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1
Yangyue, Liu. "Controlling Cyberspace in Malaysia." Asian Survey 54, no. 4 (July 2014): 801–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.4.801.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper examines how Internet control strategy in Malaysia was shaped by particular forms of online political contention and by a well-coordinated online civil society. It also traces the shift of this strategy to more covert means in the 2011 Sarawak State election.
2
Kasim, Aminuddin, and Supriyadi Supriyadi. "Money Politics Pada Pemilu 2019." Jurnal Adhyasta Pemilu 2, no. 1 (December 6, 2021): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.55108/jap.v2i1.36.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The one of legal functions performed by the Election Law is the function of controlling behavior in the context of social and political life . To carry out this function , the Election Law formulates imperative norms so that political behavior complies with election law . The imperative norm is in the form of rules that prohibit money politics during the campaign , the quiet period and when the ballot takes place . Then, if there is a violation of the rule of law , the culprit will face legal proceedings to obtain criminals sanctions in the form of prisons and fines. Identification of the problem in this research is: why the imperative norms of the Election Law are not effective in preventing the practice of money politics, and what factors influence the weak power of the electoral law imperatives so that massive money politics practices occur? That problem is discussed and analyzed in this article. The author uses normative jurisdiction research, besides that the writer also uses the imperative theory of Edward A. Ross, Achmad Ali’s legal function theory and Jimly Asshiddiqie’s law enforcement theory. From this study the authors found that when the 2019 Concurrent Elections took place, the imperative norm was not effective in controlling political behavior expected by the Election Law. The practice of massive money politics took place so that the process of democracy and the 2019 Simultaneous Elections occurred.
3
Alvarez, R. Michael, and Thad E. Hall. "Controlling Democracy: The Principal?Agent Problems in Election Administration." Policy Studies Journal 34, no. 4 (November 2006): 491–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2006.00188.x.
Повний текст джерела
4
Lichtman, Allan J. "The Keys to the White House." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 1, no. 1 (January 2010): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jssc.2010092903.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Keys to the White House are an index-based prediction system that retrospectively account for the popular-vote winners of every US presidential election from 1860 to 1980 and prospectively forecast the winners of every presidential election from 1984 through 2008. The Keys demonstrate that American presidential elections do not turn on events of the campaign, but rather on the performance of the party controlling the White House. The Keys hold important lessons for politics in the United States and worldwide. A preliminary forecast based on the Keys indicates that President Obama is a likely winner in 2012, but also reveals the specific problems at home at abroad that could thwart his re-election.
5
Yap, Yi Sheng. "The Whos and the Whys Behind Donald Trump’s Victory in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 7, no. 6 (June 20, 2022): e001532. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v7i6.1532.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Given the unexpected victory of Donald Trump in the 2016 United States (U.S.) Presidential Election, this study aims to examine the 2016 electorate, unfolding the factors behind Trump’s victory, especially how different groups of people voted in the election. Hence, this paper addresses two questions, the “who” and “why” in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election - who voted for The Apprentice’s talk show host, Donald Trump, to be the most influential individual globally, and why did they do so? A logistic regression model is deployed to model survey data from the 2016 American National Election Studies, a series of election studies conducted since 1948 on public opinion in the U.S. presidential elections. This empirical methodology determined the socio-economic and political factors underlying these voters’ preferences. The findings showed that racial identity, education level, and income level on a demographic basis were crucial in determining voting choice while controlling for the respondents’ party affiliation. On an issue basis, voters were primarily dissatisfied with Obama’s performance and were attracted to Trump’s conservative tones and his exuberant personality, which resembles leadership qualities to his supporters.
6
Claypool, Heather M., Alejandro Trujillo, Michael J. Bernstein, and Steven Young. "Experiencing vicarious rejection in the wake of the 2016 presidential election." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, no. 2 (November 9, 2018): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430218798702.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Presidential elections in the United States pit two (or more) candidates against each other. Voters elect one and reject the others. This work tested the hypothesis that supporters of a losing presidential candidate may experience that defeat as a personal rejection. Before and after the 2016 U.S. presidential election between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, voters reported their current feelings of rejection and social pain, along with potential predictors of these feelings. Relative to Trump supporters, Clinton (losing candidate) supporters reported greater feelings of rejection, lower mood, and reduced fundamental needs post-election, while controlling for pre-election levels of these variables. Moreover, as self–candidate closeness and liberal political orientation increased, so too did feelings of rejection and social pain among Clinton supporters. We discuss the implications of these results for understanding human sensitivity to belonging threats and for the vicarious rejection literature.
7
Hartlyn, Jonathan, Jennifer McCoy, and Thomas M. Mustillo. "Electoral Governance Matters." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 1 (October 17, 2007): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007301701.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article provides a systematic cross-national analysis of the role of electoral administration in explaining acceptable democratic presidential elections in 19 countries in Latin America since the year 1980 or the first pivotal, transitional election. The authors provide two alternative measures of election administration, one focused on the degree of partisanship or professional independence and another on formal—legal institutional independence, as well as on other key factors, to test partial proportional odds-ordered logit models predicting the probability of an acceptable, flawed, or failed electoral process. The results show an important positive role for professional, independent electoral commissions on electoral outcomes in Latin America, controlling for other socioeconomic and political factors; formal-legal independence matters when the rules of the game are likely to be respected. In addition, low-quality elections are found disproportionately where incumbents seek reelection and where victory margins are extremely wide rather than narrow.
8
Susila Wibawa, Kadek Cahya. "Pengawasan Partisipatif untuk Mewujudkan Good Governance dalam Penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum Serentak di Indonesia." Administrative Law and Governance Journal 2, no. 4 (November 3, 2019): 615–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/alj.v2i4.615-628.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The holding of the first simultaneous elections in Indonesia is full of the complexity of the problems. Bawaslu, as an institution tasked with overseeing the implementation of the election, has limitations in terms of area coverage, personnel, objects of oversight are very much. Supervision outside the Bawaslu needs to be strengthened to realize quality elections. The urgency of public participation in the supervision of simultaneous election is not only will strengthen the oversight capacity of the holding of elections, but an oversight by civil society also encourages the expansion of the area of supervision. Participatory oversight by the public is one of the important pillars in carrying out the controlling function of the simultaneous election. Supervision by the public (participatory) is part of the implementation of good governance in the holding of simultaneous elections in Indonesia. The level of community participation is closely related to the level of public trust, legitimacy, accountability, public service quality, and preventing public disobedience. Keywords: Information disclosure, public service, good governance. Abstrak Penyelenggaraan pemilu serentak pertama di Indonesia penuh dengan kompleksitas permasalahannya. Bawaslu sebagai lembaga yang bertugas untuk mengawasi penyelenggaraan pemilu tersebut memiliki keterbatasan dalam hal jangkauan wilayah, personil, obyek pengawasan yang sangat banyak. Pengawasan di luar Bawaslu perlu untuk diperkuat untuk mewujudkan pemilu yang berkualitas. Urgensi keterlibatan atau peran serta masyarakat dalam pengawasan pemilu serentak, tidak saja akan memperkuat kapasitas pengawasan terhadap penyelenggaraan pemilu, namun pengawasan yang dilakukan oleh civil society pun mendorong perluasan terhadap wilayah pengawasan. Pengawasan partisipatif oleh masyarakat merupakan salah satu pilar penting dalam menjalankan fungsi controlling terhadap pemilu serentak. Pengawasan yang dilakukan masyarakat (partisipatif) merupakan bagian dari pelaksanaan good governance dalam penyelenggaraan pemilu serentak di Indonesia. Tingkat partisipasi masyarakat sangat berhubungan dengan tingkat kepercayaan masyarakat (public trust), legilimasi (legitimacy), tanggung gugat (accountability), kualitas layanan pablik (public servis quality) dan mencegah gerakan pembangkangan publik (public disobedience). Kata Kunci: Pemilu serentak; pengawasan partisipatif; pemilu; Bawaslu; good governance.
9
Kurniasih, Dewi. "Pendidikan Politik Pemilih Muda Dalam Pemilihan Kepala Desa Serentak di Kabupaten Bandung 2019." Indonesian Community Service and Empowerment (IComSE) 1, no. 1 (February 3, 2020): 16–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/icomse.v1i1.2791.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACT
Young voters in the head of village election simultaneously 2019’s are a new generation of voters who have different characteristics and characters, backgrounds, experiences and challenges from the previous generation of voters. Most of them come from among students, have good economic status, and generally live in urban or surrounding areas. They are very open to learning new, critical and independent things. The contribution of young voters in the field of village politics is based on the role of youth as controlling agents. Young voters, especially in villages, can provide insight to village communities regarding the head of village elections so that the community can actively participate in village head elections in order to minimize abstentions. The role of political education for young voters is very important to be implemented in achieving a high level of success in the head of village election simultaneously in Bandung Regency in 2019.
Key words: political education, young voters, the head of village election
ABSTRAK
Pemilih muda pada pilkades serentak di Kabupaten Bandung tahun 2019 adalah generasi baru pemilih yang memiliki sifat dan karakter, latar belakang, pengalaman dan tantangan yang berbeda dengan para pemilih generasi sebelumnya. Sebagian besar di antara mereka berasal dari kalangan pelajar, berstatus ekonomi baik, dan pada umumnya tinggal di kawasan perkotaan atau sekitarnya. Mereka sangat terbuka untuk mempelajari hal-hal yang baru, kritis dan juga mandiri. Kontribusi pemilih muda dalam bidang politik desa berlandaskan atas peran pemuda sebagai Agen controlling. Pemilih muda terutama di desa dapat memberikan wawasan kepada masyarakat desa terkait pemilihan kepala desa agar masyarakat dapat turut aktif berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan kepala desa guna meminimalisir golput. Peran pendidikan politik bagi pemilih muda sangat penting untuk dilaksanakan dalam mencapai tingkat kesuksesan yang tinggi pada pilkades serentak di Kabupaten Bandung Tahun 2019.
Kata kunci: pendidikan politik, pemilih muda, pemilihan kepala desa
10
Rocca, Michael S., and Jared W. Clay. "Allocating Unlimited Money: What Explains Super PAC Spending in Congressional Elections?" Forum 19, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-0016.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract How do Super PACs allocate their resources? The question is both timely and relevant, particularly as we reflect on the ten-year anniversary of the Citizens United ruling. Super PACs now outspend – sometimes by huge margins, as in the 2016 presidential election – all other groups’ independent expenditures including those of parties, unions, and 501(c) organizations. The issue is especially important in congressional politics, where Super PACs have an opportunity to shape the institution every two years through congressional elections. Utilizing outside spending data from the Center for Responsive Politics, we analyze four U.S. House election cycles since the Supreme Court’s landmark 2010 Citizens United ruling (2012–2018). The likelihood that Super PACs invest in a race is strongly determined by the electoral context, even after controlling for the legislative influence of the incumbent member of Congress.
11
Buchyn, Mykola, and Yana Mushchenko. "The Role of International Organizations in the de democratization of Elections in Ukraine." Humanitarian vision 7, no. 2 (November 16, 2021): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2021.02.028.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article studies the place and the role of international governmental and non-governmental organizations in the democratization of the election in Ukraine. Using a set of general scientific, logical and empirical scientific methods, the authors have identified the main forms of influence of international organizations on the democratization of the electoral process: regulatory influence (development of legal documents governing compliance with international democratic standards by international organizations; assessment of compliance with democratic principles of national election legislation and creation of recommendations for its improvement); controlling influence (implementation by international organizations of short-term and long-term observation of the election campaign, voting and counting of votes); institutional and functional influence (implementation by international organizations of projects to improve the election in specific countries by providing logistical, advisory, educational assistance, etc.). The peculiarities of international organizations’ implementation of the above-mentioned forms of influence during the elections in Ukraine are analyzed. It is concluded that the most important electoral role is played by international organizations in transit societies, where the promotion of electoral procedures by the international community often becomes a catalyst for democratic change in these countries. The authors argue that international organizations have pursued an active policy to support the elections in Ukraine since independence till now. They have had a significant impact on the democratization of electoral law and electoral practice of our country and contributed to the formation of democratic electoral awareness and culture of Ukrainian citizens.
12
Huang, Jennie, and Corinne Low. "Trumping Norms: Lab Evidence on Aggressive Communication Before and After the 2016 US Presidential Election." American Economic Review 107, no. 5 (May 1, 2017): 120–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.p20171016.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper provides evidence from a negotiation experiment that the 2016 US presidential election of Donald Trump had a profound impact on individual behavior in the lab. Using a Battle of the Sexes game with unstructured communication, we find that post-election individuals are less cooperative in general, more likely to use adversarial negotiation strategies, and less likely to reach an agreement. Furthermore, this is particularly driven by men acting more aggressively toward women. Our results are robust to controlling for sample selection. These results suggest that Trump's election may have disrupted community norms around civility and chivalry.
13
Septiadi, Muhammad Andi, Alifa Salsabilla, Bima Bernadib, and Luthfie Nugraha. "The Imperative Power of Election Law on Money Politics." SOSHUM : Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora 11, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 112–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31940/soshum.v11i2.2480.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
lection rules have been regulated in Law no. 7 of 2017 where this rule contains imperative norms. The imperative norm talks about the rules that prohibit the practice of money politics during the electoral process. A rule is made to implement the function of controlling behavior in social and political life, when the rules are violated, the perpetrator will face legal proceedings and receive appropriate sanctions. Money politics and elections in Indonesia are commonplace for all people and are even considered to be cultured and inseparable. This research was made with the aim of reviewing imperative norms in the implementation of ineffective elections in preventing money politics practices. This study uses a qualitative research approach with triangulation technique analysis. From this study the authors found that the power of normative law in election activities in Indonesia is still relatively weak and a number of political practices continue to occur so that they can tarnish the democratic process.
14
Pettitt, Robin T. "The ‘how’ of election manifestos in the British Labour Party." Party Politics 24, no. 3 (November 24, 2016): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678889.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The organizational history of the British Labour Party is to a significant degree the story of an ongoing struggle over the ‘how’ of election manifestos, a struggle, partly driven by a broad-based agreement over the ‘why’ of manifestos. This is a struggle between a ‘parliamentary independence’ wing and a ‘grass-roots control’ wing. Because the manifesto is seen as a programme for government action, this also means that the answer to the how takes on huge importance, because controlling the how means controlling government action. This article will show the nature and extent of the disagreement between the two wings and argue that it has repeatedly damaged the Labour Party’s ability to operate effectively. In this struggle, the two opposing sides have at various times scored temporary ‘victories’. However, whichever argument ‘won’ at any given time, the long-term result was damage to the party’s ability to function properly. The article will also argue that after multiple generations of struggle, this issue is essentially still unresolved.
15
Roscoe, Douglas D., Shannon Jenkins, John Frendreis, and Alan R. Gitelson. "Thinking Outside the Quality Box: The Impact of Candidate Motivations on Election Outcomes." American Review of Politics 27 (April 1, 2006): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2006.27.0.21-43.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Explanations for election outcomes have commonly included incumbency and candidate quality. While these explanations have been successful, they do not wholly explain who wins or loses. To move beyond the concepts of incumbency and quality, a typology of candidates is developed based on their motivations for running. Hierarchical cluster analysis is employed to examine open-ended responses from state legislative candidates in nine states. The resulting typologies are found to be connected to influences on candidate emergence and perceptions of factors that influenced the election outcome. They also prove to be statistically significant predictors of election victory even when controlling for incumbency, quality, spending, and campaign professionalism. The findings should encourage others to move beyond conventional explanations of election out-comes.
16
Rich, Timothy S. "COATTAILS AND MIXED ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: EVIDENCE FROM TAIWAN'S 2016 ELECTION." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (January 9, 2018): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2017.25.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractTo what extent do presidential candidates influence voting in mixed member legislative elections? A sizable literature addresses presidential–legislative coattail effects in the American context, with less attention given to this interaction in non-Western democracies. Nor is the role of past voting behavior adequately assessed in the literature. Taiwan's historic 2016 election allows for an analysis of the extent in which the popularity of presidential candidates influences coattail voting in the more complex electoral environment of two-vote mixed legislative systems. Evidence finds that, controlling for partisanship and previous voting behavior, voters who supported a presidential candidate were more likely to also support the party's legislative candidates, although this influence is stronger in regards to Democratic Progressive Party's Tsai Ing-wen.
17
Drew, Dan, and David Weaver. "Voter Learning in the 1996 Presidential Election: Did the Media Matter?" Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75, no. 2 (June 1998): 292–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500205.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study examines the relationships of exposure and attention to various news media with information learned about the issue positions of 1996 U.S. presidential candidates Bill Clinton, Bob Dole, and Ross Perot; level of interest in this election campaign; and intention to vote among 534 adult residents of Indiana during late October and early November of 1996. Contrary to previous studies of voter learning in U.S. presidential elections, this survey finds statistically significant associations only between the media measures and campaign interest, but not between media exposure/attention and knowledge of candidate issue positions or likelihood of voting, after controlling statistically for various demographics and level of interest in the campaign. Possible reasons for these markedly different findings for 1996 are discussed.
18
خريسان, د. باسم علي. "Political finance: a study on the financing of political parties." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 53 (February 20, 2019): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i53.88.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Parties as active units in this process in order to work must have access to sources of funding in order to maintain their political presence in society and participate in the process of electoral competition, To win the election, bolstering the huge role that money has played in influencing the principle of equality among contestants in the elections. Those who own money will have a greater chance of winning the elections while less competitive opportunities for others who do not own the money or what they own does not give them the competitive ability to win elections. From this point of view, controlling political finance through legal regulation and institutional, media and popular monitoring has become an important requirement for a successful democratic electoral process.
19
Stockemer, Daniel, and Susan Khazaeli. "Electoral turnout in Muslim-majority states: A macro-level panel analysis." Politics and Religion 7, no. 1 (June 11, 2013): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175504831300028x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractHigh voter turnout gives legitimacy to the political system and strengthens the stability of a country. Since voter turnout matters, it is important to determine which factors boost electoral participation. While there is a vast literature on turnout focusing on institutional, socio-economic, and contextual indicators, there appears to be a shortage of scholarship on the relationship between religion and turnout. In our study, we evaluate the impact of the Islamic religion on electoral participation. Drawing on a large dataset that incorporates all legislative elections worldwide from 1970 to 2010 and controlling for compulsory voting, the electoral system type, the decisiveness of the election, the competitiveness of the election, the size of the country, the regime type and development, we find that Muslim-majority countries have lower turnout rates than majority non-Muslim countries. We also find electoral participation to be lower in countries where Islamic tenets are more strongly entrenched in politics.
20
Muslih, M. "Mengawal Anggota Legislatif Mewujudkan Pemerintahan yang Bersih*." Jurnal Ilmiah Universitas Batanghari Jambi 19, no. 3 (October 15, 2019): 634. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/jiubj.v19i3.766.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Legislative members are partners as well as balancing the government in regulating and controlling the government, therefore it is necessary to have a "presence" of honest and clean professional legislators. Reality shows that the professionalism of some legislators still disappoints some of their constituents. For this reason, it is necessary to think about how to escort members of the legislative body in order to realize a clean government. To meet these expectations an election process is needed that can guarantee the implementation of an honest and fair election process. In order to realize the ideal above, the presence of a good legislative Election Law, a professional law enforcement apparatus, and a culture of high legal awareness from the public in exercising their voting rights.
21
Hiebert, Janet L. "Money and Elections: Can Citizens Participate on Fair Terms amidst Unrestricted Spending?" Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 1 (March 1998): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900008696.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIn 1996 the Alberta Court of Appeal struck down election spending limits for individuals, interest groups, corporations and unions for violating the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. These spending restrictions were part of a complex regulatory regime which sought to promote fairness by controlling the election spending of candidates and parties. Although this decision was not appealed to the nation's highest court, the Supreme Court disapproved the Alberta ruling in an unrelated decision. This suggests that spending limits are justifiable under the Charter. Yet if new legislation is not introduced, the Alberta decision will continue to govern election conduct throughout the country and could undermine the democratic ideal of citizens participating in fair terms in the act of self-governance.
22
McLaren, Lauren. "Immigration and Trust in Politics in Britain." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (August 24, 2011): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000251.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A previously overlooked explanation for varying individual levels of political trust is concern about immigration. This article examines the effect of concern about immigration on political trust in Britain, where levels of opposition to immigration have remained high since the 1960s and yet the implications of such opposition are still unclear. Using the pre-election and post-election panel component of the 2005 British Election Study and the 2002–03 European Social Survey, the author shows, after controlling for other predictors of trust in politics, that concerns about the impact of immigration significantly affect political trust. In addition, in 2005 the perception that government had not handled the issue of immigration effectively also significantly affected political trust, with both linear and interactive effects.
23
Faliszewski, Piotr, Edith Hemaspaandra, and Lane A. Hemaspaandra. "Weighted Electoral Control." Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 52 (April 20, 2015): 507–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1613/jair.4621.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although manipulation and bribery have been extensively studied under weighted voting, there has been almost no work done on election control under weighted voting. This is unfortunate, since weighted voting appears in many important natural settings. In this paper, we study the complexity of controlling the outcome of weighted elections through adding and deleting voters. We obtain polynomial-time algorithms, NP-completeness results, and for many NP-complete cases, approximation algorithms. In particular, for scoring rules we completely characterize the complexity of weighted voter control. Our work shows that for quite a few important cases, either polynomial-time exact algorithms or polynomial-time approximation algorithms exist.
24
Overby, L. Marvin, and Robert D. Brown. "Race, Redistricting, and Re-Election: The Fate of White Incumbent Democrats in the 1994 Congressional Elections." American Review of Politics 23 (January 1, 2003): 337–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2002.23.0.337-353.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Critics of racially-motivated congressional redistricting have argued that the practice has numerous negative consequences. Following the Republican victories in the 1994 midterm elections, many critics concluded that the creation of “majority-minority” districts helped the GOP win control of the House of Representatives. In this article we subject that claim to empirical scrutiny. Using a multivariate regression model we examine the electoral fates of white Democrats who had survived the 1992 election. After controlling for other political and personal factors, changes in the racial composition of their districts had little negative impact on these members’ 1994 electoral margins. Moreover, we find that in the South, white Democrats who lost African-American constituents actually fared better than those who had gained them. These results indicate that the impacts of racially-based redistricting are more complicated than many have supposed.
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Kullolli, Brunela. "Electoral Campaign Financing and Criminal Policy." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss-2020.v3i1-83.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In a democratic state, power is exercised by elected bodies through free and fair elections. The choice of the political class that will exercise political, economic, etc. power by the sovereign (the people) is one of the most important moments in the way how a state works.The sovereign and the expression of his will by voting for those to be elected to the governing or governing bodies. The first part will address and analyze the election campaign, the day of voting until the moment of the results, is the period when the sovereign exercises his power directly by voting which political class will lead the state.Political classes seeking to govern and govern governing bodies disclose their programs, their policies during the election campaign.Election campaigns in modern and capitalist society require funding as they are associated with costs, expenses. Election campaigns cannot be done without capital, without money. The second part will analyze the power of money in election campaigns is related to the expenses political parties or candidates make to their program, to disseminate their political and governing ideas, so money power is used to influence the sovereign to be informed on election day. who to vote for and who to choose in the governing bodies. The use of money in election campaigns forces a democratic state to set rules on how to finance, spend, etc., so setting rules such as how the power of money will affect election campaigns and their control by the responsible bodies.In a country with a fragile and transitional democracy such as the Albanian state, the control of money power during election campaigns is extremely difficult, however the manner of controlling election campaign financing is clearly defined in legislation. In this paper I will contribute by analyzing the impact of money on the Albanian state policy, first in terms of electoral financing, financing of political parties and individuals in electoral campaigns In this paper I will address and analyze how money affects constitutional principles during election campaigns, how it affects the principles of free and fair elections. The third part will address and analyze how entities participating in electoral campaigns are financed.The use of illegal money during campaigns affects the violation of constitutional principles for free and fair elections.I will address and analyze the criminal policies in the field of illegal financing of electoral campaigns. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania in relation to free and fair elections. llegal financing of election campaigns is a current phenomenon of the Albanian society, bringing about the incrimination of Albanian politics.Illegal financing of entities participating in electoral campaigns comes from organized crime or suspects in criminal activities, and this brings about the establishment of those persons who protect the latter's interests and not the interests of the constituents or democratic interests of a state .Intensify the fight against illicit financing of electoral campaigns by creating not only a complete legal framework for preventing illicit financing but also creating practical mechanisms for not only law enforcement but also the practical prevention of uncontrolled funding of electoral subjects.Setting criminal penalties for illegal financing of electoral campaigns and revising the Criminal Code in incriminating all illegal financing actions that violate free and fair elections may be the most important step in the fight against illegal financing of electoral campaigns. Illegal financing of electoral campaigns in Albania calls for free and fair elections and questions the basic principles of the representation of political entities in governing institutions and therefore the interference in law and penal policy is current and immediate.
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Kullolli, Brunela. "Electoral Campaign Financing and Criminal Policy." European Journal of Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v3i1.p53-60.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In a democratic state, power is exercised by elected bodies through free and fair elections. The choice of the political class that will exercise political, economic, etc. power by the sovereign (the people) is one of the most important moments in the way how a state works.The sovereign and the expression of his will by voting for those to be elected to the governing or governing bodies. The first part will address and analyze the election campaign, the day of voting until the moment of the results, is the period when the sovereign exercises his power directly by voting which political class will lead the state.Political classes seeking to govern and govern governing bodies disclose their programs, their policies during the election campaign.Election campaigns in modern and capitalist society require funding as they are associated with costs, expenses. Election campaigns cannot be done without capital, without money. The second part will analyze the power of money in election campaigns is related to the expenses political parties or candidates make to their program, to disseminate their political and governing ideas, so money power is used to influence the sovereign to be informed on election day. who to vote for and who to choose in the governing bodies. The use of money in election campaigns forces a democratic state to set rules on how to finance, spend, etc., so setting rules such as how the power of money will affect election campaigns and their control by the responsible bodies.In a country with a fragile and transitional democracy such as the Albanian state, the control of money power during election campaigns is extremely difficult, however the manner of controlling election campaign financing is clearly defined in legislation. In this paper I will contribute by analyzing the impact of money on the Albanian state policy, first in terms of electoral financing, financing of political parties and individuals in electoral campaigns In this paper I will address and analyze how money affects constitutional principles during election campaigns, how it affects the principles of free and fair elections. The third part will address and analyze how entities participating in electoral campaigns are financed.The use of illegal money during campaigns affects the violation of constitutional principles for free and fair elections.I will address and analyze the criminal policies in the field of illegal financing of electoral campaigns. The Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania in relation to free and fair elections. llegal financing of election campaigns is a current phenomenon of the Albanian society, bringing about the incrimination of Albanian politics.Illegal financing of entities participating in electoral campaigns comes from organized crime or suspects in criminal activities, and this brings about the establishment of those persons who protect the latter's interests and not the interests of the constituents or democratic interests of a state .Intensify the fight against illicit financing of electoral campaigns by creating not only a complete legal framework for preventing illicit financing but also creating practical mechanisms for not only law enforcement but also the practical prevention of uncontrolled funding of electoral subjects.Setting criminal penalties for illegal financing of electoral campaigns and revising the Criminal Code in incriminating all illegal financing actions that violate free and fair elections may be the most important step in the fight against illegal financing of electoral campaigns. Illegal financing of electoral campaigns in Albania calls for free and fair elections and questions the basic principles of the representation of political entities in governing institutions and therefore the interference in law and penal policy is current and immediate.
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Knuckey, Jonathan. "Dixie Backlash? Anti-Southern Affect and Party Support Outside the South." American Review of Politics 34 (June 20, 2018): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2013.34.0.179-206.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The literature on partisan change in the American electorate has devoted considerable attention to explaining Republican gains in the South. Less time has been devoted to examining changes outside of the South, where a Democratic majority has persisted-and indeed grown-over the past two decades. This article examines whether the realignment toward the Republican Party in the South has resulted in a move toward the Democratic Party outside the South. Specifically, it is posited that the growing influence of the South within the Republican Party has resulted in a backlash against the GOP. Using data from the American National Election Studies, this article examines affect toward southerners as a determinant of the political behavior of non-southerners. Findings indicate that even after controlling for other explanatory variables, affect toward southerners is a significant predictor of how non-southerners evaluate the political parties, as well as vote choice in the 2008 presidential election. While partisanship and ideology remain the best predictors of vote choice among non-southerners, anti-southern backlash should not be discounted for the GOP's "Northern problem" in recent elections.
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Polonskaya, Ksenia. "Selecting candidates to the bench of the World Court: (Inevitable) politicization and its consequences." Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 2 (February 28, 2020): 409–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156520000023.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractJudges of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) are prominent jurists of high merit. However, little is known about certain extra-legal factors of the candidates that guide states in their selection and appointment process. This article focuses on examining extra-legal factors that matter for states in the selection process. Such extra-legal factors demonstrate that elections of candidates to the Court constitute another aspect of a broader political struggle to define the meaning of international law. The article situates the discussion on the selection process in the broader context of the discussion on biases in international law to suggest that the election of candidates to the Court becomes both an instrument and a procedure for controlling the discourse. The characteristics of the judges thus matter as a proxy to control the production and direction of such discourse. This article then explores the ways in which some states have greater strategic advantage in the selection and election processes that enables them to control the discourse to define the meaning of international law effectively.
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A. Kellstedt, Lyman, and James L. Guth. "RELIGIOUS VOTING IN THE 2020 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: TESTING ALTERNATIVE THEORIES." RELIGION AND AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 2020 15, no. 2 (December 10, 2021): 257–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1502257k.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Scholars of American electoral politics have documented the recent partisan realignment of religious groups. Indeed, careful analysts often find that religious variables are better predictors of partisan choice than classic socioeconomic divisions. Still, there has been relatively little effort to put this religious realignment in both theoretical and historical perspective. In this article, we update our previous work on the historical evolution of religious partisanship, demonstrating the continued relevance of ethnocultural (or ethnoreligious) theory, utilized by political historians, and restructuring theory, an important sociological perspective. Both viewpoints help us understand presidential elections since the 1930s, as we demonstrate with data from a wide range of surveys. After utilizing the 2020 Cooperative Election Study to examine the contemporary voting of ethnoreligious groups in greater detail, we test the impact of religious variables controlling for other demographic, attitudinal, and partisan influences and find that religious identities and orientations often retain independent influence even under stringent controls for other factors shaping the presidential vote.
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Blais, André, and François Gélineau. "Winning, Losing and Satisfaction with Democracy." Political Studies 55, no. 2 (June 2007): 425–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2007.00659.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Previous research has shown that those who won an election are more satisfied with the way democracy works than those who lost. What is not clear, however, is whether it is the fact of winning (losing), per se, that generates (dis)satisfaction with democracy. The current study explores this winner/loser gap with the use of the 1997 Canadian federal election panel study. It makes a theoretical and methodological contribution to our understanding of the factors that foster satisfaction with democracy. At the theoretical level, we argue that voters gain different utility from winning at the constituency and national levels in a parliamentary system, and that their expectations about whether they will win or lose affect their degree of satisfaction with democracy. On the methodological front, our analysis includes a control group (non-voters) and incorporates a control for the level of satisfaction prior to the election. The results indicate that the effect of winning and losing on voters' satisfaction with democracy is significant even when controlling for ex ante satisfaction before the election takes place, and that the outcome of the election in the local constituency matters as much as the outcome of the national election. They fail to show, however, that expectations about the outcome of the election play a significant role in shaping satisfaction with democracy.
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Muturi, Elizabeth. "Effect of Post-Election Violence on the Perfomance of Tourism Industry. A Critical Literature Review." International Journal of Modern Hospitality and Tourism 1, no. 1 (September 5, 2021): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/ijmht.1362.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose: A free and transparent electioneering process ideally shuns violence, 21 corruption and other vices encouraging the flourishing of economic activities including tourism leading to a vibrant tourism sector. The general objective of the study was to examine effect of post-election violence on the performance of tourism industry in Kenya.
Methodology: The paper used a desk study review methodology where relevant empirical literature was reviewed to identify main themes and to extract knowledge gaps.
Findings: The study concluded that election violence affects movement of people within the country, people movements are restricted during the campaigns, local and international members of the fourth estate give prominence to negative news during this period scaring both domestic and international tourist’s arrivals and that people prefer staying in familiar places and fear travelling when there is election violence.
Recommendations: The study recommends that the Kenyan security infrastructure should regain civilian confidence: by cultivating citizen-police relations to tame the prevailing account of fear and apathy. This can be worked on and transformed into more justifiable national confidence on the security agencies and a platform created for mutual engagement. This relationship is crucial in helping the security agencies in controlling crime and being able to mitigate the security challenges arising during elections. This way the tourism industry will benefit in terms of enjoying a peaceful environment before, during and after general elections in the country. Once this relationship is built on trust, the police will be able to manage effectively all issues
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Frasure-Yokley, Lorrie. "Choosing the Velvet Glove: Women Voters, Ambivalent Sexism, and Vote Choice in 2016." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 3, no. 1 (March 2018): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.35.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis paper examines the extent to which ambivalent sexism toward women influenced vote choice among American women during the 2016 Presidential election. I examine how this varied between white women and women of color. The 2016 American National Election Study (ANES) features several measures from the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI)—a scale developed by Glick and Fiske (1996) to assess sexist attitudes toward women. An index of these measures is used to examine the extent to which ambivalent sexist attitudes influenced women's vote choice for Donald Trump, controlling for racial resentment, partisanship, attitudes toward immigrants, economic anxiety, and socio-demographics. On the one hand, my findings indicate that ambivalent sexism was a powerful influence on women's Presidential vote choice in 2016, controlling for other factors. However, this finding, based on a model ofall women votersis misleading, once an intersectional approach is undertaken. Once the data are disaggregated by gender and race, white women's political behavior proves very different than women of color. Among white women, ambivalent sexist views positively and significantly predicts vote choice for Trump, controlling for all other factors. However, for women of color, this relationship was negative and posed no statistical significant relationship to voting for Trump. Scholarship in gender and politics that does not account for group differences in race/ethnicity may present misleading results, which are either underestimated or overestimated.
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Yerger, David, and Manaswita Choudhary. "Is it a Trump Bump, Spike, or Plateau?" Journal of International Students 9, no. 4 (November 15, 2019): 1196–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v9i4.962.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article assesses changing interest from India in Canadian versus U.S. universities since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, as measured by search activity reports from Google Trends. The findings indicate a rise in Indian interest toward Canadian versus U.S. universities was underway before the election. After controlling for this trend effect, there remains widespread evidence of a substantial shift in interest toward Canadian universities with search activity rising 70%–85% for Canadian versus U.S. universities in the postelection period. This shift in interest toward Canadian universities shows no sign of dissipating. Canadian universities are likely to make further enrollment gains of Indian students versus U.S. counterparts in upcoming recruiting classes.
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Saad, Ghadi, and Taoufik Bouraoui. "Currency returns during democratic transition: evidence from Tunisia." Managerial Finance 45, no. 7 (July 8, 2019): 966–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mf-04-2018-0143.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate the question whether democratic transition elections influence currency returns. Also, the paper examines the behavior of the currency market around these elections in Tunisia. Design/methodology/approach Empirical data are collected from the International Monetary Fund, the Central Bank of Tunisia and the Tunisian stock market websites. The paper employs event study analysis using a market model and investigates abnormal currency returns around the four election events that occurred during the period of democratic transition in Tunisia (2011–2015). A robustness test is also conducted to control for monetary policy effects. Findings The results indicate that democratic transition does impact currency returns. The authors did not find any significant effect on the events dates (t0). However, event windows around the elections days reacted significantly to the events. The authors notice a significant decrease in cumulative abnormal returns (CARs) at event periods leading up to the elections. Post-event windows perceived negative CARs in the first and second election, and positive CARs in the last two elections. The authors also find that the change in the victors of the elections does not cause major differences to CARs. Further, the authors do not find significant results when controlling for inflation and interest rate. Originality/value There is no evidence yet on how democratic transition elections can affect currency returns. Given that currency is a leading indicator of the performance of the financial sector, this paper should provide policymakers with new evidence on the response of currency returns to democratic transition.
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Peskowitz, Zachary. "Ideological Signaling and Incumbency Advantage." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 2 (May 8, 2017): 467–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000557.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article develops a novel explanation for the incumbency advantage based on incumbents’ ability to signal positions that are ideologically distinct from those of their parties. Using voter-level data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study and controlling for unobserved district heterogeneity, the study finds that voters in US House elections primarily use information about the ideology of candidates’ parties to infer the location of challengers, while they instead rely on information about the individual candidates’ ideologies to place incumbents. In higher-profile Senate elections, the difference between challengers and incumbents is trivial. Decomposing the incumbency advantage into valence and signaling components, the study finds that the signaling mechanism explains 14 per cent of the incumbency advantage in House elections, but only 5 per cent of the advantage in Senate contests. It also finds that a 50 per cent increase in party polarization increases the incumbency advantage by 3 percentage points.
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Freille, Sebastián, and Marcelo Capello. "Electoral effects of intergovernmental fiscal transfers: An application to local elections in the province of Cordoba, 1995-2011." Revista de Economía y Estadística 52, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 113–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.55444/2451.7321.2014.v52.n1.14938.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We examine the impact of decentralized public policy in the form of intergovernmental fiscal transfers on local election outcomes –the probability of reelection. We assemble a new and unique dataset recording every local executive election in the period 1995-2011 and examine the electoral effect of various types of intergovernmental fiscal transfers. We find that the odds of reelecting local incumbents are increasing in the incumbency dummies for both major parties. Local governments which receive a positive discretionary transfer from the provincial government have also associated higher odds of being reelected. The probability of reelection is also increasing in the difference in the vote share between the winner and the runner-up in the previous election. Finally, we find evidence that the amount of discretionary transfers per capita affect positively the probability of reelection only in those governments aligned with the provincial government. Our results are robust to controlling for other potential explanatory variables.
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Piatak, Jaclyn S., and Stephen B. Holt. "Prosocial Behaviors: A Matter of Altruism or Public Service Motivation?" Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 30, no. 3 (December 6, 2019): 504–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muz041.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract In recent years, public service motivation (PSM) research has grown substantially, but is still largely limited to the field of public administration. To be able to export the theory and measures of PSM to other disciplines, we need more conceptual clarity. Some suggest PSM is analogous to altruism, whereas others warn not to confound the two concepts. Is PSM separate from altruism? How does each motivational construct relate to prosocial behaviors? We use a nationally representative panel of respondents to the Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES) to measure both altruism and PSM among respondents before the 2016 election and measure respondents’ participation in prosocial behaviors after the 2016 election. Using linear probability models with state fixed effects, we find that although PSM and altruism predict prosocial behaviors separately, altruism has no effect after controlling for PSM. PSM is a more consistent predictor of some prosocial behaviors than altruism, particularly in more formal contexts such as volunteering with an organization.
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CANES-WRONE, BRANDICE, DAVID W. BRADY, and JOHN F. COGAN. "Out of Step, Out of Office: Electoral Accountability and House Members' Voting." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402004276.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Does a typical House member need to worry about the electoral ramifications of his roll-call decisions? We investigate the relationship between incumbents' electoral performance and roll-call support for their party—controlling for district ideology, challenger quality, and campaign spending, among other factors—through a series of tests of the 1956–1996 elections. The tests produce three key findings indicating that members are indeed accountable for their legislative voting. First, in each election, an incumbent receives a lower vote share the more he supports his party. Second, this effect is comparable in size to that of other widely recognized electoral determinants. Third, a member's probability of retaining office decreases as he offers increased support for his party, and this relationship holds for not only marginal, but also safe members.
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Sawasdee, Siripan Nogsuan. "Electoral integrity and the repercussions of institutional manipulations: The 2019 general election in Thailand." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 5, no. 1 (December 12, 2019): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119892321.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thailand’s 2019 election was seen from the beginning to be a ritual to transform a military junta into an elected government. This qualitative article draws on the critical analysis of theories in authoritarianism and electoral integrity to shed light on the concept of competitive authoritarianism. The article, utilizing empirical data and historical narratives, illustrates Thailand’s legal and political environment governing this election. The electoral results and post-election political party landscape reveal unintended consequences in manipulating political institutions. Although the newly introduced electoral system and institutional manipulations allowed the military co-opted Palang Pracharat party to select the prime minister even without controlling a majority in the House of Representatives, as projected, the establishment was inadvertently left with two robust opposition parties, namely the old Pheu Thai and the new-born Future Forward parties. The former represents the strongest political machine in Thailand, which has won five consecutive elections, while the latter symbolizes a new divide in Thai politics, armed with the power of social media, and poses a bigger threat to the military establishment. Remarkably, the electoral result not only pointed to a continued polarization, dominated by the cleavages of ultraconservative versus progressive and an urban-rural, rich-poor cleavage, but also a new division between older and younger generations. This article maintains that although Thailand’s civil-military government might be deposed in the future due to several challenges facing them, the undemocratic political structure of military electoral co-optation polity remains ingrained on account of the way that the 2017 Constitution was crafted.
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Rapp, Carl. "Celebrity Election versus Lottery Selection: A Reconsideration." Hegel Bulletin 33, no. 01 (2012): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263523200000318.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In The Just State, Richard Dien Winfield has completed his exposition of the immanent logic of ethical life, the earlier parts of which are developed in his books The Just Economy, The Just Family, and Law in Civil Society. The purpose of his exposition is not to discuss isolated or miscellaneous topics pertaining to politics or ethics. Instead, his goal from the beginning has been to show objectively what justice looks like when it is fully embodied in a state's political and social institutions. The just state, as he presents it, is simply the largest possible political framework for maintaining equitable arrangements within a country's already established civil society, a framework that permits civil society to adjust to new contingencies as they arise, be they domestic or international. The purpose of the just state is to preserve, not to tamper with, the political and nonpolitical freedoms of its citizens. The essence of these freedoms is that they are all modes of self-determination, whereby what one does is freely determined by oneself and not by the arbitrary controlling authority of others. An individual whose life is determined by family, by tradition, or by commandment, is unfree. A state whose people are imposed on by a leadership class, or by any authority other than that of the people themselves, is likewise unfree. In order to establish freedom and justice, the citizens of a sovereign state must codetermine their own institutions. In accordance with this purpose, their institutions must be constructed in a particular way, which is the subject of The Just State.
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LAVINE, HOWARD, and THOMAS GSCHWEND. "Issues, Party and Character: The Moderating Role of Ideological Thinking on Candidate Evaluation." British Journal of Political Science 37, no. 1 (December 13, 2006): 139–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123407000075.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We examine ‘heuristic’ and ‘systematic’ candidate-appraisal strategies within a presidential election context. Controlling for political knowledge, we determine whether individual differences in the capacity for ideological thought condition voters' reliance on the major determinants of candidate choice, increasing reliance on policy considerations and decreasing reliance on the heuristic cue of party identification and on perceptions of candidate character when ideological capacity is high, and exerting the opposite effect – decreasing the role of issues and increasing the role of party identification and candidate qualities – when such capacity is low. Using American National Election Studies data from the 1984–2000 period, we find that ideological thinking consistently heightens voters' reliance on issues and decreases their reliance on candidate cues, but only among voters who report being concerned about the outcome of the election. In contrast, the effect of partisanship is stable across levels of ideological thinking and concern about the campaign. We discuss the cognitive processes by which ideological thinking regulates political choice, and assert its centrality in the political decision-making process.
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Ramírez, Ricardo, Romelia Solano, and Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta. "Selective Recruitment or Voter Neglect? Race, Place, and Voter Mobilization in 2016." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 3, no. 1 (March 2018): 156–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.36.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis paper takes up the question of who asks racial-ethnic minority voters to vote, relative to white voters? We examine more closely the targeted mobilization strategies in the 2016 Presidential election cycle and highlight the roles of race, demographic context, and mobilization source on patterns of reported mobilization. Utilizing the 2016 Collaborative Multi-Racial Post-Election Survey we model the impact of demographic profiles on the probability of mobilization by white mobilizers and compare that to mobilization by minorities. Our analysis suggests that even when controlling for battleground context and likely voter characteristics, minority voters are neglected, but this is contingent on the racial demographics of those doing the mobilizing. These findings shed light on the discrepancy of turnout across racial and ethnic groups in the United States
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Pavlović, Zoran, and Bojan Todosijević. "AUTHORITARIANISM AND COGNITIVE POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT." Primenjena psihologija 10, no. 4 (January 11, 2018): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/pp.2017.4.521-540.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study analyses the linkage between authoritarianism and three indicators that describe one’s general cognitive orientation towards the world of politics: political knowledge, general interest in politics, and interest in the election campaign. Individuals high in authoritarianism are hypothesized to be less politically competent and less interested in politics, due to their resistance to adopting new information and to changing the adopted beliefs. This hypothesis is based on the classical description of the authoritarian personality, but it has not been adequately empirically verified yet. The data are taken from a post-election public opinion survey conducted in 2012 after the presidential and parliamentary elections, on a random sample of voting age citizens of Serbia (N = 1568). The results show that authoritarianism and the level of political knowledge are significantly and negatively correlated, even after controlling for the basic socio-demographic variables. The intensity of political interest is not significantly correlated with authoritarianism. Additional comparison of the misinformed and uninformed groups (those who provided incorrect answers, and those who answered “don't know”, respectively) did not support the view that authoritarian persons are more inclined to erroneously guess an answer than to simply say “don’t know”. The study concludes that the association between political knowledge and authoritarianism is based on deeper psychological roots, while the (lack of) association with political interest is likely to be context-dependent.
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Born, Richard. "Partisan Intentions and Election Day Realities in the Congressional Redistricting Process." American Political Science Review 79, no. 2 (June 1985): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956651.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Political scientists have done little to resolve the question of whether or not a state party's command of congressional redistricting leads to payoffs in its share of delegation seats. Studies on the topic differ in their conclusions while being marred by methodological shortcomings. In analyzing districting plans from 1952 to 1982, one finds that partisan control of redistricting does have the expected effect on seat outcomes, but only modestly. This relationship, though, has become even more tenuous over time. Since the imposition of the Supreme Court's “one man, one vote” mandates, the partisan gains intended by redistricting schemes have come to depend less heavily on the identity of the controlling party. And regardless of what is intended by redistricting architects, the electorate has become less willing to conform to their expectations, quite plausibly because of incumbents' growing ability to add residents of the new areas to their supporting coalition by election day.
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Benjamin, Andrea, and Alexis Miller. "Picking Winners: How Political Organizations Influence Local Elections." Urban Affairs Review 55, no. 3 (October 12, 2017): 643–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087417732647.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Endorsements have become a part of most election cycles. They come from a variety of sources (civic organizations, elected officials, newspapers, etc.) and are intended to signal voters that one candidate is preferential to another. Yet, there is still a lot that we do not know about endorsements. In this article, we provide insight into the process of how organizations and newspapers endorse candidates, provide evidence that demonstrates candidates believe these endorsements are important, and test the claim that voters are aware of these endorsements even when controlling for factors such as partisanship, ideology, and education. We also test the claim that issue positions explain vote choice better than endorsements. We rely on interview data and exit poll data to test our claims. Using data from an at-large municipal election, in which voters selected up to three candidates, we find that awareness of endorsements explains vote choice better than issues.
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Vescio, Theresa K., and Nathaniel E. C. Schermerhorn. "Hegemonic masculinity predicts 2016 and 2020 voting and candidate evaluations." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 2 (January 4, 2021): e2020589118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2020589118.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This work examined whether the endorsement of the culturally idealized form of masculinity—hegemonic masculinity (HM)—accounted for unique variance in men’s and women’s support for Donald Trump across seven studies (n = 2,007). Consistent with our theoretical backdrop, in the days (Studies 1 and 2) and months (Studies 3 through 6) following the 2016 American presidential election, women’s and men’s endorsement of HM predicted voting for and evaluations of Trump, over and above political party affiliation, gender, race, and education. These effects held when controlling for respondents’ trust in the government, in contrast to a populist explanation of support for Trump. In addition, as conceptualized, HM was associated with less trust in the government (Study 3), more sexism (Study 4), more racism (Study 5), and more xenophobia (Study 6) but continued to predict unique variance in evaluations of Trump when controlling for each of these factors. Whereas HM predicted evaluations of Trump, across studies, social and prejudiced attitudes predicted evaluations of his democratic challengers: Clinton in 2016 and Biden in 2020. We replicate the findings of Studies 1 through 6 using a nationally representative sample of the United States (Study 7) 50 days prior to the 2020 presidential election. The findings highlight the importance of psychological examinations of masculinity as a cultural ideology to understand how men’s and women’s endorsement of HM legitimizes patriarchal dominance and reinforces gender, race, and class-based hierarchies via candidate support.
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Sinha, Pankaj. "Forecasting 2016 US Presidential Elections Using Factor Analysis and Regression Model." Journal of Prediction Markets 12, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 20–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/jpm.v12i1.1264.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper categorizes factors responsible for forecasting the outcome of U.S. presidential election 2016 using factor analysis, which groups the various economic and non-economic parameters based on the correlation among them. The major economic factor significant in 2016 US presidential election is the growth of the economy, and the ‘anti-incumbency factor that signifies how long the incumbent party has been controlling the White House is found to be an important non-economic factor likely to play a dominant role in the election. The dependent variables considered are the vote shares of the nominees of the incumbent and the non-incumbent majority party candidates. The forecast is calculated by running a regression of the significant factors, obtained through factor analysis technique, on the incumbent party vote share as well as on the non-incumbent party vote share. The proposed models forecast the vote share of Democrat candidate Mrs. Hillary Clinton to be 45.59% with a standard error of ±2.32% and that of Republican candidate Mr. Donald Trump to be 39.51% with a standard error of ±3.87%. Hence, the models built in the paper signal a comfortable margin of victory for the Presidential nominee of the incumbent party, Hillary Clinton.The study re-establishes the notion that the non-economic factors have a greater influence on the outcomes of election as compared to the economic factors, as some of the important economic factors such as inflation and unemployment rate failed to establish their significance.
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HUBER, GREGORY A., SETH J. HILL, and GABRIEL S. LENZ. "Sources of Bias in Retrospective Decision Making: Experimental Evidence on Voters’ Limitations in Controlling Incumbents." American Political Science Review 106, no. 4 (October 31, 2012): 720–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000391.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Are citizens competent to assess the performance of incumbent politicians? Observational studies cast doubt on voter competence by documenting several biases in retrospective assessments of performance. However, these studies are open to alternative interpretations because of the complexity of the real world. In this article, we show that these biases in retrospective evaluations occur even in the simplified setting of experimental games. In three experiments, our participants (1) overweighted recent relative to overall incumbent performance when made aware of an election closer rather than more distant from that event, (2) allowed an unrelated lottery that affected their welfare to influence their choices, and (3) were influenced by rhetoric to give more weight to recent rather than overall incumbent performance. These biases were apparent even though we informed and incentivized respondents to weight all performance equally. Our findings point to key limitations in voters’ ability to use a retrospective decision rule.
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Moilanen, Mikko, and Stein Østbye. "Doublespeak? Sustainability in the Arctic—A Text Mining Analysis of Norwegian Parliamentary Speeches." Sustainability 13, no. 16 (August 21, 2021): 9397. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13169397.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper contributes to the recent literature on sustainability in the Arctic as a political concept. Parliamentary proceedings have increasingly been recognized as an important source of information for eliciting political issues. In this paper, we use unsupervised text mining techniques to analyze parliamentary speeches for Norway from the period from 2009 to 2016 to answer whether political coalitions talk differently about sustainability in the Arctic depending on being in opposition or government. We find that the difference between being in government and opposition, controlling for political label (left-right), is far more important than the difference between left and right, controlling for role (opposition-government). The results suggest that in the trade-off between political preferences and election success, the balance is tilted in favour of the latter. Our interpretation is that opportunistic behavior seems to dominate partisan behavior in the politics related to sustainability in the Arctic.
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Rosas, Guillermo, and Adrián Lucardi. "Jumping Ship or Jumping on the Bandwagon: When Do Local Politicians Support National Candidates?" Political Science Research and Methods 8, no. 1 (January 11, 2019): 60–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.53.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractLocal politicians are often expected to mobilize voters on behalf of copartisan candidates for national office. Yet this requirement is difficult to enforce because the effort of local politicians cannot be easily monitored and the promise of rewards in exchange for help is not fully credible. Using a formal model, we show that the incentives of local politicians to mobilize voters on behalf of their party depend on the proportion of copartisan officials in a district. Having many copartisan officials means that the party is more likely to capture the district, but the effort of each local politician is less likely either to be noticed by higher-level officials or to make a difference on the election outcome, thus discouraging lower-level officials from exerting effort. We validate these claims with data from federal elections in Mexico between 2000 and 2012. In line with the argument, the results show that political parties fail to draw great mobilization advantages from simultaneously controlling multiple offices.