Дисертації з теми "Contestations sociale"

Les évolutions de la condition féminine ont profondément interpellé le monde catholique belge, et offrent un point d’entrée fructueux pour appréhender les transformations qu’il a connues entre 1960 et 1990. J’ai choisi d’aborder cette question par le biais de quatre organisations d’encadrement des couples ou des femmes catholiques, qui ont développé des idées et/ou des pratiques d’émancipation touchant les femmes, entrant parfois en contradiction avec le Magistère : la Ligue Ouvrière Féminine Chrétienne (LOFC), devenue Vie Féminine, l’Action catholique Rurale des Femmes (ACRF), le Centre National de Pastorale Familiale (CNPF) devenu Centre d’Éducation à la Famille et à l’Amour (CEFA), et la revue Feuilles Familiales. En combinant les théories de la sécularisation proposées par la sociologie des religions, et une analyse de genre, l’objectif de ma recherche est à la fois d’éclairer sous en jour nouveau les processus de l’émancipation féminine, et de comprendre les mécanismes de l’appartenance catholique et son devenir contemporain. À travers l’étude des multiples aspects de l’émancipation des femmes, regroupés en quatre thématiques (la conquête des droits reproductifs, l’égalité économique et professionnelle, la citoyenneté politique et la place des femmes dans l’Église), la plasticité idéologique des organisations d’Action catholique et leur longévité suggère que leur fonction première n’est pas tant d’imposer des contenus que d’encadrer efficacement un grand nombre de femmes. Le principal enjeu, pour ces organisations, semble être d’assurer la coexistence en leur sein d’une multiplicité d’opinions. Elles sont ainsi parvenues à faire accepter à la majorité de leurs membres des positions radicalement opposées à celles du Magistère catholique, comme la dépénalisation partielle de l’avortement (1989) tout en maintenant une identité « catholique », qui se manifeste dans un socle de valeurs commun à l’entièreté du pilier catholique, mais qui n’est plus tributaire de l’approbation du clergé.
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
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En 1995, à l'automne, dans un contexte de crises émerge un mouvement de masse multiforme. Considérées par beaucoup de militantes et militants d’aujourd’hui comme le dernier mouvement interprofessionnel victorieux, les grèves de 1995 sont l’une des trois références fortes dans l’imaginaire syndical et politique, à côté des deux mai : 1936 et 1968. Toutefois, trop souvent, n’a été retenu dans la mémoire qu’un mouvement de grèves reconductibles des cheminots de trois semaines contre le « contrat de plan », véritable restructuration de la SNCF. Toutefois, cette lutte s’est intégrée dans un mouvement plus « global » contre le « plan Juppé » portant sur les retraites et la Sécurité sociale. Du mouvement étudiant, en passant par le mouvement féministe, les syndicalistes de l'énergie, aux fonctionnaires engagées, plus de cinq millions de personnes très différentes se sont engagées dans la contestation. Cette thèse met en débat cette notion de pluralité en se structurant autour de quatre axes de réflexion :1) Les conditions d'émergence du mouvement2) Faire mouvement : la structuration, le répertoire d'action et les cahiers revendicatifs des protestataires3) La réaction au mouvement : le rôle de l’État, l'action de la police, du patronat, des médias, de la CFDT, des intellectuels.4) La résolution du conflit : une victoire limitée des grévistes et un mouvement aux nombreuses suites
In the autumn of 1995, against a backdrop of crisis, a multi-faceted mass movement emerged. Considered by many of today's activists as the last victorious cross-industry movement, the strikes of 1995 are one of three strong references in the union and political imagination, alongside the two May movements of 1936 and 1968. All too often, however, the only thing that is remembered is the three-week rolling strike by railway workers against the “contrat de plan”, the real restructuring of the SNCF. However, this struggle was part of a more “global” movement against the “Juppé plan” for pensions and social security. From the student movement, to the women's movement, to energy unionists, to committed civil servants, over five million very different people were involved in the protest. This thesis debates this notion of plurality, structuring itself around four lines of thought:1) The conditions of emergence of the movement2) Making the movement: the protesters' structuring, repertoire of action and list of demands3) Reacting to the movement: the role of the State, the actions of the police, employers, the media, the CFDT and intellectuals.4) The resolution of the conflict: a limited victory for the strikers, and a movement with many after-effects

Biyi Bandele est un écrivain d'origine nigériane dont l'œuvre novatrice et très riche reste encore peu connue du milieu universitaire en France. Aucune étude de grande ampleur n'a encore été consacrée à sa production et le présent travail essaie de combler ce grand vide. Cette étude qui s'appuie principalement sur les quatre romans de l'auteur a pour objectif de montrer que Biyi Bandele est un romancier carnavalesque et que tout son effort consiste à s'interroger sur les conditions de vie de ses concitoyens nigérians, la nature du pouvoir politique et ses modes d'exercice et les raisons pour lesquelles la construction d'une vraie nation semble impossible au Nigeria tant d'années après l'indépendance. A travers ces diverses interrogations, Biyi Bandele peint surtout un pays dont l'état de déconfiture et d'anomie est tel qu'il semble inconcevable d'en rendre compte avec les moyens traditionnels du roman réaliste européen. Mais grâce à son exceptionnel talent de conteur, Biyi Bandele réussit à nous faire prendre conscience de cette réalité grâce à une langue riche, et un nouvel art de conter inspiré des traditions yoruba et d'autres éléments de la culture populaire nigériane
Biyi Bandele is a Nigerian writer whose innovative and very rich writings are still little known by academics in France. No large-scale study has been devoted to his writings yet, and this work tries to make up for this gap. This study which is mainly based on the four novels written by Biyi Bandele aims at showing that he is a Carnivalesque novelist and that all of his effort consists in raising questions about the living conditions of his fellow countrymen, the nature of political power and its functioning, and the reasons why nation-building seems impossible in Nigeria so many years after independence . Through these different questions, Biyi Bandele mainly portrays a country in shambles, in such a state of anomy that one can no longer rely on the means of the Europen realist novel to render its situation. But thanks to his exceptional talent as a storyteller, Biyi Bandele manages to make us become aware of this reality by inventing a rich language and a new way of telling story inspired by yoruba traditions and other elements of Nigerian popular culture

La contestation anti-missiles des années 1980, qui s'affirme au lendemain de la double décision de l’OTAN , a été a l'origine d'une des mobilisations populaires les plus massives depuis le second conflit mondial. Qualifier, tel que cela a été fait par la grande majorité des observateurs ce mouvement de "pacifiste" , ne relevait-il pas, "au mieux", d'un souci simplificateur excessif et ne traduisait-il pas, "au pire", l'intention d'en discréditer les tenants, au regard de l'acception péjorative qui empreint généralement ce terme ? Au-delà de cet aspect sémantique, se pouvait-il qu'une mobilisation d'une telle ampleur ait eu pour seule cause une modernisation qui ne différait pas fondamentalement d'autres, passées en leur temps presque inaperçues ? Derrière cet enjeu apparent, les pacifistes n'en soulevaient-ils pas d'autres, relatifs à certaines contradictions ou problèmes non résolus des sociétés industrielles avancées ? Finalement, n'assistait-on pas à la naissance d'un nouveau mouvement social porteur de quelques-uns des grands enjeux à venir ? Cette recherche montre l'inadéquation du concept de pacifisme pour éclairer de manière satisfaisante les ressorts de la contestation, et ce pour la raison que les motivations profondes des activistes semblent se situer au-delà du paradigme des questions de la guerre et de la paix. L'approche sociologique apparait, en revanche, d'un intérêt bien supérieur
Following the nato dual track, the antimissile protest in the 80s has inaugurated one of the largest popular mobilization since the second world war. To call this movement "pacifist" - as a large majority of observers have done - wasn't it, "at best", a simplification, and, at worse an intention to discredit the pacifists, regarding the fact that there is usually a pejorativ accaptance of this word ? Beyond this semantic aspect, would such a mobilization be justified and explained by a modernization that would not basically differ from others, that in their times went unnoticed ? Behind this apparent issue, didn't the pacifists raise other questions related to certain insolved contradictions of our advanced industrial society ? At the end, wasn't the emergence of a new social movement that would bear some of the large question at stake ? This research shows the inadequacy of the concept "pacifism" to clarify the causes of the contestation. At first because the deep motivations of the activists seem to be beyond the paradigm of war and peace. The sociological approach seems to be of a greater interest : it contributes particularly to bring out the following idea : the antimissile contestation of the 80s would prefigurate the emergence of a "popular consciouness" wich role would be to

Comme le nom de la thèse l’indique, on aborde dans ce document la contestation sociale en milieu universitaire en Algérie. Nous avons abordé l’institution dans sa globalité, notamment le processus de l’élargissement du réseau universitaire, ainsi que le processus des réformes universitaires et les transformations sociopolitiques de l’université en rapport avec la société, en adoptant une approche descriptive et historique. Il s’agit d’analyser le processus de la cristallisation des formes de contestation sociales dans le champ universitaire, à travers l’action des organisations étudiantes, ainsi que les syndicats des enseignants, et de repérer les formes nouvelles. Celles-ci manifestent une ampleur sans précédent de l’anomie de l’université. Cette recherche se focalisera également sur les rapports des mouvements contestataires avec les institutions et les pouvoirs en montrant les effets notamment à travers les transformations sociopolitiques. Seront utilisées les méthodes d’analyse descriptive et historique, pour rendre compte du milieu universitaire étudié aussi bien que les antécédents historiques des évènements, il s’agit aussi d’éclairer sur les processus de l’enseignement et de formation, ainsi que la formation des structures de contestation en milieu universitaire en Algérie
As the title of the present thesis suggests, we discuss in this paper the social protest in Algeria in the university environment. We discussed the institution as a whole, including the process of enlargement of the university network, and the process of university reforms and the socio-political transformations of the university in relation to society, by adopting a descriptive and historical approach. We analyzed the process of forming of social protest ways in the university through the action of the student organizations and teachers' unions, and identified new forms and methods of protest. Our analysis shows an unprecedented ampleness of the University anomia. This research also focuses on relationships of the protest movements with the institutions and the authorities by showing their effects mainly through sociopolitical transformations. We will use descriptive and historical analysis methods to shed light on the studied university field and the historical events. We will also describe the process of teaching and trainings as well as the development of protest structures in the university field in Algeria

La lutte pacifiste actuelle en R. F. A. Fait partie d'une mobilisation sociale internationale. Elle est différente des luttes pacifistes du passe par son organisation indépendante vis-à-vis des partis politiques et des autres institutions sociales. Les significations de l'action sont aussi autres; il s'agit d'une protestation patriotique, démocratique et sociale. L'enjeu de ce conflit - au niveau le plus élevé - est la discussion sur la rationalité et l'orientation de la politique de sécurité
The current pacifist movement in West Germany is part of an international social movement. It differs from pacifist movements of the past because in its organization it is independent of political parties and other social institutions. The meanings of the action are also different; it is about a patriotic, democratic and social protest. The main issue of this conflict is the discussion about the rationality and orientation of a security policy

This thesis discusses the politics of conscientious objection in Turkey within a framework of citizenship. In this study citizenship is identified with being political and conceived as a process comprised of acts and practices. According to this conception, while practices reproduce the discourse of citizenship in a given context, acts are the deeds that challenge this discourse. Conscription, within this framework, is defined as a citizenship practice which re/produces the militaristic, nationalistic and gendered content of the Turkish citizenship. Conscientious objection is approached as an act of citizenship that contests and challenges the established citizenship regime in the country. This challenge and contestation is presented through the interviews with the conscientious objectors and activists as well as a review of the already published material by and on them. Conscientious objection challenges the citizenship regime in Turkey on three inter-related grounds: 1. It challenges and exposes the militaristic content of the discourse of citizenship in Turkey. 2. It challenges the political content of &lsquo
Turkishness&rsquo
&ndash
that is the nationalistic content of Turkish citizenship- with particular reference to Kurdish issue
and 3. It challenges the prevailing gender roles and the values of hegemonic masculinity in Turkey.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
This thesis examines the interaction between social movements and planning institutions in the delivery of low-income housing in metropolitan Harare. Post-2000, the problem of housing in Zimbabwe has been characterised by the weak technical and financial capacity of local authorities and central government to deliver low-income housing and social movements challenging conventional housing delivery approaches and promoting alternatives. Between 2000 and 2015, the largest share of low-income housing was provided by housing movements. This study employs transformative theory (Friedmann, 2011) to explain how societies, especially marginalised people, organise alternative services pertinent to their lifestyles. The thesis draws on 95 key informant interviews, 14 focus group discussions (with 120 members of housing movements), and enumeration survey data (covering 6,636 households). It uses extensive material from document analysis (council resolutions, council committee reports, departmental annual reports, co-operative audits and reports, and government investigation reports). This study uses purposive sampling in which defined criteria were used to select housing movements. The study suggests that there has been urban transformation in metropolitan Harare. As argued in this thesis, urban transformation is evidenced by changes in the urban fabric (for instance, through new housing and infrastructure services for the predominantly poor population), reconfiguration of power (with the urban poor playing a vital role in urban development) and the adoption by planning institutions of grassroots-centred planning and housing delivery approaches. This transformation seems to be the result of four factors. First, the sudden increase in social movements involved in the ‘formal and informal’ delivery of low-income housing. Secondly, the drastic decline in the capacity of central and local governments to fulfil their housing delivery mandates. Thirdly, the changes to low-income housing delivery approaches in terms of both planning and housing policy and practice. Lastly, the Fast Track Land Reform Programme has had a wide impact on access to housing in peri-urban areas. The study concludes that urban transformation has primarily been the result of social movements placing pressure on planning authorities which has brought a new urban development order. Interactions between social movements and planning institutions have been characterised by struggles, contestation and alliances, which continue to profoundly shape urban planning and housing in Zimbabwe.
Germany Academic Exchange Service (DAAD)

Present-day development theory and practice highlight the potential of micro-entrepreneurship for poverty reduction in least developed countries. Fostered by the seminal writings of microfinance founder Muhammad Yunus and the bottom-of-the-pyramid propagator Krishnarao Prahalad, the new approach is marked by a stress on participation and sustainability, and the new, market-based development models. With the growing popularity of the new approach there has been an increased demand for research on the efficacy and impact of innovations. What has scarcely been addressed, however, is the legitimacy of the new paradigm within its contexts of application. Since engagement and participation have been made the focal point of the new approach, my research investigates how the innovative, mostly market-based models have been received by the local populations on the ground. This doctoral dissertation is looking up-close at the rural populations of Burundi, describing and explaining their perceptions, behaviors and actions in response to the market-based development innovations: microfinance, rural entrepreneurship and community social enterprise. Do the concepts of entrepreneurship, community engagement and participation find a fertile ground among the poorest rural dwellers of sub-Saharan Africa? Can subsistence farmers be entrepreneurs? How to create social value in the context of extreme resource scarcity? It is investigating these and other questions that guided the subsequent stages of my work. I based my dissertation on extensive field research, conducted periodically over the period of four years in the remote areas of rural Burundi.In the first chapter, I question the applicability of entrepreneurship-based interventions to the socio-cultural context of rural Burundi. Basing my quantitative analysis on a unique cross-section dataset from Burundi of over 900 households, I look into the entrepreneurial livelihood strategies at the near-subsistence level: diversifying crops, processing food for sale, supplementary wage work and non-agricultural employment. I find that the farmers living closer to the subsistence level are indeed less likely to pursue innovative entrepreneurial opportunities, unable to break the poverty cycle and move beyond subsistence agriculture. The paper contributes to the ongoing debate on by analyzing its drivers and inhibitors in the context of a subsistence economy. It questions the idea of alleviating rural poverty through the external promotion of entrepreneurship as it constitutes ‘a denial of the poor’s capacity for agency to bring about social change by themselves on their own terms’.Drawing on these findings, the second chapter focusses on the role of local communities as shareholders of projects. The aim of this paper is to investigate the ways in which the agrarian communities in rural Burundi accommodate the model of a community social enterprise. The project understudy, implemented by the UNICEF Burundi Innovation Lab, builds upon the provision of green energy generators to the village child protection committees in the energy-deficient rural regions of the country. The electricity-producing machines are also a new income source for the groups, transforming them into economically viable community enterprises. Since the revenue earned is to directly support the village orphans’ fund, the communities in question engage in a true post-development venture: they gradually assume the role of the development-provisioning organizations.The third chapter of this work focusses on the complex interaction between the microfinance providers and the population of its clients and potential clients: the rural poor. It draws on the existing research on positive deviance among African communities and explores the social entrepreneurial potential of the rule-breaking practices of microfinance programs’ beneficiaries. Using the storyboard methodology, I examine the strategies employed by the poor in Burundi to bypass institutional rules. My results suggest that transgressive practices and nonconformity of development beneficiaries can indeed be seen as innovative, entrepreneurial initiatives to reform the microfinance system from within, postulating a more participatory mode of MFIs’ organizational governance. The three empirical chapters provide concrete examples illustrating the contested nature of the development process. In the last, theoretical, chapter, I examine how the different conceptualizations of social entrepreneurship have been shaped by the disparate socio-political realities in the North and in the South. I then analyze how the process of constructing academic representation has been influenced by the prevalent public discourses.Since doubling or tripling of the external development finance has not sufficed to bring about systemic change, the assumption that technology, managerial efficacy and the leveraging power of financial markets could be applied to solving the problem of persisting global poverty has a lot of appeal. At the same time, my findings point to the fact that if the ultimate objective of development is broadly defined value creation, the definition of what constitutes value should be negotiated among all the stakeholders. The dissertation makes an important contribution to the understanding of participation, entrepreneurship and community engagement in the context of development studies.I strongly believe that development organizations must have a quality understanding of the social and cultural characteristics of the need or problem they are targeting in order to make productive decisions about the application and scaling of interventions. I very much hope that my work can provide some guidance for their work on the ground.
Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
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A la fin des années quatre-vingt, on assiste à l'émergence d'une nouvelle expression culturelle au Sénégal : le hip-hop. Le rap (la forme vocale du hip-hop) a été introduit à Dakar par les jeunes des classes moyennes, qui avaient accès aux cassettes de rap américain ou français que leurs aînés leur envoyaient de l'étranger. Au début des années quatre-vingt-dix, ce style de musique commença à être diffusé largement dans les radios, et le rap se répandit jusque dans les quartiers les plus populaires de la ville. Au terme d'un travail de terrain de quatorze mois, j'ai essayé de déterminer comment les jeunes Sénégalais, traditionnellement tenus à l'écart du discours et des responsabilités au sein de la sphère publique, ont réussi à jouer un rôle déterminant dans la redéfinition d'un nouvel ordre, sur les plans réels et symboliques. Je me suis demandé si le mouvement rap à Dakar correspondait à la notion de mouvement social, ou revêtait plutôt la forme d'une culture populaire, s'inscrivant dans un milieu urbain. En effet, à l'horizon des élections présidentielles de 2000, les rappeurs, notamment ceux pratiquant le style hardcore, ont montré leur forte capacité à mobiliser les jeunes pour aller voter, mais aussi faire émerger une nouvelle conscience politique et sociale. La jeunesse sénégalaise, placée en situation de liminarité (concept que j'emprunte à l'anthropologue britannique Victor Turner) a ainsi réussi à réinvestir l'espace public. En outre, les rappeurs proposent une nouvelle lecture de l'histoire, de la tradition, élaborent de nouveaux codes musicaux et langagiers, mais aussi mettent en œuvre des processus d'individualisation qui leur permettent de redéfinir leur rapport à la famille ou à la religion, et notamment de l'islam, organisé le plus souvent sous forme de confréries soufies. Enfin, son évolution progressive vers la professionnalisation tend à changer sa relation à la création, et son ouverture croissante sur le monde l'amène à procéder à un rééquilibrage incessant, qui reflète les tiraillements d'une jeunesse désireuse d'appartenir à la fois à un monde « local » et « global ».

This thesis examines three contestations involving human remains which have arisen in the Eastern Cape over the past fifteen years. It shows that the value or meaning attached to human remains is constructed through the socio-historical dynamics out of which these contestations arise. The meaning and value of human remains is neither inherent nor neutral. In Ndancama's case, the need for housing in Fingo Village led hundreds of poor residents to settle on the township's Old Cemetery in 1972. Basic material needs trumped concerns for those buried in the cemetery. When the post-apartheid municipality sought to provide sewerage and housing infrastructure for Ndancama in 2003, its development plans were constrained by new heritage legislation which protects historic cemeteries. Residents insisted that their infrastructural needs were of primary importance. In 1993, the unearthing of human remains at the Old Military Cemetery in King William's Town created a thirteen year long saga which was only resolved with the reburial of the remains in 2006. The presence of the remains proved problematic for a number of reasons. Local authorities failed to rebury the remains speedily. The burden to store them fell on the Kaffrarian Museum which came under fire because this was considered unethical in the postapartheid era. The identity of the remains became a bone of contention in 2006 when the new Amathole District Municipality concluded that the remains were those of victims who died in the 1856-57 Great Cattle Killing. The remains and their reburial became symbols of past injustice and present restoration of African heritage. The 1996 quest by 'Nicholas Gcaleka', a 'self-styled' chief and traditional healer, to search for King Hintsa's skull in the United Kingdom provoked unprecedented public engagement with the incomplete narrative on the fate of Hintsa's body. The power to represent history, and the methods through which historical truth is discovered were at the heart of the contestation. Elites such as the Xhosa Royal and the white scientific establishment were considered neither credible nor authoritative on this historical matter. Public support for Gcaleka revealed that many South Africans sought just recompense for colonial injustices.

Magister Artium - MA
The mini-thesis will examine the conservation of colonial historic buildings at Old Umtali (today Mutare) in Zimbabwe and the changes that have affected the buildings in terms of use and maintenance of their architectural character. There has been a shift in heritage management priorities in Zimbabwe and all heritage linked to colonialism has been supplanted by archaeological and liberation war heritage. The result is that the category of colonial heritage which includes historic buildings, forts and memorials have been neglected and vandalised. Various international frameworks in the conservation of buildings will be referred to in this research in examining related questions of urban heritage management. The dichotomy that exists between conservation and adaptive reuse of historic buildings as these issues have unfolded at Old Umtali, a former colonial town with historic buildings constructed in 1891 will be at the centre of this interrogation. Notwithstanding the changes in heritage management priorities in Zimbabwe, the irony is that heritage practitioners are still obliged to conserve historic buildings by legislation. This work then attempts to place back the question of conserving historic buildings on the conservation agenda for a post-colonial Zimbabwe. I argue that historic buildings should be conserved and used for different contemporary purposes and at the same time becoming the subject of interpretative work. Questions can then be asked about the experience of colonialism and the various movements of the Pioneer Column in Zimbabwe using the case study of Old Umtali. In this thesis conservation of historic buildings is not just a technical question but is also seen as an intellectual, epistemological and political question.

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA(DVS)
This study revealed the key role that social, historical, economic and political networks play in initiating and maintaining service delivery protests. While networks help in communicating service delivery problems among protestors and in mobilizing, protests that ensue are a means of communicating anger at the municipal authorities’ actions and or inactions. Using a reference to a hostage situation that occurred, I argued that there is a progression and intensification of protest tactics especially after ‘peaceful and legal’ means of engagement fail. Also, my research findings show that networks used for protest purposes can be used for other purposes. In light of this, I suggested that a better understanding, by protestors, of networks at their disposal and how they can use such networks for other community building projects is needed. Additionally, such an understanding by protestors may prove helpful for protestors to better organize and utilize their network resource and stage more effective but peaceful protests. Municipalities may use this information (networks) to communicate and connect with the communities they serve in a better way. In sum, the study further found that networks are important before the protest, during the protest and after the protest

Si « Rock » dans le monde occidental est marqué par ses traits subversifs et politiques à certaines périodes historiques spécifiques pour être ensuite entièrement récupérée par la raison marchande, son histoire a été prolongée avec son appropriation environ trente ans après en République Populaire de Chine. Ainsi, le Yaogun, dénomination commune du Rock en Chine est depuis son émergence imbriqué dans la constitution d'une « nouvelle Chine socialiste » calquée sur le modèle de « l'État-nation » : « une démarche mimétique par rapport au système occidental, un système, couplé d’idéologies, qui s’est avéré avec la première guerre mondiale non seulement politico-économique mais de plus scientifique et technologique » selon les expressions du Gregory Lee. En même temps, cette construction de « l’État-nation chinois socialiste » est depuis le début véhiculée par les mécanismes de la « mondialisation » économique, culturelle et idéologique selon une logique capitaliste. Cette thèse présente le Rock comme un acteur social qui représente et traduit la société chinoise prise dans la transition radicale et structurelle, d’une société considérée comme « ex-socialiste » vers une société de consommation et spectacle depuis les années 1980. Par ses propres transformations, ses tentatives contestataires et ses récupérations par la consommation, le Yaogun se réapproprie des schèmes, des images et des notions hérités à la fois du Mythe du Rock daté d'un demi siècle, et de « l'Occident » dont il réinterprète le sens originel. Pour ce faire, il sollicite inévitablement des éléments « propres » à la Chine - gestuel ou symbolique – qui pourrait amener à la revendication (ou non) d'une spécificité culturelle propre. Avec cette analyse, nous avons tenté d’une part de démontrer la complexité et les contradictions voilées derrière l'apparence homogène de la production de cette société du spectacle et de consommation qu’est la Chine actuelle, et d’autre part de démystifier la circulation hégémonique sur le plan des connaissances scientifiques du monde actuel. Ce travail est le fruit d’une réflexion alimentée par deux parcours parallèles et complémentaires en Études sur la Chine contemporaine et « Cultural Studies », s’inspirant des différentes approches théoriques transdiciplinaire dans les domaines des sciences sociales et humaines. Il traite la question des relations entre la musique populaire, le Rock, le pouvoir politique et économique ainsi que la vie quotidienne dans le monde chinois contemporain. Enfin ce questionnement dit « local » a par la suite suscité une réflexion critique sur la réalité dominant le monde actuel : « la mondialisation marchande »
Born at the same time as the “30 years of China’s Reform and Opening" political discourse, Rock music in China (Yaogun) at its outset is often understood as an ideological weapon with a somewhat “revolutionary” touch to it against the Communist orthodox principles. This is mainly due to some values known as part of the Rock Myth, such as individual freedom, social equality and democracy.However, since the 1980s, there has been a significant transformation in the People's Republic of China (PRC): the shift to a free-market economy and the opening of the country to outside influence have led to the resurgence of a relevant social and cultural diversity. In the meantime, the new ideologies, technologies and mode of economy unavoidably brought about the commodification of the so-called “Chinese Culture” as part of the modern Chinese “Nation-State” construction, both at the level of the authority’s cultural policy and of the collective social imaginary, including the commodification of the so-called “Chinese Rock” or Yaogun. After one decade of development in the 1990s, generally speaking, China’s Rock or “underground” turned out to stay away from politics. It became hip, professionally organized, commercial and partly moving “overground” (not about revolution, but about everyday life). Similarly to other forms of art and cultural production in contemporary China, Rock also engaged in a complex and creative relationship with the PRC’s revolutionary heritage. From the late 1980s onwards, Yaogun has developed from being a rebelling voice in opposition to the ideology of the Chinese authorities to representing a subject of commodification by different agencies in sharing the same signs of the PRC’s revolutionary heritage. This dissertation attempts to shed some light on the complexities and contradictions involved in the tremendous social and cultural transformations of post-socialist China through the rock music scene. It brings into play the sociology of Rock music, Cultural Studies, together with the production and spreading of the culture and ideology of contemporary Chinese society

This research project aims to contribute to the field of communication and social change through the analysis of different humoristic subversive mechanisms used by feminist comedians in Spanish society and their potential as a transformative tool in the country’s socio-political context.The personal stories of three feminist comedians interviewed for this research are analysed through the feminist standpoint theory, valuing the epistemic knowledge of women’s experiences and the potential of their communication through comedy as a contestation tool. Understanding knowledge as socially situated, through the experiences of the interviewed women, this research provides an analysis of the evolution of subversive mechanisms through comedy to contest the existing sociopolitical barriers.Comedy provides a safe space for the communication of subversive feminist messages that generate alternative points of view contesting existing hegemonic structures of knowledge and contribute to break gender stereotypes regaining subjectivity for women. Sharing marginal personal stories could promote connections among women through the identification of the oppressions suffered, creating a sorority movement that contributes to the evolution of feminism.

In the 1990s, New Zealand's curriculum for the compulsory schooling sector was to undergo complete revision following the administrative reforms of the 1980s. The development of each new curriculum document followed a business model in which the Ministry of Education put the development process out for competitive tender. The successful bidders were to complete their tasks to strict Ministry guidelines and under the scrutiny of the Ministry's Curriculum Review Committee and the Minister's Policy Advisory Group. After the completion of a draft version, public consultation and school trials, a final curriculum document would be prepared and mandated as the legal curriculum requirements for New Zealand government-funded schools. The process that the fifth document, Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum, was to undergo proved to be elongated and controversial. As such, it provides a case study through which to examine, critique and theorise the nature of curriculum construction at a macro-level, in this case, at a national level. This study of the development of Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum illuminates three broad themes in curriculum construction - context, complexity and contestation. These themes arise from the literature and are reinforced by the study's findings. The study set out to: provide detailed description and analysis of an example of curriculum construction; use the selected case study to demonstrate the importance of the broader contexts within which curriculum construction occurs; problematise the notion of curriculum construction by highlighting the complexities in and around the process; articulate the contested nature of selecting and presenting curriculum contents; and provide insights into the personal and affective side of involvement in a macrolevel curriculum construction process. There are three main sources of data - the process itself, the products (three versions of Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum) and the people involved. A range of data gathering methods is used from primarily historical and ethnographic research within a qualitative framework. The main data gathering tools are archival research, document analysis and open-ended interviewing. As the data are mainly textual--either as original documents or created texts, as in interview transcripts-analytic strategies include content, thematic, semiotic and discourse analysis. Social constructionism (Burr, 1995) provides a unifying theoretical approach to frame the research design and analysis. In this dissertation, the background to the study, the findings and the discussion are interwoven and presented through three story strands - institutional, contextual and personal. The institutional strand aims to tell "what happened". The contextual strand aims to explain "why things happened as they did", "in what circumstances" and "why this might be important". The personal strand aims to give more prominence to the role of individuals in such a process, that is, "who was involved, how did individuals impact upon curriculum construction and how did the process impact upon them?" The layout of the dissertation also highlights the interwoven and complex nature of the ideas being explored. It is necessary to push the boundaries of a more traditional format to keep the notions of complexity and contestation to the fore. This manifests itself in the way that the chapter headings are based around the three story strands, the literature is integrated throughout the study and multi-layered stories and multiple interpretations are given. Within this framework, the usual features of a conventional research report - background, context, literature, theoretical underpinnings, methodological choices, findings and discussion - are still to be found but some liberty is taken to "open up the complications that [would] have been smoothed over" (Stronach & MacLure, 1997, p. 5) in more traditional dissertations. The findings are analysed and presented in a variety of ways - as a chronology and a set of critical incidents to outline the process, as textual and visual analysis to examine the products, and through personal stories to illuminate the experiences of the people involved. Theorising from the data is problematised by using a range of theoretical explanations before proffering a synthesised model of curriculum construction as a multidimensional process. The findings from this study form two clusters - those that relate to the specific case study (the development of Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum) and those that provide deeper understanding of the broader nature of curriculum construction. The two sets of findings also demonstrate the interrelated nature of the three data sources - the process, the products and the people. In relation to the specific case study, there is clear evidence of the acceptance of social studies as a curriculum area in New Zealand with its own identity and integrity. The study also documents the historical development of social studies as a curriculum area and provides a detailed account of the contested nature of the development of the current social studies curriculum statement Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum. The other finding, relating specifically to the New Zealand context but which should give heart to practitioners everywhere, is the resilience of committed educators when faced with opposing ideological forces determined to undermine their position. This is exemplified in this case study by the social studies community's ability to reclaim control over the contents of the curriculum despite strong opposition from the Business Roundtable and other neo-liberal and neo-conservative forces. What is also revealed is that in order to achieve an acceptable outcome, a curriculum construction process needs both consultation and critique. Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum is all the stronger as a product because of the depth of the surrounding debate and this, in turn, strengthened the credibility of both the curriculum area and its supporters. The findings that relate to broader notions of curriculum construction either confirm key themes from the literature, expand upon some that are less explicit or offer new insights. The three touchstones of this study - context, complexity and contestation - were constantly reinforced through the gathering and analysis of the data, and confirmed by the findings. That curriculum construction is subject to a range of contextual factors - historical, social, cultural, political, economic and/or educational; that the process is complex and multi-layered; that the process is highly political and contested; and that the process and products are influenced by powerful individuals and groups both inside and outside the process, are all strongly confirmed by, and even consolidated in, this study. Notions alluded to in the literature that find stronger expression in this study relate to the nature of contestation throughout the process of curriculum construction. A model using Bourdieu's notions of field, capital and habitus (after Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977) allows stronger articulation of features such as polarisation, factionalisation, the forging of alliances and the fluid status of participants. The data reveal the curriculum construction process in a constant state of flux and subject to much serendipity. The findings also strengthen the notion that the products of a curriculum construction process are not ends in themselves but reveal much about the nature of the contestation and, indeed, lay the groundwork for future contested interpretations. New insights that arise from this study include an articulation of the strategies, such as compromise, contingency and expediency, that participants use to achieve their ends. These are often at the expense of participants' underpinning principles or adherence to particular curriculum development models. Significant insights come from the in-depth investigation of the emotional side of curriculum construction. The data reveal that the struggle for control over curriculum contents is an emotionally-charged process; that participants in the process wrestle with the differences between their own personal platforms, their ideological influences, the groups they represent and the requirements of the task; that contestation occurs between those setting and those completing the task, especially in relationship to professional decision-making and intellectual ownership; and that no consideration is given to the emotional cost of involvement in such large-scale curriculum construction processes. In summary, context shapes the unique nature of curriculum construction processes and products. If an understanding of these factors is tempered with an awareness of the complex and multi-dimensional nature of curriculum construction this will strengthen the process and could lessen the negative effects of ideologically-motivated or emotionally-charged involvement in the process. Finally, as contestation in curriculum construction is unavoidable in such high-stakes processes, consultation and critique should be seen as opportunities (rather than threats), to enhance the credibility of the final product.

In October 2019, a wave of massive demonstrations took place in Santiago de Chile and this movement was stamped in several newspaper covers worldwide. People shouting against the Chilean neoliberal system, holding posters with anti-imperialist sayings, and organizing artistic interventions on the streets went viral in social media. The message was clear – for several consecutive months, people in Chile were actively questioning the political, economic, and societal systems as well as the power struggles faced in the country. Relying on the 2019-2020 Chilean Uprising as a case study, this research investigates the consistency of the Santiago de Chile demonstrations by connecting its social claims to the field of urban studies for the understanding of social and spatial constructions. The thesis relies on postcolonial, decolonial, and critical urban theories, a critical perspective of the neoliberal system, the Lefebvrian Right to the City concept, and Manuel Castells' grassroots movements definition, as well as semi structured interviews and newspapers articles as empirical data for the enhancement of the debate.

In the 1990s, New Zealand's curriculum for the compulsory schooling sector was to undergo complete revision following the administrative reforms of the 1980s. The development of each new curriculum document followed a business model in which the Ministry of Education put the development process out for competitive tender. The successful bidders were to complete their tasks to strict Ministry guidelines and under the scrutiny of the Ministry's Curriculum Review Committee and the Minister's Policy Advisory Group. After the completion of a draft version, public consultation and school trials, a final curriculum document would be prepared and mandated as the legal curriculum requirements for New Zealand government-funded schools. The process that the fifth document, Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum, was to undergo proved to be elongated and controversial. As such, it provides a case study through which to examine, critique and theorise the nature of curriculum construction at a macro-level, in this case, at a national level. This study of the development of Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum illuminates three broad themes in curriculum construction - context, complexity and contestation. These themes arise from the literature and are reinforced by the study's findings. The study set out to: provide detailed description and analysis of an example of curriculum construction; use the selected case study to demonstrate the importance of the broader contexts within which curriculum construction occurs; problematise the notion of curriculum construction by highlighting the complexities in and around the process; articulate the contested nature of selecting and presenting curriculum contents; and provide insights into the personal and affective side of involvement in a macrolevel curriculum construction process. There are three main sources of data - the process itself, the products (three versions of Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum) and the people involved. A range of data gathering methods is used from primarily historical and ethnographic research within a qualitative framework. The main data gathering tools are archival research, document analysis and open-ended interviewing. As the data are mainly textual--either as original documents or created texts, as in interview transcripts-analytic strategies include content, thematic, semiotic and discourse analysis. Social constructionism (Burr, 1995) provides a unifying theoretical approach to frame the research design and analysis. In this dissertation, the background to the study, the findings and the discussion are interwoven and presented through three story strands - institutional, contextual and personal. The institutional strand aims to tell "what happened". The contextual strand aims to explain "why things happened as they did", "in what circumstances" and "why this might be important". The personal strand aims to give more prominence to the role of individuals in such a process, that is, "who was involved, how did individuals impact upon curriculum construction and how did the process impact upon them?" The layout of the dissertation also highlights the interwoven and complex nature of the ideas being explored. It is necessary to push the boundaries of a more traditional format to keep the notions of complexity and contestation to the fore. This manifests itself in the way that the chapter headings are based around the three story strands, the literature is integrated throughout the study and multi-layered stories and multiple interpretations are given. Within this framework, the usual features of a conventional research report - background, context, literature, theoretical underpinnings, methodological choices, findings and discussion - are still to be found but some liberty is taken to "open up the complications that [would] have been smoothed over" (Stronach & MacLure, 1997, p. 5) in more traditional dissertations. The findings are analysed and presented in a variety of ways - as a chronology and a set of critical incidents to outline the process, as textual and visual analysis to examine the products, and through personal stories to illuminate the experiences of the people involved. Theorising from the data is problematised by using a range of theoretical explanations before proffering a synthesised model of curriculum construction as a multidimensional process. The findings from this study form two clusters - those that relate to the specific case study (the development of Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum) and those that provide deeper understanding of the broader nature of curriculum construction. The two sets of findings also demonstrate the interrelated nature of the three data sources - the process, the products and the people. In relation to the specific case study, there is clear evidence of the acceptance of social studies as a curriculum area in New Zealand with its own identity and integrity. The study also documents the historical development of social studies as a curriculum area and provides a detailed account of the contested nature of the development of the current social studies curriculum statement Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum. The other finding, relating specifically to the New Zealand context but which should give heart to practitioners everywhere, is the resilience of committed educators when faced with opposing ideological forces determined to undermine their position. This is exemplified in this case study by the social studies community's ability to reclaim control over the contents of the curriculum despite strong opposition from the Business Roundtable and other neo-liberal and neo-conservative forces. What is also revealed is that in order to achieve an acceptable outcome, a curriculum construction process needs both consultation and critique. Social Studies in the New Zealand Curriculum is all the stronger as a product because of the depth of the surrounding debate and this, in turn, strengthened the credibility of both the curriculum area and its supporters. The findings that relate to broader notions of curriculum construction either confirm key themes from the literature, expand upon some that are less explicit or offer new insights. The three touchstones of this study - context, complexity and contestation - were constantly reinforced through the gathering and analysis of the data, and confirmed by the findings. That curriculum construction is subject to a range of contextual factors - historical, social, cultural, political, economic and/or educational; that the process is complex and multi-layered; that the process is highly political and contested; and that the process and products are influenced by powerful individuals and groups both inside and outside the process, are all strongly confirmed by, and even consolidated in, this study. Notions alluded to in the literature that find stronger expression in this study relate to the nature of contestation throughout the process of curriculum construction. A model using Bourdieu's notions of field, capital and habitus (after Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977) allows stronger articulation of features such as polarisation, factionalisation, the forging of alliances and the fluid status of participants. The data reveal the curriculum construction process in a constant state of flux and subject to much serendipity. The findings also strengthen the notion that the products of a curriculum construction process are not ends in themselves but reveal much about the nature of the contestation and, indeed, lay the groundwork for future contested interpretations. New insights that arise from this study include an articulation of the strategies, such as compromise, contingency and expediency, that participants use to achieve their ends. These are often at the expense of participants' underpinning principles or adherence to particular curriculum development models. Significant insights come from the in-depth investigation of the emotional side of curriculum construction. The data reveal that the struggle for control over curriculum contents is an emotionally-charged process; that participants in the process wrestle with the differences between their own personal platforms, their ideological influences, the groups they represent and the requirements of the task; that contestation occurs between those setting and those completing the task, especially in relationship to professional decision-making and intellectual ownership; and that no consideration is given to the emotional cost of involvement in such large-scale curriculum construction processes. In summary, context shapes the unique nature of curriculum construction processes and products. If an understanding of these factors is tempered with an awareness of the complex and multi-dimensional nature of curriculum construction this will strengthen the process and could lessen the negative effects of ideologically-motivated or emotionally-charged involvement in the process. Finally, as contestation in curriculum construction is unavoidable in such high-stakes processes, consultation and critique should be seen as opportunities (rather than threats), to enhance the credibility of the final product.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning
Full Text

Du soulèvement survenu en Birmanie en 2007 aux révoltes qui ont traversé les pays de la Méditerranée en 2011, les usages de la vidéo partagée sur internet n’ont cessé de se développer au cœur des manifestations et des émeutes. À partir d’observations menées sur internet et d’une enquête de terrain en Tunisie, la thèse s’attache à décrire l’évolution des usages de l’image animée sur le temps long du processus révolutionnaire tunisien entre 2008 et 2014, et à questionner la place et le rôle de ces pratiques dans un monde social en ébullition. L’analyse des contenus mais aussi des tensions socio-politiques qui ont présidé et succédé au moment insurrectionnel, suggère que la prise d’images n’est pas seulement une pratique utilitaire et stratégique destinée à sensibiliser ou à produire une information alternative, mais qu’elle sert des objectifs complexes traversés par les enjeux de lutte qui ont animé les différentes périodes. Des premiers usages en période autoritaire aux productions en plan-séquence dans le temps de l’urgence insurrectionnelle, des montages et mises en scènes accompagnant les mobilisations pour la reconnaissance des acteurs de la révolte à ceux réaffirmant les revendications des populations marginalisées, la vidéo partagée s’est affirmée comme le langage vernaculaire de la contestation
From the Burma uprising in 2007 to the revolutions of the Arab world in 2011, the uses of digital video have continued to grow, from the heart of demonstrations and riots to the internet. Based on observations conducted on the internet and on a field survey in Tunisia, the thesis describe the evolution of moving image uses in the Tunisian revolutionary process between 2008 and 2014, and interrogates the place and role of these practices in a social world in turmoil. Content analysis combined with analysis of the socio-political tensions that led and succeeded the uprising, suggests that taking pictures is not only a strategic utility practice to raise awareness or to produce alternative information, but that it serves complex objectives marked by the struggle issues of the different periods. From the first uses in authoritarian period to the uses during riots weeks, from edited clips for recognition of revolutionary actors to productions for the recognition of marginalized populations, shared videos revealed as the vernacular language of protest

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior
O objetivo do trabalho que aqui se apresenta à analisar os elementos poÃticos de contestaÃÃo social produzidos pela banda brasileira de rock metal Sepultura entre os anos de 1984 (Ãpoca de seu surgimento) a 1996 (Ãpoca da produÃÃo do Ãlbum âRootsâ, o Ãltimo ainda com a presenÃa de um dos membros fundadores da banda, o mÃsico Max Cavalera). Desde o seu surgimento na dÃcada de 1950 nos Estados Unidos e, posteriormente, na Inglaterra, o rock and roll jà evidenciava o seu poder contestatÃrio Ãs normas e convenÃÃes sociais estabelecidas. Mesmo apÃs a sua subdivisÃo em uma mirÃade de novos estilos roqueiros, ou antes, subgÃneros musicais, nos anos posteriores a atitude contestatÃria da realidade social acompanhou esses novos estilos de rock. O heavy metal à um desses estilos musicais que produzem uma poÃtica de crÃtica ao que, genericamente, pode ser chamado de âsistemaâ. Surgido entre o final dos anos de 1960 e o inÃcio dos anos de 1970, o metal se impÃs enquanto uma expressÃo musical, composta por uma sonoridade grave, obscura e ruidosa. Os temas tratados em suas mÃsicas atestam uma multiplicidade temÃtica, que abarca desde os elementos relacionados ao ocultismo atà a crÃtica social, sobretudo, direcionada Ãs instituiÃÃes sociais, tais como: a Igreja, a PolÃtica e o Estado. No Brasil, o rock metal emerge em meio ao perÃodo de redemocratizaÃÃo do PaÃs, no inÃcio da dÃcada de 1980. Entre inÃmeras bandas brasileiras de metal, nenhuma conseguiu alcanÃar o reconhecimento de fÃs e crÃtica especializada, seja no seu paÃs de origem ou no exterior, como o grupo Sepultura. Sob a perspectiva analÃtica da sociÃloga norte americana Deena Weinstein, este trabalho analisou os elementos poÃticos de contestaÃÃo social da banda Sepultura, focalizando o que esta autora denominou de âdimensÃo sonoraâ, âdimensÃo verbalâ e, por fim, âdimensÃo visual ou imagÃticaâ. Assim, buscou-se analisar e compreender os elementos formais de algumas composiÃÃes do Sepultura, sobretudo, as mÃsicas âDictatorshitâ - que trata das violÃncias perpetradas pelo Estado brasileiro durante a Ditadura Militar de 1964 a 1985 - e âManifestâ, que discute a horrenda chacina que ficou conhecida como âMassacre do Carandiruâ e, tambÃm, as imagens e fotos expostas nos encartes dos Ãlbuns da banda, as vestimentas adotadas pelos integrantes do Sepultura e entrevistas com membros e ex-membros do referido grupo sejam feitas pelo autor, sejam expostas em revistas ou vÃdeos disponÃveis na internet. Desta forma, conclui-se que ao longo dos anos de 1984 a 1996 a banda Sepultura produziu uma vasta poÃtica contestatÃria à realidade social, variando apenas, segundo os âalvosâ prediletos de tais contestaÃÃes e diferentes materializaÃÃes de tal postura.

Activists contesting urban neoliberalism are traveling to participate in struggles beyond their place of residence. They are sharing, teaching and advising activists from other struggles. They are also promoters of specific imaginaries and strategies of contestation. I refer to this phenomenon as translocal urban activism, a type of brokerage that aims to draw global connections among local political movements and a global activist network. By the analysis of the translocal practices against gentrification of the Spanish art collective Left Hand Rotation in Latin America, I direct the discussion to identify the mechanisms whereby translocal urban activism shapes the geography of urban movements against gentrification, and to examine how translocal urban activism contributes to the reproduction of and resistance against neoliberal ideas, values, and practices. I argue that power geometries within translocal urban activists, tend to nurture the global activist network with dominant imaginaries and practices, eclipsing other alternatives.

Du soulèvement survenu en Birmanie en 2007 aux révoltes qui ont traversé les pays de la Méditerranée en 2011, les usages de la vidéo partagée sur internet n’ont cessé de se développer au cœur des manifestations et des émeutes. À partir d’observations menées sur internet et d’une enquête de terrain en Tunisie, la thèse s’attache à décrire l’évolution des usages de l’image animée sur le temps long du processus révolutionnaire tunisien entre 2008 et 2014, et à questionner la place et le rôle de ces pratiques dans un monde social en ébullition. L’analyse des contenus mais aussi des tensions socio-politiques qui ont présidé et succédé au moment insurrectionnel, suggère que la prise d’images n’est pas seulement une pratique utilitaire et stratégique destinée à sensibiliser ou à produire une information alternative, mais qu’elle sert des objectifs complexes traversés par les enjeux de lutte qui ont animé les différentes périodes. Des premiers usages en période autoritaire aux productions en plan-séquence dans le temps de l’urgence insurrectionnelle, des montages et mises en scènes accompagnant les mobilisations pour la reconnaissance des acteurs de la révolte à ceux réaffirmant les revendications des populations marginalisées, la vidéo partagée s’est affirmée comme le langage vernaculaire de la contestation
From the Burma uprising in 2007 to the revolutions of the Arab world in 2011, the uses of digital video have continued to grow, from the heart of demonstrations and riots to the internet. Based on observations conducted on the internet and on a field survey in Tunisia, the thesis describe the evolution of moving image uses in the Tunisian revolutionary process between 2008 and 2014, and interrogates the place and role of these practices in a social world in turmoil. Content analysis combined with analysis of the socio-political tensions that led and succeeded the uprising, suggests that taking pictures is not only a strategic utility practice to raise awareness or to produce alternative information, but that it serves complex objectives marked by the struggle issues of the different periods. From the first uses in authoritarian period to the uses during riots weeks, from edited clips for recognition of revolutionary actors to productions for the recognition of marginalized populations, shared videos revealed as the vernacular language of protest

La thèse explore la surveillance algorithmique des communications mondiales à travers l’art numérique. Elle examine les projets artistiques à la lumière du moment post-Snowden qui met en évidence l’étroite relation entre la surveillance d’État et la lutte au terrorisme, l’économie numérique, et le droit à la vie privée. Plus spécifiquement, la thèse pose la question de la résistance esthétique à la surveillance déployée par les dispositifs de sécurité occidentaux et à la sécurisation du quotidien. Animée par une réflexion sur le public et la circulation de l’art, la thèse s’intéresse à une communauté d’artistes circulant principalement autour de New York et Berlin. Ces artistes se réapproprient les médias et les artefacts de la culture numérique et explorent la relation technologie-culture-pouvoir pour comprendre et contester les structures de pouvoir associées à ces pratiques de surveillance. L’art numérique propose une cartographie alternative du pouvoir qui éclaire et politise les structures de pouvoir rendues invisibles par le secret d’État et la banalisation des technologies. Il conteste en outre la subjectivité numérique néolibérale et les pratiques de catégorisation sociale pour repenser une collectivité politique égalitaire. La thèse démontre la pertinence de l’art comme avenue de résistance à la surveillance, et propose une nouvelle méthode pour analyser l’art en Relations internationales. Mettant en évidence la complicité volontaire et involontaire des entreprises numériques aux efforts antiterroristes, l’incapacité du droit à la vie privée à protéger les individus contre la surveillance algorithmique des communications mondiales, la liberté d’interprétation des données que s’attribuent les dispositifs de sécurité occidentaux, et l’impératif de visibilité qui accompagne la participation numérique, la thèse montre les limites que cette surveillance impose à la résistance. De là, la thèse suggère à travers les œuvres analysées une avenue de contestation à la fois technologique et collective permettant la mise en place d’une collectivité radicalement égalitaire qui brouille les processus de catégorisation sociale et constitue un espace de dissensus face à la société profilée et sécurisée de la surveillance algorithmique.

Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism's outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.

I suggest that asking the question of whether to refuse or celebrate what is labeled as the Arab-Muslim doll today would result in proposing a false argument. What is relevant here instead, are the interdisciplinary forces embodied in this object as a whole. In the field of cultural studies, the forces that matter are not embodied only in the object itself, but also in the dimensions circulating around and expanding from this object and their critical roles within different contexts. Thus the significance of the Arab Muslim doll is crucially in its complex construction and position within contemporary Lebanon. What matters are the multiple ways in which this politically-charged object interacts with and affects its particular settings. It is not a coincidence that an Arab Muslim doll appears on the market shelves in these unfortunate times that the region is witnessing. Nonetheless, it is the specific existence of this doll within the Arab Muslim contestation in current Lebanon that poses questions on the pertinence and role of this object. The hallmark of this doll is in being a polymorphous object metonym to the flexibility, cultural hybridization and fluidity of contemporary Lebanon.

Rêver d'un monde parfait caractérise la pensée de l'homme. C'est l'utopie. Le rêve de ce monde idéal inspire les écrivains ainsi que les philosophes dont Ernst Bloch qui appelle à qu'une vie autre qui commence. C'est par une attitude de contestation et de révolution qu'il accède à réaliser son rêve. Or nous nous demandons si l'utopie exprime les rêves comment pourrait-elle être un outil pour appréhender le monde réel ? Pour dépasser cette objection à l'utopie, il faut la considérer comme refus positif de l'ordre institué et ouverture à des possibilités de création historique. C'est-à-dire une utopie concrète. L'œuvre de Bloch et essentiellement Le principe espérance en offre un soubassement précieux. L'insatisfaction face à l'existant et le sentiment tristement éprouvé que " quelque chose manque " forment cet apport d'où émerge la conscience utopique. Celle-ci marque une projection dans un futur grâce à la pensée et l'imagination ; une projection qui témoigne d'une capacité proprement humaine.

Why and how do ordinary citizens lacking previous activist experience, come, at certain times, to stage protests, block roads, close public administrations, or occupy public spaces, in order to reclaim what they consider is their right? In Egypt, ordinary people have increasingly, albeit occasionally, endorsed protest as a means to press demands, as shown by a continuous frequency of popular mobilisations despite a very repressive context since July 2013. However, despite the persistence of serious grievances and limited results, most of these collective actions have not exceeded the local scale, remaining dispersed, discontinuous and ephemeral. This thesis argues that beyond repression and other authoritarian constraints, which only provide a partial explanation, most popular mobilisations are also prevented from expanding by the vicissitudes of leadership on the one hand, and a set of local sociocultural features on the other. Beyond traditional social movement studies, which mainly focused on urban and organised movements, this thesis analyses ordinary people’s isolated protests characterised by a basic organisation and a strong local anchorage. Based on fieldwork in southern Upper Egypt between January 2014 and April 2015, it provides an account of recent local dynamics of (de)mobilisation. Focusing on these discontinuous, dispersed and ephemeral forms of activism, it sheds light on the factors that interact in preventing a widening of local collective action. These factors include leaders’ limited ambitions, experience, and difficulties in coordinating in a highly authoritarian environment; activists’ co-optation; local logics of patronage and loyalties; gender, generational and other social divisions; and perceptions of cultural identity. The thesis also establishes that current national campaigns, mainly revolutionary change, labour protests and the proMuslim Brotherhood protest movement, do not appeal to the majority due to their lack of alternative political projects and perceived exclusionary character. This ultimately suggests why the beginning of a revolution was suspended.

Romans de l'écrivain américain contemporain, John Irving, The Cider House Rules, A Prayer for Owen Meany et A Widow for One Year proposent des univers fictionnels distincts mais dirigés par une question identique : le processus de création, qu'il soit identitaire ou littéraire. Construits autour de la représentation des relations entre les personnages et leur environnement, les trois récits accordent une importance particulière à la transgression, toujours envisagée comme un acte de rébellion mais prenant également une connotation positive lorsqu'elle est entendue comme étape primordiale de la création identitaire. Cette double acception ressurgit dès lors que l'on considère le narrateur ou les techniques narratives, eux aussi caractérisés par une alliance de respect et d'écart par rapport aux normes ou conventions. La combinaison des forces antagonistes identifiées à l'échelle de l'histoire et au niveau narratif produit des romans singuliers alliant tradition et modernité, gravité et ironie. En fin de compte, les romans poursuivent un même but : divertir et contester tout à la fois.

Wetlands provide a wide variety of natural benefits (ecosystem services) from the natural environment to human populations, making them key examples of ecological infrastructure. However, the use of wetlands and their associated catchments is often contested by different users, making them nodes of conflict. Thus, there is a range of pressures on many wetlands which can ultimately lead to degradation or destruction. This study investigated the X11B quaternary catchment in the Upper Inkomati basin, Mpumalanga, South Africa. This catchment is characterised by a network of wetlands and streams that provide catchment residents with water. The sub-catchment is heavily used, dominated by the agricultural sector and coal mining. To understand the contestation, a contextual analysis was carried out. Selected wetland conditions and ecosystem services, along with user perceptions and the value of wetland-use, were assessed. Wetlands were observably in a relatively healthy condition. The resilience of wetlands and the efficiency of the ecosystem services they offer, especially in mediating water quality, were clear. The early results indicated a healthy landscape despite multiple-user impact from human activity. The health scores and provision of ecosystem services, along with the identified National Freshwater Ecosystem Priority Areas (NFEPAs) and red-listed fauna and flora, provide a substantial grounding for advocating the conservation of the wetlands of the contested X11B catchment. When water quality measures were added to the wetland health and ecosystem service assessment, low pH levels and high electrical conductivity were recorded. Both measures indicate coal mining impacts, more specifically Acid Mine Drainage (AMD) impacts, since AMD typically has sulphate as the dominant salt ion, and high concentrations of trace elements and metal ions. Concentrations breaching the recommended resource quality objectives (RQOs) of trace elements and ions, found in fertilizers and pesticides, were recorded in most sites, suggesting agricultural impacts on the landscape’s hydrology. Further, these agricultural impacts would add to the compromising effect of the wetlands’ capacity to remove pollutants from the water body. Livestock farming on all sites were also near wetlands which may have limited the vegetation cover of grazed land, so increasing runoff and the volume of water entering wetlands and compromising their ecosystem services. Poor water quality has implications for biophysical processes, which play an important role in the functioning of wetlands, for the benefit of users. Without the water quality measures, ecosystem health and ecosystem service methodology used suggested a healthy catchment. However, simple field water quality measures indicated past and present mining impacts. Therefore, the mandatory use of water chemistry is recommended in the assessment of wetlands in catchments with past and present mining activity taking place. Without this, repercussions would include wetland loss, and a more thorough investigation into the water quality and its effects on the wetland ecosystems is suggested. Further ecological investigation of water chemistry (heavy metals, ions, nutrients and trace elements) and macroinvertebrate assemblages identified links to water chemistry impacts on macroinvertebrate abundance and diversity. Abundance results based on the presence, absence and abundance of macroinvertebrates at the different sites did not reveal any clear patterns associated with different landscape users. Diversity, on the other hand, was related to land-use, where sites with high mining use had lower macroinvertebrate diversity than other sites. Related, concurrent, hydro-pedology research produced a more comprehensive understanding of the impact of mining on hydro-connectivity that clearly indicates mining as the cause of long-term deterioration of functional wetland health in a way that is practically impossible to restore. This study suggests that wetlands provide a strong ecosystem service of intermittent resetting of the wetland sediment adsorptive capacity for toxic metal and other salt ions. The hypothesis arising from the work is that, in the case of another heavy rainfall event, the town of Carolina risks another AMD crisis. As sediments are likely to be accumulating and saturated with toxic metal ions. Further AMD-related changes in acidity will increase the mobilisation of adsorbed ions. Future flooding and flushing of wetlands will therefore once again move toxic metal ions through the system, and possibly re-contaminate the Boesmanspruit dam. The value of the study is in delivering specific evidence on the impacts of mining (and to a lesser extent agriculture) on wetland quality. Overall, this study, combined with additional research, indicates that in the X11B catchment, mining impacts are long-term and more serious than agriculture. In terms of contestation the research indicates that reliance on bio-physical data and knowledge is inadequate in resolving conflict between coal mining and other land- and water-users. The study demonstrates the necessity of insight into the social system and the value of a transdisciplinary approach in addressing land-use conflicts and wetland protection.

La thèse porte sur la langue et les discours de la contestation en Italie dans les années 1970. L'étude vise à définir les enjeux et les représentations qui ont prévalu dans l'utilisation de certains mots plutôt que d'autres, en essayant de se placer du point de vue des acteurs qui ont vécu la période. Elle analyse d'une part l'utilisation de certains mots dans la langue politique de l'époque, en la comparant avec la production analogue précédente, et notamment avec les traditions politiques de référence.Elle étudie d'autre part la spécificité de la langue de la période en s'interrogeant sur la question d'un lexique politique propre à une époque donnée. Elle étudie enfin les débats linguistiques qui ont accompagné cette modification du lexique politique, en s'attachant plus particulièrement aux textes qui ont marqué des tournants linguistiques et idéologiques.L'étude vise à adopter une démarche scientifique qui comprend une historicisation précise des textes et des enjeux de leur écriture et qui a été définie par l'expression " philologie politique ".À travers la description d'un corpus très varié, comportant les textes politiques de référence (articles de journaux, tracts, affiches, documents théoriques, débats) produits par les organisations majeures d'extrême gauche (gauche extraparlementaire, mouvements, lutte armée) et leur interaction avec d'autres types de discours (Pci, Dc, presse) ; mais aussi des textes historiographiques et différentes formes de témoignage, cette étude pose la question plus générale de la création d'une langue politique propre à une époque donnée et du caractère particulier de la langue politique des années 1970 en Italie.

Dès ses débuts en novembre 2018, le mouvement des Gilets jaunes s’est distingué par sa critique virulente des médias dominants, notamment sur les réseaux socionumériques investis par cette mobilisation. La thèse examine les ressorts de cette dénonciation en s’appuyant sur un terrain mixte croisant l’analyse de captures d’écran tirées des espaces Facebook des Gilets jaunes (n = 316), des entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès de participants au mouvement (n = 38), ainsi que les résultats d’un questionnaire administré en 2019 dans le cadre de la recherche Pluralisme de l’information en ligne (ANR PIL). L’analyse de ce matériau empirique cherche à restituer l’organisation sociale de la critique au sein du mouvement des Gilets jaunes en associant une approche dispositionnaliste du parcours de vie des enquêtés avec l’étude de la formation en ligne d’une culture critique commune propre à la mobilisation. Il apparaît alors que la critique des médias exprimée par les Gilets jaunes est le résultat d’un recrutement social de militants disposés de façons diverses à la critique. Par la suite, l’expérience militante des Gilets jaunes s’est régulièrement trouvée en décalage avec la couverture médiatique du mouvement, ce qui a suscité l’expression en ligne d’une colère agrégée par les plateformes formant au fil du temps une culture commune de contestation. Cette critique des médias s’est finalement installée dans le quotidien des Gilets jaunes en se traduisant par une reconfiguration de leurs pratiques médiatiques, entretenant ainsi une dénonciation devenue un trait structurel de la mobilisation
From its outset in November 2018, the Yellow Vests Movement (YVM) has stood out for its fierce criticism of the mainstream media, most notably through its engagement on social media platforms. This thesis investigates the driving forces behind this denunciation. It draws on combined fieldworks, involving the analysis of screenshots taken from the YV’s Facebook spaces (n = 316), as well as semi-structured interviews conducted among the movement’s participants (n = 38), and results from a 2019 survey administered via the Pluralisme de l’information en ligne (PIL) research project. The study of this empirical data seeks to identify the social organizing principles of the YV’s media criticism. It combines a dispositionalist examination of the respondents’ individual experiences with a discussion of the online development of a shared critical culture, specific to the protest. The YV’s media criticism thus appears to be the product of a mobilization of demonstrators with varying degrees of inclination towards critical discourse. As the activist experience of the YV regularly found itself at odds with the media coverage of the movement, it prompted the online expression of an anger aggregated by platforms, and gradually formed a common culture of protest. This media criticism eventually took root in the daily lives of the YV, resulting in a reconfiguration of their media practices, thus sustaining a denunciation that became a structural feature of the protest

Fondée sur onze mois d’enquête de terrain à Cuba, cette thèse a un objectif double : comprendre comment des dynamiques contestataires émergent et perdurent sur le long terme sans faire l’objet d’une répression sévère, à l’instar des dissidents ; et saisir ce que l’existence de cette contestation tolérée nous apprend sur les modes d’exercice du pouvoir dans un tel contexte. Les pratiques contestataires sont ici problématisées comme intentionnelles, collectives et conflictuelles et étudiées de façon relationnelle, afin de restituer les logiques d’interaction entre autorités socialistes et collectifs contestataires. A partir de cette démarche, ce travail montre que les pratiques contestataires sont partiellement tolérées par les autorités car elles ne sont ni ppositionnelles ni directement politiques. Elles s’articulent, quoique de façon critique et parfois subversive, aux normes de la socialisation révolutionnaire, qui fondent les cadres légitimes de perception de la réalité. Elles s’inscrivent aux marges du champ culturel à travers l’élaboration d’un répertoire hybride, entre action collective et création culturelle. Ces ambiguïtés permettent aux collectifs de négocier des espaces d’action selon les échelles de gouvernement. Les autorités leur octroient ces espaces car ils permettent la régulation et la contention de la contestation, à travers une coercition fondée sur l’incertitude et l’arbitraire. Cette étude met ainsi à jour la plasticité du régime cubain et incite, au-delà de ce cas spécifique, à substituer aux analyses en termes d’érosion de la capacité à gouverner l’observation des modes d’adaptation et de transformation des régimes autoritaires
This dissertation is based on eleven months of fieldwork in Cuba. Its objective is twofold. First, understand how contentious dynamics have emerged and endured through time without undergoing severe repression, like dissident movements. Secondly, grasp what the existence of this tolerated contention tells us about the way power is wielded in such a context. Contentious practices are here defined as intentional, collective and conflictive. This study focuses on the relationships between contentious movements and State authorities, in order to understand the logics of their interactions. Elaborating on this, this dissertation shows that contentious practices are partly tolerated by the authorities because they are neither oppositional nor directly political. They are linked up, though in a critical and sometimes subversive way, to the norms of the revolutionary socialization, on which are based the legitimate frameworks for perception of reality. Contentious movements are situated at the margins of the cultural field, thanks to the creation of a hybrid repertoire: between collective action and cultural creation. That ambiguity allows them to negotiate space for action, according to the levels of government. Authorities grant them some space because that this allows for the regulation and containment of contention, through the use of a specific mode of coercion, which is based on uncertainty and arbitrariness. This study also brings to light the plasticity of the Cuban regime and invites us, beyond that specific case, to substitute analyses in terms of erosion of governing capacity for analyses of the modes of adaptation and transformation of authoritarian regimes

Selon l’approche du processus politique, les conséquences politiques, sociales et économiques de la crise financière et économique de 2008 introduisent une structure des opportunités politiques favorable à l’émergence et au développement des mouvements sociaux. En vertu d’une conjoncture d’austérité et de l’accroissement des inégalités sociales, une mosaïque de résistances s’est mobilisée dans l’environnement politique à l’instar du mouvement Occupy pour constituer le plus important cycle de mobilisation transnationale. Ce dernier se juxtapose vraisemblablement à celui de la nébuleuse altermondialiste contre la mondialisation financière ainsi que le mode de gouvernance néolibéral. Le mouvement Occupy s’oppose aux acteurs traditionnels du système politique en ayant pour principale revendication l’autonomisation de sa base militante afin de constituer un « ballon d’oxygène » pour la démocratie. En permettant une prise de conscience tout en dynamisant la participation citoyenne par le biais d’une occupation de l’espace public, l’apport du mouvement est son ambition sociale, militante et politique d’incarner symboliquement une « insurrection des consciences » et une « communauté de résistance » contre les inégalités sociales, qui mettent en péril le bien commun.

This study explores the notion of contestation in environmental education. Contestation is a process in which self-interested individuals and groups in a social organisation cooperate, compete and negotiate in a complex interaction aimed at solving social problems. A "framework for critique" is developed, comprising technicist, liberal