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Статті в журналах з теми "Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-":
1
Jones, Bronwen. "The remarkable development and significance of constitutional protection for intellectual property rights in post-Arab Spring constitutions." Queen Mary Journal of Intellectual Property 10, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 461–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/qmjip.2020.04.03.
Анотація:
Prior to the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011, no constitutional protection for intellectual property (IP) existed in the many earlier constitutions of Egypt or Tunisia. It is remarkable and surprising therefore that, in 2014, IP clauses appeared in the post-revolutionary constitutions of both countries. This raises the key question: why add to the existing regulation of IP in this way. Is constitutional protection just another example of the inexorable strengthening of IP rights (IPRs) or could it be a means of constraining them, where necessary, to protect other rights? This article argues that including IP in a constitution may, rather than merely strengthening IP owners' rights, open IPRs up to competition against more fundamental constitutionally protected human rights and, for example, support the prioritization of the right to health. This could be a valid explanation for and potential use of the inclusion of IP in the Egyptian and Tunisian Constitutions.
2
Umair, Raja, Hafiz Sajid Iqbal Shaikh, and Faryal Umbreen. "Tunisian Political Climate from Aristocracy to Democracy and Presidential Coup: An Emerging Challenge to the Islamic Movements." Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 12, no. 2 (December 13, 2022): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.32350/jitc.122.21.
Анотація:
The popular uprising brought forth change in Tunisian presidential palace during 2011 as it entered a state of liminality while becoming a consolidated democracy from authoritarianism. However, after a decade of democratic transition, only the democratic success story of the Arab Spring is in danger after the decree of Tunisian President. This article aims to highlight that by using Article 80 of the constitution, President has seized more power; and it narrates how it contradicts the constitution and negatively impact on political scenario. Furthermore, this study provides an analysis that how certain regional countries are trying to jeopardize the democratic system. Thus, the Islamic movement of Tunisia has been possessing a lion share on Country’s political arena and is considered as the vanguard of Islamic identity and democratic process since 2011 revolution. Finally, it concludes that amid a lenient policy of Rashid Al-Ghannouchi, the founder of the Movement and speaker of the Parliament, towards Islamic doctrine in Tunisian political arena, coup from Tunisian president. Leadership of Al-Nahdah again playing a vital role to stable political climate through dialogue, but it seems that the situation is still in danger. In this article, the primary and secondary data has been analyzed by using Discourse analysis method with its approach of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA).
Keywords: Authoritarianism, Constitutional imploration, Democracy, Ennahda, islamic movement, Political crises, Presidential coup, Tunisia
3
Arfaoui, Khedija, and Jane Tchaïcha. "GOVERNANCE, WOMEN, AND THE NEW TUNISIA." TERRORISM FROM THE VIEW OF MUSLIMS 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0801135a.
Анотація:
This paper considers the important events and challenges as they per- tain to female governance in the “New Tunisia”, resulting in large part from the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) elections charged with writing a new constitution. The analysis focuses on the role women played in the election process, including women’s participation in the interim government (January 2011-November 9, 2011) and political parties. It continues with an in depth ex- amination of the debates and actions that emergedamong various factions during the first two years following the revolution, which has led to increased concern about the preservation of Tunisian women’s rights. The principal re- search question asks, “To what extend have Tunisian women been able to par- ticipate actively in shaping the new Tunisia and will this trend continue?” The study integrates several investigative approaches: historical narrative of fac- tual events, participant observation (from both researchers), interviews, and careful review of the ongoing actions and activities of women’s groups and societal challenges since October 23, 2011, which in turn, has spunconsiderable debate within Tunisian society about the status of women in the new Tunisia.
4
Belhadj, Souhaïl. "De la centralisation autoritaire à la naissance du « pouvoir local » : transition politique et recompositions institutionnelles en Tunisie (2011–2014)." Social Science Information 55, no. 4 (August 6, 2016): 479–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018416658154.
Анотація:
The weakening of local power structures in Tunisia, whether linked to the authoritarian centralization of the country or to the erosion of the mechanisms for coopting local elites, strongly contributed to upset the political equilibrium of fallen President Ben Ali’s regime. The weakened position created conditions favorable to an ongoing negotiation over power-sharing among social groups and their access to resources. The adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 attests to this redefinition of power relations between local elites and the central State inasmuch as it established, for the first time in modern Tunisian history, the principle of an elected, decentralized ‘local power’ with financial and administrative autonomy. The aim of this article is to answer the question of whether the adoption of a new Constitution, brought in on the basis of a historical compromise between the representatives of the country’s different political tendencies, would enable an orderly changeover from authoritarian government to long-term power-sharing arrangements.
5
Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.
Анотація:
This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating factor for these divergent processes and outcomes was the different level of working-class power existing in the two countries. On the eve of the Uprisings, working-class power was higher in Tunisia than in Morocco and this enabled Tunisian workers to mobilise more effectively. Democratisation in Tunisia, however, has so far failed to address the demands for social justice that were at the core of the Uprisings.
6
Bejeoui, Imed. "La Constitution tunisienne du 27 janvier 2014 et le droit international conventionnel : les controverses alimentées." Revue internationale de droit comparé 71, no. 1 (2019): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ridc.2019.21042.
Анотація:
The Tunisian Constitution of January 27, 2014 is promulgated in a specific internal and international context. In this context, the new Constitution supposed to embody, through its regulation of the question of conventional international law, the scope of Tunisia openness to international life and should tackled the weakness of the Constitution of June 01, 1959. In some respects, the Constitution clarified subjects already regulated by the 1959 Constitution and on others the Constitution innovated. Nevertheless, the new Constitution has actually only powered debate over many matters relating to the conditions of applicability and primacy of conventional international law. Consequently, the expected contribution of the new Constitution is reduced and the effort of the establishers seems uncompleted.
7
Saral, Melek. "The Protection of Human Rights in Transitional Tunisia." Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 16, no. 1 (October 25, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mwjhr-2019-0005.
Анотація:
Abstract This article looks at the human rights protection in transitional post-uprising Tunisia, from 2011 to 2017, offering insights into the willingness to both protect human rights and build capacity in Tunisia. It focuses on the establishment of an adequate legal framework in Tunisia, with particular attention being paid to the constitution-making process and, on the establishment, the strengthening of certain institutional capacities, such as the constitutional court and the Truth and Dignity Commission. The article first gives a brief historical overview of the human rights situation in Tunisia. This is followed by an analysis of the willingness and capacity to protect human rights in post-uprising transitional Tunisia, in both the 2011–2014 and 2014–2017 periods.This article is based on evidence from a series of semi-structured interviews I conducted with the key political actors from various political parties, and actors from NGOs working on human rights, during field research in Tunisia in October-November 2017, supplemented by secondary literature.
8
Saati, Abrak. "Negotiating the Post-Revolution Constitution for Tunisia – Members of the National Constituent Assembly Share Their Experiences." International Law Research 7, no. 1 (August 9, 2018): 235. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ilr.v7n1p235.
Анотація:
Though the Tunisian transition to democracy faces challenges seven years following the 2011 revolution and four years following the enactment of the new constitution, the country still constitutes a ‘success story’, especially in comparison to neighbouring states that were also touched by the Arab Uprisings. This paper takes an interest in exploring the Tunisian constitution-making process, and especially the political elite negotiated compromises that took place in the National Constituent Assembly. How were Tunisian religious and secular political forces able to unite and compromise on a constitutional document; what motivated their actions during the constitutional talks? Ideologies, rational pragmatism, self-serving interests or something else? This is a pertinent question that has bearing for other states that are in transition from authoritarian rule, in which religious and secular political parties are struggling to draft the political rules of the game anew. This is a qualitative study, based on interviews with political representatives, from a broad range of Tunisian political parties, who were part of the constitutional negotiations. Their responses suggest that pragmatism and rationality took precedence over ideological positions during the negotiations, and that this was indispensable for a draft to be produced. Despite this, the study argues that ideologies were likely not irrelevant in the minds of the political elites who were negotiating the post-revolution constitution, and that previous agreements and discussions among these elites that were, in fact, based on ideological positions, facilitated the constitutional negotiations that took place in the aftermath of the ousting of Ben-Ali.
9
SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, and NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. "‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.
Анотація:
Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights. In so doing, this article examines the connection between state feminism and the plight of women’s struggles in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution and, looks into the impact of top down polices, and government approaches towards improving the status of women. This article concludes that women in the post revolutionary era have experienced a new trajectory in political and social freedom,the country has recorded a spike increase in the number of active female lawmakers, government executives, politicians, electoral candidates and the emergence of human right groups, gender activists and feminist movements. All these ‘women’s actors’ have directly involved in the process of drafting the new Tunisian constitution, which resulted in the acknowlegdement of women’s rights protection via article 46 in 2014 and the Nobel Peace Price Award in 2015.
10
Juliandi, Budi. "Demanding Equal Inheritance Rights For Women: Tension Among Shari’a and Tunisia’s New Constitution 2014." Al-Ahkam Jurnal Ilmu Syari’ah dan Hukum 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/alahkam.v7i2.6259.
Анотація:
President Essebsi (2017) approved the law of gender equality in inheritance in Tunisia. Instead of gaining public appreciation of Islam, this achievement was seen as contrary to sharia. This research seeks to address whether or not there could be a common ground between applying sharia and gender equality through an examination of sharia regarding inheritance, and, finally, an attempt to show the relationship between sharia and the Tunisia’s constitution of 2014 in responding to social change. The paper argues that in spite of the constitution’s progressive language, women still face legal discrimination in their ability to inherit because of sharia.
Дисертації з теми "Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-":
1
Chamsi, Mohamed Zied. "Consensus et démocratie en Tunisie." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Côte d'Azur, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023COAZ0028.
Анотація:
Au sein du paysage dévasté de ce que l'on a rapidement qualifié de "Printemps arabe", marqué par le rétablissement de l'autoritarisme en Égypte ainsi que par les guerres civiles en Libye, au Yémen et en Syrie, qui ont ravivé les groupes djihadistes et réveillé les conflits tribaux, ethniques et confessionnels, la Tunisie demeure une exception. Cette nation a certes traversé une transition politique longue et fragile, mais elle a réussi à préserver ses institutions républicaines, à élaborer une nouvelle Constitution saluée par de nombreux observateurs comme étant la plus progressiste du monde arabe, et à surmonter avec succès les élections législatives et présidentielles de 2014 et 2019.Cette exception tunisienne est le fruit de plusieurs facteurs, le principal étant le consensus, ou "Tawâfuq" en arabe. Le concept de "consensus" est la pierre angulaire de cette transition démocratique tunisienne, souvent qualifiée de transition consensuelle. La reconnaissance du Quartet du Dialogue national en Tunisie par le prix Nobel de la paix en 2014 illustre de manière emblématique ce consensus au cours de cette période de transition.De plus, le consensus a été au cœur de la Constitution tunisienne du 27 janvier 2014, caractérisée comme une Constitution consensuelle. Les différentes versions de la Constitution ont fait l'objet de débats et un consensus a été atteint. Ce processus a été hautement consultatif, visant à surmonter les divergences sur des questions cruciales afin d'obtenir un large accord au sein de la société tunisienne concernant les dispositions de la nouvelle Constitution. La création de la "commission des consensus" au sein de l'Assemblée nationale constituante visait à modifier les règles de représentation des différentes forces politiques. Cette commission n'a pas suivi une répartition proportionnelle, mais chaque groupe y était représenté par un nombre équivalent de députés.Cependant, bien que le consensus ait contribué à établir un régime politique et constitutionnel démocratique, faisant de la Tunisie une exception dans la région, il a également présenté certains effets pervers lors de la consolidation du régime, tant sur le plan politique qu'institutionnel et constitutionnel. En effet, l'esprit de conciliation, bien que tempérant les antagonismes et les divergences, n'a pas résolu les problèmes socio-économiques sous-jacents, et ceux-ci risquent de ressurgir après une période de latenceIn a landscape devastated by what has been hastily labeled the "Arab Spring," marked by the resurgence of authoritarianism in Egypt and civil wars in Libya, Yemen, and Syria - which have reinvigorated jihadist groups and stirred the specters of tribalism, ethnic strife, and religious conflicts - Tunisia stands as a remarkable exception. Despite enduring a protracted and fragile political transition, the country has managed to safeguard its republican institutions, adopt a new Constitution acclaimed by numerous observers as the most progressive in the Arab world, and successfully navigate the challenges of two legislative and presidential elections in 2014 and 2019.This Tunisian exceptionalism can be attributed to several factors, with consensus (Tawâfuq) being paramount among them. Indeed, what we refer to as "consensus" constitutes the cornerstone of Tunisia's democratic transition, often characterized as consensual. The crowning achievement of this consensus during the transitional phase was the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the quartet that orchestrated the national dialogue in Tunisia in 2014.Similarly, consensus lent its name to the Tunisian Constitution of January 27, 2014, acclaimed as a consensual Constitution. Successive versions of the Constitution underwent extensive deliberation, culminating in a consensus. This process was highly consultative, designed to reconcile differences on pivotal issues and secure broad societal agreement on the provisions of the new Constitution. Notably, the creation of the "consensus commission" within the National Constituent Assembly aimed to overhaul the rules governing the representation of various political forces. The composition of the consensus commission did not adhere to proportional representation; rather, each group was allotted an equivalent number of members.Nevertheless, while consensus facilitated the establishment of a democratic political and constitutional regime, setting Tunisia apart as an exception in the region, it also revealed certain adverse effects during the consolidation phase of the regime, encompassing political, institutional, and constitutional aspects. The spirit of reconciliation, which temporarily quelled antagonisms and differences, did not resolve underlying socio-economic issues, and these problems may resurface after a period of dormancy
2
Zouaghi, Sabrina. "L'influence du salafisme dans le processus de rédaction de la nouvelle constitution tunisienne." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/32535.
Анотація:
Le présent mémoire tente d’apporter un éclairage nouveau sur le phénomène du salafisme et son implication au coeur du processus de constitution-making de la transition tunisienne en répondant à la question de recherche suivante : « les salafistes tunisiens, de par leur idéologie qui ne privilégie que la légitimité de leurs propres revendications et de par leurs actions qui ne favorisent pas la négociation, le compromis et la coexistence de différentes factions sociétales, ont-ils influencé le processus de rédaction de la nouvelle constitution tunisienne, et si oui, de quelle(s) manière(s) et quels ont été les impacts ? ». Les résultats du mémoire font état que les salafistes tunisiens ont influencé le processus constitutionnel, mais pas le contenu de la constitution. En effet, ils ont réussi à remettre sur la table la question de la charî’a dans les débats constitutionnels et plus particulièrement dans les discussions internes du parti Ennahda grâce à des formes de mobilisation parainstitutionnelle. Cependant, ces formes de mobilisation n’ont pas eu l’effet escompté d’inscrire la charî’a dans la nouvelle constitution. En réalité, le contexte socio-politique a plutôt favorisé l’exclusion des salafistes à cause de leurs discours qui discréditaient les autres factions sociétales et politiques et de leurs actions qui ne favorisaient pas la négociation, le compromis et la coexistence avec ces factions. Les salafistes, comme groupe social particulier qui attire les franges populaires de la société, véhiculent une idéologie religieuse entraînant des impacts politiques et sociaux qui les distingue de la majorité des Tunisiens. Si Ennahda entretenait certains objectifs communs avec les salafistes, ses deux partenaires politiques ne se retrouvaient pas dans une situation similaire, bien au contraire. Les salafistes, par leurs discours et leurs actions, empêchaient l’atteinte d’un compromis démocratique entre ces partis politiques et représentaient une menace pour les règles de garantismo qu’ils étaient en train de négocier. Ils exacerbaient la polarisation entre « islamistes » et « non-islamistes » et menaçaient la coexistence des deux camps. Lers intérêts paraissaient ainsi ne pas faire partie d’un consensus possible entre les factions les plus importantes qui ne considéraient pas les salafistes comme des acteurs significatifs au sein de la société tunisienne. Ils ont été dès lors exclus du jeu démocratique, à la fois des débats et du processus. La mise au rancart de leurs intérêts a été l’un des coûts à assumer pour Ennahda, afin d’assurer l’adoption de la nouvelle constitution tunisienne et la réussite de la transition démocratique.
3
Petkanas, Zoe. "Politics of parity : gendering the Tunisian Second Republic, 2011-2014." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/276957.
Анотація:
This dissertation explores the role of female political actors in the gendered rebuilding of Tunisia’s post-Ben Ali political infrastructure and how gender both informed and featured in the early stages of the democratic transition. Drawing on thirteen months of fieldwork and over 300 hours of interviews, it narrates a yet untold story of the transformation of female political actors from object to subject of the state. In the post-revolutionary political terrain, gender and women’s rights were imbued with broader discursive significance, becoming a vehicle through which to distinguish two broad political categories of Islamism and secularism, which showcased continuity with the historical deployment of gender in pre-independence and post-colonial authoritarian contexts. However, analysis of the development of gender parity legislation from its introduction in the interim electoral law in advance of the 2011 elections, through the constitutional and electoral law drafting processes, and its implementation in the 2014 elections, reveals the inadequacy of gender as a metaphor for broad political characterisations and the fluidity of the Tunisian political terrain as seen through a gendered lens. It was only through the collaborative work of female political actors across the ideological spectrum within the National Constituent Assembly that the foundational texts of the Second Republic were gendered, acknowledging and addressing the ways that the lived experiences of women, as socially and historically constituted subjects, can mediate access to rights. By virtue of this process, these female deputies, whose own subjectivities were transformed through interaction with male-dominated political institutions, enacted and embodied new modes of the female citizen as subject. Finally, in tracing the development of the gender parity laws through the formative years of Tunisian democracy, this dissertation illuminates the ways in which access to newly democratised political power remains gendered, mediated through the complex interplay between larger political, social, and economic structures.
4
Hafsaoui, Imen Amandine. "La confection de la constitution tunisienne dans un contexte "post-révolutionnaire", 2011-2014 : construction des nouvelles règles du jeu politique par les "élites" de l'assemblée nationale constituante." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0118.
Анотація:
La Tunisie a longtemps été un laboratoire de recherches pour les sociologues occidentaux sur l'apport des sciences sociales dans un pays du Maghreb. Toutefois ces études sociologiques restent encore centrées sur une période très précise qui dénotait l'existence d'un pouvoir autoritaire et les abus du gouvernement. Le débat occidental s'est alors cristallisé sur la forme du régime et les contestations protestataires en Tunisie. Il a fallu attendre le 13 Janvier 2011 lors du discours au palais de Carthage, pour que la question de la remise en question se pose sans équivoque. Le président Ben Ali avait atteint avec cet ultime affront aux citoyens tunisiens, les limites de son autorité abusive. Au 14 Janvier 2011, la fuite du président déchu Ben Ali a consommé la rupture avec l'ancien régime et a créé ce phénomène que l'on nomme à tort ou à raison la transitologie. Pour la première fois dans le pays, les élections étaient ouvertes à différentes catégories socio-professionnelles, de cultures politiques différentes, à tous les partis hormis le RCD ancien parti du régime, et aux femmes comme aux hommes. Cette initiative a créé un tel engouement, que le jour d’entrée des élus parlementaires au sein du Palais du Bardo, il était nécessaire de déterminer qui étaient ces nouveaux locataires du palais. C’est ainsi que débutent ces travaux de rechercheTunisia has been, for a long time, a research laboratory for Western sociologists in terms of the contribution of social sciences in a Maghreb country. However, these sociological studies are still focused on a very precise period which pointed out the existence of an authoritarian power and the abuses of the government. The Western debate then froze on the form of the regime and protests in Tunisia. It was not until January 13, 2011 that the issue of questioning arises unequivocally, during the speech at the palace of Carthage. President Ben Ali had reached the limits of his abusive authority with this ultimate outrage to Tunisian citizens. On January 14, 2011, the flight of the deposed President Ben Ali consumed the break with the old regime and created this phenomenon that is rightly or wrongly called transitology. For the first time in the country, elections were open to different socio-professional categories, from different political cultures, to all parties except the former RCD party of the regime, and to both women and men. This initiative has created such a craze, that the day of entry of elected MPs in the Palace of Bardo, it was necessary to determine who were these new tenants of the palace. This is how this research begins
5
Cherif, Melloulli Siwar. "Les principes de bonne gouvernance financière publique à la lumière de la constitution tunisienne du 27 janvier 2014." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0546.
Анотація:
La constitutionnalisation de la gouvernance financière publique est une esquisse de réforme de l’État tunisien, qui cherche à démocratiser ses institutions en refondant l’action publique sur deux éléments essentiels, un élément démocratique centré sur la transparence publique et un axe gestionnaire, purement technique cherchant à réussir la performance des opérations budgétaires. À défaut, la gouvernance est vidée de son sens, et, la non-gouvernance conduit à l’expansion de la corruption. Ainsi, l’établissement d’un système d’évaluation et le renforcement des instances de contrôle administratif, juridictionnel et parlementaire constituent des gardes fous contre ce fléau. Le grand challenge pour la Tunisie en tant que démocratie naissante, consiste à entamer une « révolution culturelle » pour la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques efficientes, afin de combattre la culture de l’impunité, le laxisme politique et s’engager dans un processus d’assainissement des finances publiques en vue de soutenir la discipline budgétaire afin de retrouver la souveraineté financièreThe constitunalisation of the public financial governance is a draft of the amendement of the Tunisian State that tries to democratize its institutions by recasting the public action on two essential elements: the first is a democratic one based on the public transprency and the second is a management axis which is purely technical trying to make the performances of the budgetary operations succeed. If this is not possible, the governance has no meaning and the non-governance leads to the expansion of corruption. Thus, the establishement of an evolutionary system and the strengthening of an administratif, legal and parliamentary supervision actions would establish a serious ward againstthis flail.The challenge of Tunisia as a new born democracy is to start a “cultural revolution” to pursue efficient public policies in order to fight against the impunity and the political laxness and to be engaged in a process that aims at making the public finances better in order to support the budgetary disciple to regain financial souvereignty
Книги з теми "Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-":
1
Muṭayr, Maḥmūd. Dustūr al-Jumhūrīyah al-Tūnisīyah li-sanat, 2014: Bayna al-muḥāfaẓah wa-al-ḥadāthah. Ṣafāqis: Dār Ṣāmid lil-Nashr wa-al-Tawzīʻ, 2017.
2
Houki, Chaker. Islam et constitution en Tunisie. La Manouba: Centre de publication universitaire, 2015.
3
Mʼrad, Hatem. Tunisie: De la révolution à la constitution. Tunis: Editions Nirvana, 2014.
4
Nayfar, Rashīdah. al-Tanẓīm al-intiqālī lil-sulṭah fī Tūnis: Min baʻd al-rābiʻ ʻashar min Jānfī 2011 ilá intikhāb al-majlis al-waṭanī al-taʼsīsī. Tūnis: Dār al-Ṭāʼir lil-Nashr, 2011.
5
Houlihan, Erin C. Gender and Rules of Procedure in Constituent Processes: A Comparative Discussion in Support of the Chilean Constitutional Convention. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.89.
Анотація:
On 6 August 2021 International IDEA, in partnership with the Law Faculty of UniversidadAdolfo Ibáñez, Corporación Humanas and ComunidadMujer, held a virtual seminar on gender and rules of procedure in constituent processes. Its objective was to share comparative information about designing rules of procedure (regulations) for constituent processes from a gender-equality perspective with members of the newly constituted Chilean Constitutional Convention, Chilean civil society, academics and legal practitioners. The open-invitation online event brought together a panel of women constitution-makers from constituent processes in Bolivia, Kenya, South Africa and Tunisia. The experts discussed their respective experiences and the benefits and drawbacks of the rules of procedure that guided their constituent processes. Representatives from the implementing partners moderated expert panel sessions and question-and-answer discussions.
Частини книг з теми "Constitutions – Tunisie – 2011-":
1
Virgili, Tommaso. "Compromises and ambiguities in the 2014 Tunisian Constitution." In Islam, Constitutional Law and Human Rights, 79–95. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429259418-6.
2
Boutros, Andrew. "Tunisia." In From Baksheesh to Bribery, 417–32. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190232399.003.0015.
Анотація:
At the forefront of the “Jasmine Revolution” in 2011, Tunisia ousted an autocrat and expressly provided for the prevention of corruption in its new constitution. While its stated commitment to anti-corruption in the aftermath of the Arab Spring is laudatory, Tunisia is still inching incrementally toward laws and policies that uphold transparency and accountability. This chapter examines Tunisia’s legal and regulatory anti-corruption regime, including but not limited to criminal and civil codes and treaty obligations, under its new constitution. It concludes that while Article 10 of the Tunisian Constitution and the legal reforms that have followed are a strong declaration of intent to change course, “[h]istory will judge if they fulfill their promise.”
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Van de Peer, Stefanie. "Selma Baccar: Non-fiction in Tunisia, the Land of Fictions." In Negotiating Dissidence. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748696062.003.0004.
Анотація:
This chapter discusses a controversial icon of women in Tunisia, Selma Baccar, Tunisia’s first lady of filmmaking, an instigator and a fiercely independent woman still celebrated for her films and politics. Her first film Fatma 75 (1975) carried an intricately political statement of feminist defiance. The film looks at the time of independence and the subsequent struggle for women to gain their rights under the first president, Habib Bourguiba. Tunisia was a land of fictions, and even though Baccar roots her films in the reality of everyday life, most of them are essay films, due to restrictions put on the filmmaker by the Tunisian censor. Baccar, an intellectual artist, identifies strongly with her heroine and places her in a detailed historical context in order to analyse and critique Tunisian attitudes. She looks at past revolutions and women’s issues and in doing so, has served as women’s national memory. Her importance as documenter of the past has become central to 2011’s so-called ‘Jasmine Revolution’, as she now sits on the Assemblée constituante (Constitution Assembly) composed of elected members who are making an attempt at re-writing the Tunisian constitution.
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Wolf, Anne. "The Rebellion." In Ben Ali's Tunisia, 174–213. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192868503.003.0006.
Анотація:
Abstract Chapter 5 shows that, during the 2010–2011 Tunisian uprisings, internecine contention erupted publicly, becoming a key factor behind the regime’s collapse. Instead of organizing rallies in support of Ben Ali, party activists became agents of contention: some joined the mass protests, especially at the grassroots level, whereas others pursued passive forms of resistance. Most Constitutional Democratic Rally followers sought political reforms, calling on Ben Ali to strengthen the party and desist from nepotism; they did not seek the total overhaul of the regime or the dissolution of their party, though some later adopted this agenda. However, their contentious actions exposed Ben Ali’s vulnerability, and the overall fluidity of the moment empowered a small clique of officials to move against the President. In contrast to the widely accepted narrative that Ben Ali fled the mass protests, this chapter provides evidence that he was, in fact, ousted in a secret coup d’état.
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El Shakry, Hoda. "Carnivals of Heterodoxy in Abdelwahab Meddeb’s Talismano." In The Literary Qur'an, 58–80. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823286362.003.0003.
Анотація:
Chapter 2 analyzes Tunisian writer and critic Abdelwahab Meddeb’s (1946–2014) wildly experimental 1979 novel Talismano. The labyrinthine text takes the reader on a hallucinatory journey through Tunisia’s topography—historical and contemporary, imagined and mythical—through a multitude of languages, temporalities, and religious discourses. The story presciently traces the evolution of a popular rebellion as it winds its way through the cityscape of Tunis’s medina bearing a retinue of prophets, artisans, sorceresses, alchemists, and prostitutes. The chapter examines Meddeb’s polemical attack on Bourguiba-era Tunisia, in which hegemonic power is simultaneously concentrated in state and religious institutions. Talismano subsequently demonstrates the co-constitutional nature of religious and state epistemologies, as well as their attendant institutions and discourses. The novel counteracts these forces in its rescripting of the Qurʾan, as well as its invocation of Sufi figures, texts, and rituals. The chapter contextualizes Talismano’s Sufi poetics within the Meddeb’s polemical critical writings against “orthodox” Sunni Islam.
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Zarrugh, Amina. "“Women Are Complete, Not Complements”." In Women Rising, edited by Mounira M. Charrad, Rita Stephan, and Mounira M. Charrad, 85–95. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479846641.003.0010.
Анотація:
In this chapter, Mounira M. Charrad and Amina Zarrugh discuss women’s reactions to a draft of a controversial article in the new Tunisian Constitution following the “Jasmine Revolution” and the fall of the oppressive regime in 2011. Specifically, they consider the debates between Islamists and secularists about the inclusion of the term “complementary” to refer to women in the new constitution. Highlighting the significance of terminology, they show how the draft ignited public protests under the leadership of advocates for women’s rights, which in turn led to the promulgation of one of the most liberal constitutions in the Arab word in regard to gender.
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Ghannouchi, Rached, and Andrew F. March. "From Islamic Democracy to Muslim Democracy." In On Muslim Democracy, 1–32. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197666876.003.0001.
Анотація:
Abstract This introduction begins with the current political crisis in Tunisia since the suspension of parliament and assumption of autocratic powers by President Kais Saied on July 25, 2021. It then introduces the Tunisian democratic transition, with a particular focus on the role of the Islamist Ennahda Party in helping to author a constitution for a pluralist, democratic order with no special status for the Islamic shariʿa in the legal system. This paved the way for the 2016 declaration that Ennahda had “left political Islam” and adopted the ideology of “Muslim democracy.” The chapter provides a brief account of Ghannouchi’s prior theory of a legitimate democratic Islamic state, as elaborated in his Public Freedoms in the Islamic State, followed by an outline of concepts and commitments behind the idea of “Muslim democracy.” It concludes with three paradigms for thinking about Muslim democracy as an ideology.
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Borrillo, Sara. "Women’s Movements and the Recognition of Gender Equality in the Constitution-Making Process in Morocco and Tunisia (2011–2014)." In Women as Constitution-Makers, 31–80. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108686358.002.
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Nugent, Elizabeth R. "Polarization during Democratic Transitions." In After Repression, 207–47. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691203058.003.0008.
Анотація:
This chapter reviews the literature on polarization during democratic transitions to highlight how polarization prevents the compromise and cooperation that is vital to successful transitions. It then discusses the timeline of events between 2011 and 2014 in Egypt and Tunisia to chart how these transitions progressed, and documents where affective and preference polarization contributed to the divergence. The chapter focuses on the debates and decisions related to drafting and approving a new constitution, holding the first elections, and creating a transitional justice initiative. High levels of polarization derailed Egypt's transition, while significantly more agreement in Tunisia facilitated cooperation and compromise in parallel processes. However, as with any social phenomenon, the divergence in these transitions is likely due to multiple causes. While affective and preference polarization among elite actors clearly played a major role in this divergence, the chapter also highlights other factors, such as structural predecessors, continued protests, the emergence of new political actors, and ongoing events in other countries, that were important for political developments.
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Strzelecka, Ewa K., and María Angustias Parejo. "Constitutional reform processes." In Political Change in the Middle East and North Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0006.
Анотація:
This chapter analyses the constitutional reform processes that have taken place in the MENA countries since the social uprisings in 2011. The purpose of this study is to examine and compare the constitutional reform processes in order to offer key insights into these processes and to propose a typology of the dynamics of constitutional reform, and its scope in the MENA region. The aspects for analysis include procedures, consensus and dissent during the course of the constitutional process, and the content of the constitutional reforms. The emphasis is placed on the most important elements of the processes of constitutional change and of the content of the new constitutions, while paying particular attention to aspects related with the power of heads of state, the most frequently-debated reforms and the advancement of gender equality and women’s rights. The authors conclude that constitutional processes are relevant, but not determinant for democratic change, with the exception of Tunisia. The scope of the constitutional amendments has been limited and has perpetuated the dominance of the authoritarian rulers. Many of the constitutional reforms after the Arab Spring have been the product of strategies for survival by the respective regimes and were promoted ‘top-down’ through a process that, in many countries, excluded the revolutionary movements and opposition groups that were not loyal to the regime.