn. Ptolemy’s theory was mathematically constructed so that it could not make inaccurate predictions of planetary motion, because – as we are now clear – the function characterizing the trajectory of planetary motion was actually represented as a Fourier series. The Copernican revolution was not a Kuhn-type scientific revolution, nor was it caused by the empirical failures of Ptolemaic astronomy (i.e. the accumulation of anomalies turning into a crisis). Events unfolded according to a different scheme. Copernicus set out to carry out the principle of the uniform circular motion of the planets more consistently than had been done in Ptolemy’s theory, at the same time presenting to this theory those requirements of an aesthetic and methodological order, which the cognitively fragmented system of Ptolemy, for all its flexibility, could not satisfy and, by the conditions of its creation, could not satisfy. In addition, the article shows that Copernicus, in constructing his heliocentric theory, was essentially seeking answers to the challenges that Alberti’s artificial perspective and Nicholas of Cusa’s theological speculation posed to the visual experience in the sixteenth century.

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26

Straffin, Philip D., and Giorgio Goldoni. "Copernicus Decoded." College Mathematics Journal 37, no. 2 (March 1, 2006): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27646310.

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27

Goddu, André. "Debating Copernicus." Journal for the History of Astronomy 46, no. 4 (October 30, 2015): 500–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828615595182.

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28

Barker, Peter. "Constructing Copernicus." Perspectives on Science 10, no. 2 (June 2002): 208–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/106361402321147531.

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29

Brooker, Andrew. "Gunner Copernicus." New Scientist 201, no. 2691 (January 2009): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(09)60149-4.

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30

Redaktion, TATuP. "COPERNICUS Conference." TATuP - Zeitschrift für Technikfolgenabschätzung in Theorie und Praxis 9, no. 2 (June 1, 2000): 128–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14512/tatup.9.2.128b.

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31

Fara, Patricia. "Claiming Copernicus." Endeavour 29, no. 4 (December 2005): 148–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.endeavour.2005.08.002.

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32

Goldoni, Giorgio. "Copernicus decoded." Mathematical Intelligencer 27, no. 3 (November 2005): 12–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02985834.

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33

Poulle, Emmanuel. "Essay Review: Copernicus's Minor Works in Facsimile: Nicholas Copernicus, Complete Works, iv: The Manuscripts of Nicholas Copernicus' Minor Works Facsimiles, Nicolas Copernic, Œuvres complètes, ii (Version française): Facsimilés des manuscrits des écrits mineurs." Journal for the History of Astronomy 27, no. 1 (February 1996): 75–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869602700107.

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34

Knorr, Wilbur R. "Essay Review: Notes on Rosen's Copernicus, Nicolas Copernicus: Minor Works (Nicolas Copernicus: Complete Works, Vol. iii)." Journal for the History of Astronomy 21, no. 2 (May 1990): 203–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869002100203.

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35

A, Müller,. "From sensor to user - The Copernicus Committee of the DDGI becomes Copernicus Relay of the European Commission Vom Sensor zum Anwender - DDGI-Copernicus-Kommission wird Copernicus Relay der Europäischen Kommission." GIS Business 12, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 40–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/gis.v12i3.5180.

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Анотація:

From sensor to user - The Copernicus Committee of the DDGI becomes Copernicus Relay of the European Commission Vom Sensor zum Anwender - DDGI-Copernicus-Kommission wird Copernicus Relay der Europäischen Kommission

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36

Juzňič, Stanislav. "Copernicus in Ljubljana." Journal for the History of Astronomy 37, no. 2 (May 2006): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860603700207.

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37

Ventura, Hector O. "The Copernicus journey." American Journal of Cardiology 89, no. 6 (March 2002): 783–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0002-9149(01)02356-6.

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38

McMullin, Ernan. "Bruno and Copernicus." Isis 78, no. 1 (March 1987): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/354330.

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39

Lamm, Governor Richard D. "Columbus and Copernicus." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 6, no. 2 (June 1986): 152–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/027046768600600204.

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40

Lamm, Governor Richard D. "Columbus and Copernicus." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 6, no. 3 (June 1986): 152–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/027046768600600304.

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41

Rabin, Sheila J. "Copernicus for dummies." Endeavour 31, no. 3 (September 2007): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.endeavour.2007.07.001.

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42

Tangherlini, Frank R. "Heliocentrism before Copernicus." Physics Today 75, no. 12 (December 1, 2022): 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/pt.3.5131.

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43

Thoren, Victor. "Book Review: Copernicus in Context: Copernicus and the Scientific Revolution." Journal for the History of Astronomy 17, no. 2 (May 1986): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868601700209.

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44

Gingerich, Owen. "Book Review: Images of Copernicus: Die Copernicus-Biographien des 16. bis 18. Jahrhunderts (Nicolaus Copernicus Gesamtausgabe, ix." Journal for the History of Astronomy 36, no. 3 (August 2005): 343–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860503600310.

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45

Wiatr, T., G. Suresh, R. Gehrke, and M. Hovenbitzer. "COPERNICUS – PRACTICE OF DAILY LIFE IN A NATIONAL MAPPING AGENCY?" ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLI-B1 (June 6, 2016): 1195–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsarchives-xli-b1-1195-2016.

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Copernicus is an European system created for Earth observation and monitoring. It consists of a set of Earth observation satellites and in-situ sensors that provide geo-information that are used, through a set of Copernicus services, for applications related to the environment and global security. The main services of the Copernicus programme address six thematic areas: land, marine, atmosphere, climate change, emergency management and security. In Germany, there is a national service team of Copernicus service coordinators, who are responsible for the national development of the Copernicus services and for providing user-specific information about the Copernicus processes. These coordinators represent the contact points for all the programmes and services concerning their respective Copernicus theme. To publish information about Copernicus, national conferences and workshops are organised. Many people are involved in planning the continuous process of bringing the information to public authorities, research institutes and commercial companies. The Federal Agency for Cartography and Geodesy (Bundesamt für Kartographie und Geodäsie, BKG) is one such organisation, and is mainly responsible for the national land monitoring service of Copernicus. To make use of the freely available data from the Copernicus programme, the Federal Agency for Cartography and Geodesy is currently developing new applications and projects in the field of remote sensing and land monitoring. These projects can be used by other public authorities as examples on how to use the Copernicus data and services for their individual demands and requirements. Copernicus data and services are currently not very commonly used in the daily routine of the national mapping agencies, but they will soon be.

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46

Wiatr, T., G. Suresh, R. Gehrke, and M. Hovenbitzer. "COPERNICUS – PRACTICE OF DAILY LIFE IN A NATIONAL MAPPING AGENCY?" ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLI-B1 (June 6, 2016): 1195–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xli-b1-1195-2016.

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Анотація:

Copernicus is an European system created for Earth observation and monitoring. It consists of a set of Earth observation satellites and in-situ sensors that provide geo-information that are used, through a set of Copernicus services, for applications related to the environment and global security. The main services of the Copernicus programme address six thematic areas: land, marine, atmosphere, climate change, emergency management and security. In Germany, there is a national service team of Copernicus service coordinators, who are responsible for the national development of the Copernicus services and for providing user-specific information about the Copernicus processes. These coordinators represent the contact points for all the programmes and services concerning their respective Copernicus theme. To publish information about Copernicus, national conferences and workshops are organised. Many people are involved in planning the continuous process of bringing the information to public authorities, research institutes and commercial companies. The Federal Agency for Cartography and Geodesy (Bundesamt für Kartographie und Geodäsie, BKG) is one such organisation, and is mainly responsible for the national land monitoring service of Copernicus. To make use of the freely available data from the Copernicus programme, the Federal Agency for Cartography and Geodesy is currently developing new applications and projects in the field of remote sensing and land monitoring. These projects can be used by other public authorities as examples on how to use the Copernicus data and services for their individual demands and requirements. Copernicus data and services are currently not very commonly used in the daily routine of the national mapping agencies, but they will soon be.

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47

Goddu, André. "Birkenmajer's Copernicus: Historical Context, Original Insights, and Contributions to Current Debates." Science in Context 31, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 189–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889718000169.

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ArgumentLudwik Antoni Birkenmajer (1855-1929), following along the paths pioneered by Leopold Prowe, Maximilian Curtze, Franz Hipler, and J. L. E. Dreyer, joined them as trailblazers of Copernican scholarship in the nineteenth century. Educated in the classics and mathematics, Birkenmajer began by examining more closely the Cracow background to Copernicus's development and studying his works and annotations in books he owned or read. Birkenmajer contributed many discoveries that eventually became common knowledge, and his studies loomed over Polish research on Copernicus into the 1970s. Focusing on historical context and his original insights, the essay reminds readers of his contributions (sections 1–2), relates them to discussions of Copernicus's precursors (section 3), to the debate about Maragha precedents (section 4), his reading of the Uppsala Notebook (sections 2 and 5), and his account of the origin of Copernicus's heliocentrism (section 6). By means of a more critical assessment of his interpretation, the essay revises earlier accounts, rescuing the original insights that mark Birkenmajer's most important contributions to current debates and his efforts to reconstruct Copernicus's path to heliocentrism.

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48

Joby, Vivien. "En attendant Copernic." Administration & Éducation N° 174, no. 2 (June 17, 2022): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/admed.174.0081.

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49

Dobrzycki, Jerzy. "Book Review: Copernicus in Context: Nicolaus Copernicus: Leben, Werk und Wirkung." Journal for the History of Astronomy 27, no. 1 (February 1996): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869602700114.

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50

Coca, Steven G. "Ptolemy and Copernicus Revisited." Clinical Journal of the American Society of Nephrology 13, no. 6 (May 17, 2018): 825–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2215/cjn.05090418.

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