Дисертації з теми "Constitution de transition"
Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: Constitution de transition.
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся з топ-50 дисертацій для дослідження на тему "Constitution de transition".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Переглядайте дисертації для різних дисциплін та оформлюйте правильно вашу бібліографію.
1
Parjouet, Claire. "Une méta-constitution, la constitution de transition." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Pau, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023PAUU2148.
Анотація:
Les transitions constitutionnelles sont des processus de remplacement d'une Constitution par une autre. Elles sont de plus en plus régulièrement structurées par un ensemble de textes. Ces corpus de transition forment ce qu'il est possible de présenter comme un droit constitutionnel pour la construc-tion constitutionnelle. Produits d'un choix des acteurs politiques, ils traduisent une réappropriation des outils et concepts constitutionnels classiques en fonction des enjeux et impératifs du moment. Le droit semble en ce sens employé en tant qu'instrument de normalisation d'une période anormale. Il en résulte un ensemble de contradictions rendant particulièrement complexe l'appréhension de ces textes, qu'il s'agisse de leur nature ou de leur fonction. Plusieurs concepts ont déjà été présentés par la doctrine afin de mettre en lumière certaines de leurs spécificités. Dans la continuité de ces ré-flexions, la présente étude propose de recourir au concept de droit méta-constitutionnel pour définir et analyser ce droit paradoxal.La préposition grecque « méta » signifie la succession, le changement, la transformation. Elle souligne l'implication des textes concernés dans l'édification du futur système constitutionnel, et permet en ce sens de considérer les fonctions de norme et de méta-norme constitutionnelle ainsi que les finalités méta-juridiques des corpus de transition. Ces textes sont en effet pensés pour orchestrer le présent, mais construisent également le futur système constitutionnel. Cette double temporalité, associée à l'instabilité politique et juridique du moment, commande une réadaptation des schèmes scientifiques classiques, en fonction des ambitions concrètes de ce droit exceptionnel.La présente thèse propose de soutenir ce point à travers une étude de droit constitutionnel com-paré se concentrant sur un type d'actes composant les corpus de transition : les Constitutions de tran-sition. Seize Constitutions de transition ont été identifiées entre 1989 et 2019. Elles sont définies comme les textes cumulant des dispositions déconstituante(s), constituante(s) et constitutive(s). Cette catégorie représente la quintessence du paradoxe d'un droit constitutionnel pour la construction constitutionnelle. La qualification de leur nature et de leur fonction s'avère en effet complexe, parta-gée entre la réalité d'une Constitution et les conséquences de la transition. Un raisonnement en termes de droit méta-constitutionnel permettrait cependant d'appréhender pleinement ces instru-ments. Véritables méta-Constitutions, les Constitutions de transition forment un objet atypique, mais au combien novateur pour la science du droitConstitution-making process are processes whereby one constitution is replaced by another. They are regularly structured by a collection of texts. These transitional corpus form what can be described as constitutional law for constitutional construction. As a product of political actors choices, they reflect a reappropriation of classic constitutional tools and concepts in line with the issues and imperatives of the moment. In this sense, the law seems to be used as an instrument to normalise an abnormal period. The result is a series of contradictions that make it particularly com-plex to understand these texts, whether in terms of their nature or their function. A number of con-cepts have already been presented by legal writers in order to highlight some of their specific fea-tures. Following on from these reflections, this study proposes to use the concept of meta-constitutional law to define and analyse this paradoxical law
2
Juan, Vivian 1959. "Tohono O'odham constitution in transition." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291939.
Анотація:
This thesis attempts to determine what local and national issues between 1937 and 1986 influenced the Tohono O'odham decision to revise their constitution. The Tohono O'odham Nation is still in a transitional phase of constitutional revision. Thesis suggests a number of factors that hinder the smooth transition of the revisions into the 1986 revised constitution. Such factors include the fact that there seems to be an unequal distribution of power among the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial branches allowing too much power to reside in the Legislative branch of the government, and continues to instill political weight in the Legislative council even after the pre 1986 tribal council. Two recommendations are offered for future consideration of the revisions in the present constitution. They are, (1) to create a more representative constitutional review committee that includes tribal elders, and (2) an equal distribution of power in the three branch form of government.
3
Haddad, Kamel. "La transition constitutionnelle et démocratique en Tunisie." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0590.
Анотація:
Cette thèse est consacrée pour analyser le droit de transition dans le cas de la Tunisie en évoquant la légitimité de la révolution et la légalité de la transition en Tunisie. Le contexte de la transition été expliqué pour mieux comprendre dans quelles circonstances elle s'est opérée et quelle incidence ce contexte va avoir sur l'ensemble du processus de transition. Il s’agira de mettre en avant, d'abord, l'originalité du processus de la transition constitutionnelle en Tunisie ensuite une étude de la nouvelle constitution. De même la recherche explique comment ont été conciliés les souhaits progressistes et le respect de l'identité tunisienne à travers la préservation d'un certain nombre de valeurs et principes de tendance conservatrice. Enfin, l'objet de la thèse se prolonge pour analyser de manière concrète, le passage de la transition constitutionnelle à la transition démocratique, à travers la mise en place plus ou moins effective des nouvelles institutions. Mais, il été nécessaire de montrer que si le processus de transition constitutionnelle semble achevé, sa mise en œuvre pratique rencontre un certain nombre de difficultés qu'il conviendrait de résoudre pour que la phase de transition démocratique puisse véritablement s'acheverThis thesis is devoted to analyze the right of transition in the case of Tunisia by mentioning the legitimacy of the revolution and the legality of the transition in Tunisia. The context of the transition was explained to better understand the circumstances in which it occurred and how that context will affect the entire transition process. It will be a question of putting forward, first, the originality of the process of the constitutional transition in Tunisia then a study of the new Constitution. In the same way the research explains how the progressive wishes and the respect of the Tunisian identity were reconciled through the preservation of a certain number of values and principles of conservative tendency. Finally, the object of the thesis is prolonged to analyze of concretely, the transition from the constitutional transition to the democratic transition, through the more or less effective implementation of new institutions. However, it has been necessary to show that, while the process of constitutional transition seems to have been completed, its practical implementation encounters a number of difficulties that should be resolved in order for the democratic transition phase to truly end
4
Raudla, Ringa. "Constitution, public finance, and transition theoretical developments in constitutional public finance and the case of Estonia." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/999214756/04.
5
Sawadogo, Aboubacar. "Les stratégies de sortie de crises politiques au Burkina Faso." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLV059/document.
Анотація:
La dynamique des crises politiques au Burkina Faso a été empreinte de mobilisations multisectorielles ayant entraîné une désectorisation conjoncturelle de l'espace social avec pour corollaire une mobilité des enjeux des confrontations et des transactions collusives d’opposition et de gouvernement. Ces mobilisations se sont faites autour d’enjeux relatifs notamment : à la conquête du pouvoir d’État, au contrôle de l’appareil d’État ; à l’amélioration des conditions de vie des travailleurs ; à la propriété foncière ; à l’intangibilité des règles constitutionnelles relatives à l’exercice du pouvoir d’État ; à l’alternance au sommet de l’État ; à la participation de certains acteurs à la compétition politique ; à la prise de mesures d’atténuation de la cherté de la vie ; à la quête de la vérité et de la justice.Au final, les mobilisations multisectorielles ont été à l’origine de changements politiques qui, selon la conjoncture, ont été soit pacifiques, soit violents.Quelles que soient leurs caractéristiques, les différentes crises politiques ont contraint les protagonistes, mais aussi des tierces personnes à ces crises, à y trouver des solutions par le recours à diverses stratégies.Ces stratégies de sortie de crises politiques se sont jouées autour d’enjeux liés à : la conservation du pouvoir politique, la préservation de la paix sociale, le redressement économique et financier de l’État, le rétablissement de l’ordre public, la quête de la vérité et de la justice, l’obtention du pardon et de la réconciliation nationale.Elles ont donné lieu à une diversité d’initiatives avec pour corollaire une variété des moyens, coercitifs et pacifiques, utilisés pour sortir des situations de crise. En outre, les initiatives de sortie de crises politiques ont débouché sur des dynamiques de transitions constitutionnelles et de justice transitionnelle. Si elles ont constitué des processus distincts, elles n’en ont pas moins eu des finalités communes : la garantie des droits et la reconstruction de l’État de droit. Ces finalités communes peuvent coïncider de sorte que la dynamique de justice transitionnelle intègre le texte constitutionnel consacrant ainsi sa constitutionnalisation. Finalement, ces dynamiques transitionnelles ont constitué des fenêtres d’opportunités pour procéder à des réformes constitutionnelles et de politiques publiquesThe dynamics of the political crises in Burkina Faso have been marked by multisectoral mobilizations having led to a cyclical desectorization of the social space, with the consequence of a mobility of the stakes of confrontations and collusive opposition and government transactions.These mobilizations were made around relative issues including: the conquest of state power, the control of the state apparatus; to the improvement of the living conditions of the workers; land ownership; the inviolability of constitutional rules relating to the exercise of State power; alternation at the top of the state; the participation of certain actors in the political competition; taking measures to mitigate the high cost of living and the quest for truth and justice.In the end, the multisectoral mobilizations have been at the origin of political changes which, according to the conjuncture, were either peaceful or violent.The different political strategies have forced the protagonists, but also third parties to these crises, to find solutions by the use of various strategies.These strategies out of political crises were played around issues related to: the preservation of political power, the preservation of social peace, the economic and financial recovery of the state, the restoration of public order, the quest truth and justice, obtaining forgiveness and national reconciliation.They have given rise to a variety of initiatives, resulting in a variety of means, coercive and peaceful, used to emerge from crisis situations. In addition, the initiatives to end political crises have resulted in constitutional transitions and transitional justice. Although they constituted distinct processes, they nevertheless had common goals: the guarantee of rights and the reconstruction of the rule of law. These common goals can coincide so that the dynamics of transitional justice integrate the constitutional text thus consecrating its constitutionalisation. Finally, these transitional dynamics constituted windows of opportunity to carry out constitutional and public policy reforms
6
Jestin, N. "Chemical and physical constitution of the bath during galvannealing to galvanising transition." Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.637426.
Анотація:
The ZODIAC (Zinc and Other Developments in Alloy Coatings) line is targeted mainly at the automotive sector. The continuous hot dip galvanising line is currently using a single pot practice for the production of both galvannealed (GA) and galvanised (GI) coatings. During the GA campaign, as iron dissolves from the strip, the presence of an increasing quantity of iron in the molten bath results eventually in the precipitation of bottom dross particles. These particles may become trapped within the coating and cause pimple defects during the forming operation. The accumulation of bottom dross particles in the galvanising bath affects the operating efficiency of the production line. To bring these bottom dross particles to the bath surface, the bath aluminium level is increased. This allows the transformation of bottom dross into top dross particles and the production of GI coatings. Top dross particles rise to the bath surface where they are removed, by the operators, in the skimmings. Three major trials have been conducted on the ZODIAC line to investigate the chemical and physical constitution of the galvanising spelter during the GA to GI transition. The results reveal interesting information on the constitution of the galvanising spelter during the transition, particularly with respect to bath chemistry (total and effective Al as well as total and soluble Fe levels), dross characterisation of the bath (types and sizes of particles), skimmings characterisation (Al and Fe levels) and coating characterisation (Al and Fe levels). Numerical regression analyses have allowed the determination of the way in which operating and metallurgical parameters affect the compositions of the coating during production runs. The results of mass balance calculations reveal the distributions of the Al and Zn, resulting from the bath additions, during the transition. Investigations have been conducted to try to determine the influence of the way in which the Al alloying additions is made (e.g. by jumbo or brightener bars additions, location of additions) on dross formation and dross transformation behaviour.
7
Gardères, Nicolas. "Les origines et modèles de la Constitution russe de 1993." Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D003.
Анотація:
L’objet de cette thèse est de replacer la Constitution de la Fédération de Russie, adoptée par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, dans ses différents contextes de production. En effet, ce texte juridique est à la fois le produit d’une Histoire courte et d’une Histoire longue, d’un conflit intra-élite et d’une somme de représentations héritées des périodes précédentes et reconstruites à la fin des années 80 et au début des années 90. Ainsi, il ne semblait pas suffisamment pertinent de limiter notre étude au processus rédactionnel proprement dit, entamé à l’été 1990. Nous avons pris le parti de tenter de reconstituer ce que pouvait être l’« épistémè », les représentations politico-juridiques, des acteurs ayant joué un rôle décisif dans la discussion de la Constitution. Ce parti nécessitait de retracer les occurrences les plus significatives de l’Histoire du droit et des institutions en Russie tsariste et en Union Soviétique. Cette démarche fait l’objet de la première partie de la Thèse, « La Péréstroïka comme réceptacle, révolution et modèle ». Il ressort de l’analyse que malgré la présence de traditions intellectuelles libérales et d’institutions proto-parlementaires, la tradition dominante, et acceptée comme telle par les rédacteurs de la Constitution russe, est largement antijuridique et autoritaire. C’est dans ce contexte que les acteurs de la Ière République russe ont cherché à puiser dans les modèles étrangers (américain et français en particulier) et les modèles théoriques du Droit constitutionnel (régime parlementaire et régime présidentiel) pour créer le nouvel agencement institutionnel. La seconde partie de la thèse, « Le processus de rédaction de la Constitution de 1993 », porte sur l’Histoire courte, c’est-à-dire sur les années 1990-1993 qui ont vu s’affronter deux camps, tant sur le plan politique que constitutionnel. Le camp du Congrès des députés du peuple emmené par son Président Rouslan Khasboulatov défendait un projet permettant d’assurer la domination du Parlement, alors que le camp du Président de la Fédération, emmené par Boris Eltsine, cherchait à imposer un projet assurant à la présidence une position dominante. De part et d’autre, les modèles empiriques et théoriques du Droit constitutionnel furent instrumentalisés et largement trahis. Entre ces deux camps, la Commission constitutionnelle crée au sein du Congrès des députés du peuple cherchait, à travers ses différents projets, à trouver un agencement équilibré nourri des expériences étrangères et de la science du Droit constitutionnel. Le camp de la présidence réussit finalement à faire prévaloir ses vues, dans le cadre d’une Conférence constitutionnelle organisée en juin 1993, mais surtout par sa victoire politique sur le camp du Congrès suite à la crise d’octobre 1993. Le texte adopté par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, très favorable à la Présidence, peut être considéré comme l’héritier de ce conflit, mais également en partie comme l’héritier des traditions politiques russes et soviétiquesThe aim of this dissertation is to analyse the Constitution of the Russian Federation passed by referendum on 12 December 1993, in its various contexts of production. Indeed, this legal text is both the result of a short history and of a long history, of an intra-elite conflict and of an amount of representations, inherited from the past and rebuilt at the end of the 80’s and at the beginning of the 90’s. We chose to attempt to reconstruct what has been the « épistémè », the legal and political representations of the key actors of the constitutional discussions. This choice made it necessary to recount the most significant facts and conceptions of the legal and institutional history of Tsarist Russia and Soviet Union. This approach is found in the first part of this dissertation, « Perestroika as a recipient, a revolution and a model ». It appears that despite the existence of liberal traditions and proto-parliamentary institutions, the dominant tradition, granted as such by the drafters of the Russian Constitution, is basically anti-juridical and authoritarian. It is in this context that the actors of the first Russian Republic tried to use foreign patterns (mostly American and French) and the theoretical patterns of Constitutional law (parliamentary regime and presidential regime) in order to create the new institutional design. The second part of the dissertation, « The redaction process of the Constitution of 1993 », deals with short history, that is years the 1990-1993 during which two sides challenged each other, both on a political and on constitutional grounds. The side of the Congress of People’s Deputies led by its President, Ruslan Khasbulatov, promoted a project of Parliament domination, while the side of the President of the Federation promoted a project of President domination. On both sides, empirical and theoretical patterns of constitutional law were exploited and their true meanings betrayed. Between these two sides, the Constitutional Commission created by the Congress of People’s Deputies, through its several drafts, tried to find a balanced design on the basis of foreign patterns and of the science of constitutional law. Finally, on the side of the President there was success in making its conceptions prevail, within a Constitutional Conference organized in June 1993, but mainly through its political victory of October 1993. The text passed on 12 December 1993, very much in favor of the Presidency, can be considered as the heir of this conflict, but as well partly as the heir of Russian and Soviet political traditions
8
Armour, Andrew D. "Dynamics and disorder at the Kosterlitz-Thouless transition." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1999. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/13849/.
Анотація:
This thesis describes theoretical investigations into the dynamics of superfluid films and the effects of disorder on the roughening transition of crystal surfaces. The dynamic theory of superfluid helium films, due to Ambegaokar et al., is refined to improve the precision of the predictions made. A detailed comparison is made between the predictions of the modified theory and the results from experiments on helium films and on superconducting systems. It is found that, despite the modifications in the theory, agreement with experiments on helium films remains only qualitative. Consideration is then given to the effects on the roughening transition of disorder arising from screw dislocations. A crystal surface which is threaded by screw dislocation pairs may be in one of three different states depending on the temperature of the system and the way in which screw pairs are distributed. At high temperatures the interface is rough: it is not pinned to the lattice. At low temperatures the state of the interface depends on how the screw dislocations are distributed: when distributed as closely spaced pairs they lead to a faceted state with a single ground state energy; when distributed randomly they lead to a state of the interface which, though pinned to the underlying crystal lattice, has a degenerate ground state. It is then shown that the dynamic sine-Gordon formulation of the roughening transition can be used, via a Hubbard-Stratonovich transformation, to model the dynamic behaviour of superfluid systems. This method provides a re-normalization group framework within which the a.c. linear response can be studied. The ways in which the approach could be extended to study the effects of disorder and atomic layering are also discussed.
9
Nguyen, Thi Hong. "Changing Constitutionalism in Vietnam: Examining the Factors that Support or Hinder the Transition of the Vietnamese Constitution to liberal Democratic Constitutionalism." Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/370645.
Анотація:
This thesis examines in detail the three major Vietnamese constitutional reforms of 1992, 2001, and 2013. In doing so, it examines the core purposes of constitutional changes related to the political legitimacy of the Party-State and investigates the factors that support or hinder the transition of the Vietnamese socialist constitution to liberal democratic constitutionalism. It does so by looking at Vietnamese history, culture, the circumstances of the emergence of each constitutional reform in the larger context of the crisis of the political legitimacy of the Party-State, the changes in the Vietnamese Communist Party’s policies, the procedure of drafting each constitution, and the aims and the substance of these changes. This study contributes to the ongoing discussion on constitutional transition in socialist regimes in two important ways. First, is represents the first comprehensive examination of all the major Vietnamese constitutional reforms. Second, it draws on not only international academic scholarship but importantly original Vietnamese sources, ranging from secondary literature of Vietnamese scholars, to original Party and State documents, particularly National Assembly deputies’ speeches, and Vietnamese media and blogs. The finding of the thesis is that there were three major factors that had a significant influence in the Vietnamese constitutional reforms of 1992, 2001 and 2013, namely, the Vietnamese Communist Party; state agencies and officials; and political and legal culture, such as village culture, Confucianism, colonialism, and socialism. The Party, state agencies and officials were the main factors that hindered these constitutional reforms, mainly because the Party-State introduced these reforms as a part of the ongoing negotiation with the people to retain the Party hegemony.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
Full Text
10
Hutchinson, Mark T. "Constitution of the deep transition zone and lower mantle shown by diamonds and their inclusions." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529547.
Анотація:
Diamonds from the Sao Luiz alluvial deposit, Brazil, have been found to occlude syngenetic inclusions whose associations are evidence for formation in the mantle transition zone and lower mantle (Wilding, 1990; Harte and Harris, 1994). These diamonds represent the most extensive sample of deep mantle available to date, and have been subjected to detailed study. Five principal associations are identified. One association involves orange garnet inclusions (with diopside and pyrrhotite) which contain a significant pyroxene component in solid-solution (majorite component) indicating formation in the transition zone (Akaogi and Akimoto, 1977). Trends of major element composition against Si content are most consistent with formation within the deepest regions of the transition zone where equilibrium with perovskite structured CaSiO3 (CaSi-Pvk) is envisaged (Irifune and Ringwood, 1987). The remaining associations all involve MgO - FeO (fPer) and are also believed to have been in equilibrium with CaSiO3 composition inclusions. The association of fPer and (Mg, Fe)Si03 (LM I) is understood to have formed at pressures of >24 GPa (Yagi et al., 1978), within the lower mantle, where (Mg, Fe)SiO3 adopts a perovskite structure (MgSi-Pvk) at pressures above the breakdown of (Mg, Fe)2SiO4 ringwoodite. Indeed, all the broadly pyroxene composition phases recovered in association with fPer are envisaged to have formed with perovskite structures. The LM I association also includes grains of broadly pyrope-almandine composition with high Fe3+ content (Fe3+/EFe=-0.7) and very low Ca (<0.15 wt% CaO) and depleted rare earth element (REE) concentrations consistent with equilibrium with REE-phyllic CaSi-Pvk. This new mineral is shown to adopt a tetragonal I :F -2d structure and is referred to provisionally as 'TAPP' (tetragonal almandine-pyrope phase). Given the propensity for MgSi-Pvk to adopt the entirety of the likely lower mantle A12O3 budget within its structure at depths over 820 km (e. g. Kesson et al., 1995), and the stability of an A1203-involving association at depths of 720-820km (Irifune et al., 1996), TAPP is believed to form in aluminous bulk compositions in the depth region, 670-720km. A deeper association of fPer, aluminous and Fe 3'-rich MgSi-Pvk and A1203 (ruby) from Sao Luiz diamonds forms a third (LM H) association. The remaining two associations have characteristics indicative of formation in the deepest regions of the transition zone. An association (LM III) of low Ca-garnet with a small majoritic component, a previously unrecorded C2/c structured Al-Ca-Na-Few-rich magnesium silicate (with 11,5 and 6 wt% A1203, CaO and Na2O respectively) and fPer is reported. Trace element compositions of this garnet are found to be transitional between majoritic garnet (Harte, 1992) and TAPP. The final association, found in a single diamond involves a (Mg, Fe)2SiO4 composition inclusion, fPer and TAPP (UM/LM association), and is suggestive of formation within the range 460-720km depending on bulk composition (Jeanloz and Thompson, 1983). Also identified from Sao Luiz is the first recorded sapphire inclusion in diamond. Change in cell parameters on release of two fPer inclusions (one from Guinea, West Africa) have been measured and interpreted on the basis of expected mantle geotherms and physical properties of compressibility and expansivity. Depths of formation of -300km are inferred which, on correction due to the fractured and plastically deformed nature of the diamond hosts, extend to within the lower mantle. The very low Fe 3+ content of fPer and the large Fe 3+ content of aluminous MgSi-Pvk inclusions additionally support formation at high pressure (McCammon et al., 1995 and McCammon, 1997). Furthermore, the presence of significant quantities of magnesioferrite as inclusions in many fPer inclusions is consistent with the high Fe3+ content of associated phases and indicates relatively oxidised conditions of formation. Partitioning of Fe, Ni and Mg between fPer and MgSi-Pvk is indicative of high temperature (>2000K) within the lower mantle which suggests a steep thermal gradient at 670km and hence a thermal boundary layer between the upper and lower mantle. This observation, in addition to indications from associations of a compositional distinction between upper mantle and lower mantle, supports separate regimes of mantle convection. The diamonds themselves show cathodoluminescencep atterns indicative of a complex interplay of growth and resorption. Transition zone stones show a range in nitrogen content from <15 to 311ppm, and are highly aggregated indicating a long, high temperature history. Lower mantle stones are even more deficient in nitrogen (mostly Type II diamond), and show a very tight clustering of 513C composition around -5%o. Given ranges of up to 9%o within single stones, precipitation under fluctuating conditions within a homogeneous reservoir is concluded. Values for 815N of -6 and -5.2%o have been obtained for an upper / lower mantle boundary sourced stone. Thermoelastic modelling is applied to a variety of deep mantle phases and it is concluded that, with a thermal boundary between upper and lower mantle, there exists a narrow depth region just below 670km where many phases, (particularly diamond) are gravitationally stabilised. Diamond moving within the circulatory system of the lower mantle will, therefore, tend to pond in this region. Exhumation from the deep mantle is believed to have been relatively swift due to the lack of: reequilibration of composite grains; complete exsolution of majoritic garnet; and recombination of magnesioferrite with Per. A regime of transportation by upwelling mantle plume is envisaged. The dominance within thin cratonic areas amongst world-wide locations of deep mantle diamonds is also discussed. This observation is interpreted in terms of thin cratonic areas being suitably reduced to stabilise diamond at shallow depths, unlike in oceanic settings where diamond bums to form C02- Additionally, the crust in thin cratonic regions is not suitable for formation of lithospheric diamond and so the deep population of stones is not outnumbered by shallow sourced diamonds.
11
Mete, Ersen. "Electronic Properties Of Transition Metal Oxides." Phd thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1069699/index.pdf.
Анотація:
Transition metal oxides constitute a large class of materials with variety of very interesting properties and important technological utility. A subset with perovskite structure has been the subject matter of the current theoretical investigation with an emphasis on their electronic and structural behavior. An analytical and a computational method are used to calculate physical entities like lattice parameters, bulk moduli, band structures, density of electronic states and charge density distributions for various topologies. Results are
discussed and compared with the available experimental findings.
12
Kishimba, Ngoy. "Trajectoires socio-économiques et constitution de la descendance à Yaoundé (Cameroun)." Paris 10, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA100145.
Анотація:
La baisse de la fécondité perceptible dans plusieurs pays d'Afrique sub-saharienne dès la fin de la décennie 1980 s'effectue à des rythmes différents selon les catégories sociales des populations. Dans presque tous les pays, les différences les plus frappantes se situent entre les zones urbaine et rurale avec des vitesses de transition nettement plus accélérées dans les capitales africaines. Le Cameroun n'est pas en marge de ces changements démographiques, ses deux grandes métropoles Yaoundé et Douala se situent parmi les régions d'Afrique subsaharienne les plus avancées dans le processus de transition de la fécondité. Quelle a été l'influence de la crise économique annoncée en 1987 ? Dans quelle mesure les trajectoires socio-économiques des hommes et des femmes caractérisées par le chômage de longue durée, la stabilité dans les catégories sociales pauvre et moyenne ont-elles joué sur le calendrier de fécondité ? Quel a été le rôle du développement social et économique de la période de forte croissance de l'économie ? C'est à ces questions que tente de répondre cette recherche à partir d'une base des données originales retraçant les parcours de vie des hommes et des femmes nés entre 1942 et 1971The decline in fertility noticeable in several countries in sub-Saharan Africa from the end of the 1980s is happening at différent rhythms within différent social categories of populations. In nearly all countries, the most striking différences can be seen between urban and rural zones, with sharply higher transition speeds in African capitals. Cameroon is not immune to these demographic changes and its two large metropolises--Yaoundé and Douala--are among the sub-Saharan African regions that have advanced the furthest in the fertility transition process. What influence did the economic crisis announced in 1987 have? To what extent did the socio-economic trajectories of men and women characterised by long-term unemployment and the stability of poor and medium-income social categories influence the fertility schedule? What role did the social and economic development during the period of strong economic growth play? This research attempts to answer these questions using an original database that documents the life courses of men and women born between 1942 and 1971
13
Gélin-Racinoux, Laurence. "Recherches sur le rapport de la constitution au temps." Nantes, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005NANT4019.
Анотація:
Le droit constitutionnel français a connu depuis la Révolution française une remarquable instabilité. Faut-il pour autant en déduire que le droit constitutionnel français entretienne un rapport au temps éminemment discontinu et que la continuité, pourtant de qualité inhérente au droit, lui fasse défaut ? Pour le savoir, il convient d'examiner la constitution dans son rapport au temps. Suivant que l'on envisage la constitution, à partir de sa conception formelle ou matérielle, le jugement que l'on est amené à porter sur notre évolution constitutionnelle s'en trouve changé. Le critère formel que la doctrine a choisi de faire sien au point d'établir l'hégémonie de la conception formelle sur la conception matérielle, révèle les nombreuses ruptures qui engendrent le phénomène de discontinuité. La prédominance de cette discontinuité constitutionnelle est cependant parfois limitée par quelques transitions entre constitutions constitutionnellement réalisées. Au plan matériel, la discontinuité existe également et permet de remarquer que la forme se trouve être finalement au service de la matière, ce que la suprématie de la conception formelle ne laissait pas supposer. Mais surtout, les Constitutions françaises comportent de nombreuses constantes qui en établissant une tradition constitutionnelle tendent à supplanter l'idée de discontinuité. En définitive, le droit constitutionnel français s'avère manifestement continu, ce qui autorise à dire que la matière est peut-être plus que la forme l'élément constitutif essentiel du droit constitutionnel puisqu'en rapport avec sa nature, elle lui permet d'assurer sa fonction de fondationFrench constitutional law has suffered a striking instability since the French Revolution, as the number of constitutions making our history reveals. For all that, must we deducted that French constitutionnal law maintains a particularly discontinued relation to time that it lacks continuity, a quality yet pertaining to law ? In order to answer the questions, it seems fit to examine the constitution in its relation to time. Depending whether the constitution is considered from its material or formal conception, the judgement one is led to pass on our constitutional evolution is bound to vary. The formal criterion adopted in doctrinal literature, to the extent of causing the hegemony of the formal conception over the material one, reveals the numerous breaks entailing a phenomenon of discontinuity. However, the predominance of this constitutional discontinuity is sometimes curbed by some constitutionally achieved transition between constitutions. Discontinuity also exists on the material level and allows one to pinpoint that form eventually serves matter, which the supremacy of the formal conception failed to lead to suppose. But above all, French Constitutions bear many permanent failures that, by establishing a constitutional tradition, tend to overcome the feeling of discontinuity. In fact, French constitutional law turns out to be remarkably continuous, which allows one to contend that matter, perhaps more than form, is essential ingredient of constitutional law since, due to its nature, it enables the latter to fulfil its founding fonction
14
Hainque, Elodie. "Transition de poursuite oculaire chez l'homme : vers une compréhension de la constitution d'un modèle interne d'un <>." Thesis, Paris 6, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA066332.
Анотація:
Afin de poursuivre une cible en mouvement, le système nerveux central (SNC) utilise deux types de mouvements oculaires: la poursuite et les saccades. Les saccades sont des mouvements rapides et brefs de redirection de l’axe visuel d’un centre d’intérêt à un autre. La poursuite est un mouvement lent qui tend à maintenir la cible d’intérêt sur la fovéa. La vitesse de l’œil étant toujours inférieure à celle de la cible, une erreur positionnelle entre l’œil et la cible va croître en l’absence de mouvement correctif. Des saccades de rattrapage sont déclenchées par le SNC pour corriger cette erreur. Alors qu’il est largement reconnu que le système de la poursuite utilise un modèle interne du mouvement de la cible pour améliorer ses capacités, la modalité de contrôle de l’amplitude des saccades de rattrapage est sujette à controverse quant au rôle direct d’afférences sensorielles ou d’un modèle interne de la cible en mouvement. Nous avons développé un nouveau paradigme de transition de poursuite oculaire appliqué à l’Homme sain, dans lequel la cible change de manière imprévisible d’un profil de vitesse non constant périodique à un profil de vitesse non constant apériodique. Nos résultats confirment que le SNC utilise un modèle interne de la cible en mouvement pour contrôler l’amplitude des saccades de rattrapage. Ce modèle se construit progressivement à partir de 168 millisecondes après le changement de profil de vitesse et est utilisé conjointement par les systèmes de la poursuite et saccadique. Le substrat neuronal potentiel de ce modèle interne sera discuté à la lumière des connaissances issues de la littérature concernant le contrôle moteur et oculomoteurTwo types of eye movements are combined while tracking a moving object: smooth pursuit and saccades. Saccades are rapid redirections of the visual axis between two centers of interest. Because pursuit gain is smaller than one, the eye would increasingly lag behind the target without any correcting movements. Thus, “catch-up saccades” are triggered by the central nervous system (CNS) to cancel this growing position error between the eye and the target. It is widely accepted that an internal model of target motion is used by the CNS to cancel inherent delays between visual input and smooth pursuit motor output, ensuring accurate tracking of moving targets. The amplitude of catch-up saccades triggered during smooth pursuit could be corrected by a delayed sensory signal to account for the ongoing target displacement during catch-up saccades. Yet, recent studies suggested that the correction of catch-up saccade amplitude must also be done through an internal model of target motion. We developed a new paradigm in which the target switches unexpectedly from one target with a non-constant periodic velocity profile to another with a non-constant aperiodic velocity profile. Our results in healthy humans confirm that the CNS uses an internal model of target motion to correct catch-up saccade amplitude. Internal model is being built gradually from 168 ms after the target switch. We show that a common internal model of target motion is shared within the CNS to control smooth pursuit and to correct catch-up saccade amplitude. The potential neuronal substrate of such an internal model will be discussed in the light of the knowledge from the literature on motor and oculomotor control
15
Elmanuni, Aimen. "Les conséquences de la transition politique en Lybie sur l'organisation administrative locale." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017UBFCF001.
Анотація:
Depuis le 17 février 2011, la Libye est rentrée dans une période de transition politique et juridique qui n'est pas encore achevée. Le sujet de cette thèse porte sur l'étude des conséquences de cette transition sur l'organisation de l'administration locale. Les autorités politiques transitoires ont cherché à réorganiser le pays à partir de nouvellesstructures administratives locales. C'est l'objet de la loi n°59 de 2012 adoptée par le Conseil National de Transition. Mais l'application des dispositions de cette loi s'est heurtée à d'importantes difficultés dûes à l'instabilité de la situation politique libyenne. Ce travail s'intéresse à l'élaboration, au contenu et à la portée de cette loi pour parvenir à mettre en place en Libye une nouvelle organisation locale au cours de cette période politique transitoire ouverte en 2011 jusqu'à l'adoption et la signature de l'accord politique libyen à Skhirat au Maroc, le 17 décembre 2015. Une première partie de cette thèse est consacrée aux difficultés politiques rencontrées à l'occasion de l'élaboration de la nouvelle législation locale par le Conseil National de Transition, le Congrès National Général, et le Parlement. Une deuxième partie de ce travail expose les obstacles rencontrés par l'application des dispositions de cette législation en raison de la situation politique du pays marquée par les divisions politiques et la coexistence d'autorités centrales concurrentes. La réorganisation administrative locale est en cours de réalisation mais reste encore un objectif à finaliser pour reconstruire administrativement et politiquement la Libye et garantir ainsi son avenir qui demeure lié au retour d’une stabilité politique réelleSince 17 February 2011, Libya has known a period of political and legal transition that is ongoing. The subject of this thesis focuses on the study of the consequences of this transition on the organization of local administration. The transitory political authorities have sought to reorganize the country through new local administration structures. It is the object of the law no. 59 adopted in 2012 by the National Transition Council. But the application of the provisions of this law encountered important difficulties due to the instability of the Libyan political situation. This work concerns the elaboration, content and impact of this law for establishing in Libya a new local organization during this transitory political period that began in 2011 and lasted until the adoption and the signature of the Libyan political agreement in Skhirat in Morocco, on 17 December 2015.The first part of this thesis focuses on the political difficulties encountered during the elaboration of the new local legislation by the National Transition Council, the National General Congress, and the Parliament. The second part of the work exposes the obstacles encountered in the application of the provisions of this legislation due to the political situation of the country marked by political divisions and the coexistence of central competing authorities. The local administrative reorganization is underway but still remains an objective to be finalized for the administrative and political reconstruction of Libya and to thereby guarantee its future, which remains linked to the return of a real political stability
16
Robinson, Jason. "On the edge of history : small political parties & groupings in South Africa's transition, 1990-1997." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7b0a5713-122c-49e4-8285-c3b030db9d1d.
Анотація:
Much of the academic - and popular - literature on the South African negotiations process focuses on the two principal players, the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party Government. A significant number of other political groupings were vying for influence at this time and although they would not fare well electorally in 1994, their influence and also their symbolic importance has been overlooked. Four groupings that have found themselves on the margins of the South African transition are the subject of this thesis: The white right wing (Afrikaner Volksunie, the Conservative Party, the Freedom Front); the homelands (in particular Bophuthatswana, KwaZulu and Transkei), the Democratic Party (DP) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC). All four of these political groupings were deeply involved in the transition process and critically, offered very different options and scenarios for the future. These included alternative visions of a federal South African state, a more independent judiciary, stronger provincial powers and greater degrees of cultural and territorial self-determination. For some of the parties - notably the PAC- the compromises reached in the constitution around property rights were unacceptable. In the case of the PAC, Inkatha and some far-right Afrikaner groupings, there was a turn to violence - even if not always sanctioned by leadership - that had an important impact on conditioning the settlement. The differing trajectories and prescriptions of these groupings offer up important lessons regarding the history of the negotiations period, the potential for alternative pathways during this time as well as the deficiencies of the current constitutional order. The histories of these marginal groupings on the sidelines of a historic settlement speak to longstanding fault lines in South Africa's political discourse, including the role and salience of liberalism, socialism and ethno-nationalism in the post-apartheid era.
17
Blouët, Alexis. "Le pouvoir pré-constituant : contribution à l'étude de l'exercice du pouvoir constituant originaire à partir du cas de l'Egypte après la Révolution du 25 janvier (février 2011-juillet 2013)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D039.
Анотація:
La théorie du droit constitutionnel tend, en raison de la prégnance de certains présupposés épistémologiques, à négliger l’étude de l’exercice du pouvoir constituant originaire, c’est à dire le processus d’élaboration d’une nouvelle constitution. Cette thèse entend participer à combler cette lacune à travers le recours à un concept de «pouvoir pré-constituant», qui renvoie à la compétence de définir les règles d’élaboration d’un nouveau texte constitutionnel. Nous postulons que ces règles ont pour fonction d’instituer une procédure constituante et ainsi de justifier et contraindre le phénomène constituant. Nous avançons aussi qu’elles ont pour caractéristique d’irrémédiablement disparaître du système juridique dès l’adoption de la constitution dès lors que l’acte constituant n’est pas justifié par sa conformité aux énoncés qui ont encadré sa production mais par la seule volonté du souverain. La première partie montre comment l’adoption des règles d’élaboration de la nouvelle constitution est tributaire de l’ensemble du système juridique existant lors de la période transitoire. Dans la seconde partie, le recours au concept de pouvoir pré-constituant permet d’envisager l’exercice du pouvoir constituant originaire en tant qu’objet normatif auquel est articulé un ensemble de règles doté d’une autonomie relative vis-à-vis des règles non pré-constituantes. Dans la troisième partie nous montrons comment les acteurs de la procédure constituante peuvent, en raison du caractère provisoire du pouvoir préconstituant, être contraints de précipiter son déroulé afin d’empêcher la contestation de sa légalité. Cette thèse repose sur une étude approfondie à partir de l’analyse de sources primaires du processus constituant égyptien entre la chute du président Hosni Moubarak en février 2011 et celle du président Morsi en juillet 2013. Elle apporte également un éclairage nouveau à la trajectoire du pays après la Révolution du 25 janvier 2011, puisque la question constituante a représenté l’un des enjeux politiques majeurs de la période postrévolutionnaireDue to certain epistemological assumptions, constitutional law theory tends to neglect the study of the exercise of original constituent power, namely, the process of new constitution-making. This PhD intends to address the gap in investigation by proposing the concept of “pre-constituent power”, which entails the competence to define rules for drafting a new constitution. We argue that these rules serve to institute a constituent procedure and thus justify and constrain the constituent phenomenon. We also maintain that these rules inevitably vanish from the legal system as soon as the constitution is adopted, as a constitution’s adoption does not derive its legal legitimacy from the rules that framed its production, but rather from the sole will of the sovereign. The first part of this work demonstrates how the establishment of rules for new constitution drafting is reliant on the rest of the legal system in existence during the transitional period. In the second part, employing the concept of pre-constituent power enables us to consider the constitution-making process as an object of normativity, governed by a set of rules characterized by relative autonomy vis-à-vis non-pre-constituent rules. In the third part, we illustrate how actors in the constituent procedure can be compelled to precipitate the process. This occurs as the actors attempt to prevent contestations regarding the legality of the process, given the provisional character of the pre-constituent power. This PhD is rooted in an in-depth case study, based on the analysis of primary sources detailing the Egyptian constitution-making process that took place between the fall of President Hosni Mubarak in February 2011 and that of President Morsi in July 2013. It also sheds new light on the country's trajectory after the January 25, 2011 Revolution, given that the constitutional issue represented one of the major political concerns in the post-revolutionary period
18
Lillard, Scott K. "THE CEMENT OF INTEREST: INTERSTATE INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, INTERSTATE COMMERCE, AND THE TRANSITION FROM THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION TO THE CONSTITUTION, 1783-1786." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1354829932.
19
Martin, Dominic. "Political Transition in a Post-Arab Spring Middle East: A Comparative Analysis of Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1616.
Анотація:
The Arab Spring that began in Tunisia and spread throughout the Middle East shook the region. These populous movements unseated authoritarian rulers whose power and position were well entrenched, potentially setting numerous countries on a path towards democratization. This project seeks to explain why the democratic transitions within the countries of Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen have been largely unsuccessful. The large amounts of literature that flooded the academic forums through articles and books are analyzed, providing numerous explanations as to why these transitions have been unsuccessful such as polarization, deadlock, sectarianism, violence, and institutional conflict. This literature focuses on either one or several of the above-mentioned explanations while not pinning down a central cause for these phenomena, since they are all present in all three cases. This paper asserts that the cause of this hindered transition is the emphasis that these States placed upon electoral democracy. An emphasis placed on elections during transition highlighted and exacerbated factors (polarization, deadlock, sectarianism, violence, and institutional conflict) already present in these societies but kept dormant under authoritarian rule. To illustrate this the initial transitional government, representative body elected, and executive is analyzed to show how each governing unit stressed elections before a constitution. The identification of an overarching cause for the lack of fruitful transition like this project seeks to accomplish is of great importance, filling a much needed gap in the literature of comparative Middle Eastern revolutionary studies; along with providing foreign policy makers a tool to craft more impactful policy.B.A.
Bachelors
Political Science
Sciences
International and Global Studies
20
España, Ruiz Rodrigo. "La consolidation démocratique au Chili. Ou comment surmonter les enclaves autoritaires." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030107.
Анотація:
Le 11 mars 1990 marque la fin du régime autoritaire de Pinochet qui dura environ 17 années. Ce jour les nouvelles autorités démocratiques prirent leurs fonctions débutant ainsi le processus de consolidation démocratique. Même avant le changement de régime, autrement dit pendant le processus de transition à la démocratie, se mit en évidence qu'un des principaux défis des gouvernements démocratiques devait être la suppression des enclaves autoritaires. Ceux-ci, fissurent et dénaturent un régime démocratique en permettant que certaines institutions et/ou acteurs déterminent les limites de la consolidation démocratique.Dans cette recherche nous analysons les effets de deux types de d'enclaves autoritaires, les institutionnels et celles des acteurs. Par rapport au premier type d'enclaves nous décidons d'analyser la Constitution de 1980, le système électoral binominal et la Loi d'Amnistie de 1978. En particulier il nous intéresse d'observer comment ils furent supprimés, désarticulés, neutralisés ou annulés pendant la consolidation démocratique. Quant au second type d'enclaves nous décidons d'analyser le comportement des juges de la Cour Suprême, l'armée et quelques secteurs à l’intérieur des partis politiques de la droite chilienne. Notre attention est destinée à déterminer si ces acteurs éprouvèrent un processus de mutation qui leur permettrait de se détacher de la connotation d'enclave autoritaireMarch 11th of 1990 marks the end of Pinochet´s authoritarian regime, which lasted about 17 years. That day the new democratic authorities took office thereby initiating the process of democratic consolidation. Before the change of regime, during the process of transition to democracy, it became clear that one of the main challenges of the democratic government would be the elimination of authoritarian enclaves. These erode and undermine a democratic regime allowing certain institutions and/or stakeholders to determine the limits of democratic consolidation.In this research we analyze what happened with two types of authoritarian enclaves, institutional and stakeholder. Regarding the first type of enclave we decided to analyze the Constitution of 1980, the binominal electoral system and the Amnesty Law of 1978. We were particularly interested in seeing how these were suppressed, unarticulated, neutralized or canceled during the democratic consolidation. As for the second type of enclave we chose to analyze the behavior of the judges of the Supreme Court, the Army and some sectors within the political parties of the Chilean right. Our attention was aimed at determining if these stakeholders had undergone a process of change that allowed them to get rid of the connotation of the authoritarian enclave
21
Yassin, Mahi Mariam. "Mellan politisk övergång och klan : En fallstudie av Somalias försök till inrättandet av ett demokratiskt valsystem och relaterade motstånd." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-176926.
Анотація:
The aim of this study was to see what the fundamental efforts were to bring about a democratic electoral system in Somalia? What are the significant obstacles in relation to the planned electoral system and what can the clan, the constitution and external actors mean in this context? What efforts can be made to introduce a democratic electoral system? This study was conducted by using five semi-structured interviews and material collected on Somalia’s history, current state, and clan society. This paper concludes that there are different factors such as the International Community, the federal member states, Clan representatives, and major donors, which have had an effect on the democratization process in Somalia. Furthermore, it shows that the main problem is the application of the Constitution that is being hindered by the political elite and the federal member states. This research suggests several measures that must be enforced to carry out a democratic election, 1. A will from the political elite to speed up the process around the new electoral system, 2. The Constitution process must continue and be implemented, 3. Stable institutions, laws and regulation must be implemented, 4. The country’s security must be strengthened. This study discovers that Somalia is in the decision phase in accordance with Rustow’s transition theory, where the country is slowly but surely applying democratic principles and rules into the Constitution.
22
Holo, Guy-Fabrice. "Les régimes de transition en Afrique subsaharienne francophone." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01D062.
Анотація:
L’Afrique subsaharienne francophone vit des phases de transition entre des «formes politiques» de parti unique ou de démocratie limitée vers des «formes politiques» de pluripartisme ou de démocratie. Il ressort de l’observation de ces transitions que les régimes politiques, entendus ici comme formes de séparation des pouvoirs, utilisés lors de ces transitions adoptent les mêmes caractéristiques. La fonction du régime de transition, qui est de permettre la libéralisation des institutions politiques de l’État, est facilitée par l’adoption d’une forme parlementaire de régime. Cependant, une analyse plus approfondie révèle que si tous ces régimes adoptent les caractéristiques «externes» du régime parlementaire, «la forme politique» n’est pas la même. Dans un cas, elle traduit une forte concentration du pouvoir dans le corps du Chef de l’État, quand dans l’autre, elle est se répartit entre les organes du régime. Aussi, il n’y a pas, de régime de transition, mais plutôt un «modèle constitutionnel» de la période qui reprend partout les mêmes éléments, sans en tirer les mêmes conséquencesSub-Saharan Africa has been known for going through transitional phases from one-party state dictatorship or limited democracy to a multi-party system or a real democracy. Observing these transitions highlights the fact that the same type of regimes is used during the process. At first, it can be said that transitions are made by a parliamentary system. Adopting this specific form of regime enhances the aim of the transitional regime, which lies into liberalizing the political institutions of the country. Nevertheless, a more profound study reveals that if all those regimes may have the external criteria of a parliamentary system, it's not the same regime per se. In one case, most of the power remains in the hand of the head of State while in the other, it's a shared power. Thus, there is no transitional regime but what can be described as a "constitutional model" of the transition that uses the same organs but with a different distribution of power between them
23
Chenet, Jean-Baptiste. "Mouvements populaires et Partis politiques (1986-1996) : la restructuration manquée de l’ordre politique agonisant." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030079/document.
Анотація:
La chute de la dictature duvaliériste, le 7 février 1986, marque un véritable tournant dans l’évolution politique du pays. La situation nouvelle qui en résulte est généralement analysée ou comprise sous l’angle de l’explication découlant du paradigme des transitions. Ce cadre d’analyse s’est révélé en tous points inadapté pour rendre compte des bouleversements enregistrés. Dès lors, la recherche d’une explication alternative vient à se poser. Cette recherche tente d’explorer cette voie. Et elle soulève un questionnement fondamental qui appréhende la crise haïtienne sous l’angle de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique imposé lors de la première occupation américaine pendant la période 1915-1934. Le défi de cette restructuration du champ politique avait sollicité davantage le rôle et l’action de deux nouveaux acteurs qui ont durablement émergé dans la vie politique du pays à partir des années quatre-vingt : les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques. L’interaction qui s’établit entre ces deux acteurs avait acquis à la fois une dimension complexe et problématique. D’une part, ils (les acteurs) n’avaient pas pu développer une claire conscience de leur rôle dans le processus de transformation politique en cours. D’autre part, il s’est établi entre les deux acteurs un radical antagonisme qui a fini par compromettre la possibilité de construction des capacités politiques nationales en vue de favoriser une évolution positive dudit processus. Le retour à la domination directe américaine, avec l’intervention militaire de 1994, consacrera l’impossibilité de trouver une issue à la crise au plan interne. Cette intervention confirmera la réalité de l’épuisement de l’ordre politique de 1934 tout en provoquant des contradictions nouvelles. Elle a notamment contribué à précipiter la suppression de l’armée, tout en procédant de manière quasi-totale à la confiscation de la souveraineté du pays. Pendant la décennie 1986-1996 qui reste charnière dans le processus de changement politique en Haïti, il n’a pas été possible donc d’aboutir à une redéfinition de l’ordre politique agonisant. Mais l’enjeu de son renouvellement reste indispensable. Malgré leurs faiblesses et les controverses à la base de leur relation, les mouvements populaires et les partis politiques demeurent encore les deux principales formes de représentation politique ou d’action collective qui puissent aider d’avancer dans cette direction. La difficulté majeure est d’arriver à définir l’originalité de l’articulation entre ces deux acteurs qui pourrait bien convenir dans le contexte actuel marqué à la fois par le reflux des mouvements et le faible niveau d’enracinement de la forme partisaneThe fall of the dictatorship duvalierist, on February 7, 1986, mark a true turning point in the political evolution of the country. The new situation which results from it is generally analyzed or included/understood under the angle of the explanation rising from the paradigm of the transitions. This framework of analysis appeared in all points misfit to give an account of the recorded upheavals. Consequently, the search for an alternative explanation has been suddenly posed. This research tries to explore this way. And it raises a fundamental questioning which apprehends the Haitian crisis under the angle of the exhaustion of the political order imposed at the time of the first American occupation for the period 1915-1934. The challenge of this reorganization of the political field had more requested the role and the action of two new actors who durably emerged in the political life of the country as from the Eighties: popular movements and political parties. The interaction which is established between these two actors had acquired at the same time a complex and problematic dimension. On the one hand, they (actors) had not been able to develop a clear conscience of their role in the process of political transformation in progress. In addition, it was established between the two actors a radical antagonism which ended up compromising the possibility of construction of the capacities national policies in order to support a positive development of the known as process. The return to the American direct domination, with the military intervention of 1994, will devote impossibility of finding an exit with the crisis with the internal plan. This intervention will confirm the reality of the exhaustion of the political order of 1934 whole while causing new contradictions. It in particular contributed to precipitate the removal of the army, while proceeding in a quasi-total way to the confiscation of the sovereignty of the country. During the decade 1986-1996 which remains hinge in the process of political change in Haiti, it was not possible thus to lead to a redefinition of the political order failing. But the stake of its renewal remains essential. In spite of their weaknesses and the controversies at the base of their relation, the popular movements and the political parties remain still the two principal forms of political representation or class action suit who can help to advance in this direction. The major difficulty is to manage to define the originality of the articulation between these two actors which could be appropriate well in the current context marked at the same time by the backward flow of the movements and the low level of rooting of the form partisane
24
Hafsaoui, Imen Amandine. "La confection de la constitution tunisienne dans un contexte "post-révolutionnaire", 2011-2014 : construction des nouvelles règles du jeu politique par les "élites" de l'assemblée nationale constituante." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0118.
Анотація:
La Tunisie a longtemps été un laboratoire de recherches pour les sociologues occidentaux sur l'apport des sciences sociales dans un pays du Maghreb. Toutefois ces études sociologiques restent encore centrées sur une période très précise qui dénotait l'existence d'un pouvoir autoritaire et les abus du gouvernement. Le débat occidental s'est alors cristallisé sur la forme du régime et les contestations protestataires en Tunisie. Il a fallu attendre le 13 Janvier 2011 lors du discours au palais de Carthage, pour que la question de la remise en question se pose sans équivoque. Le président Ben Ali avait atteint avec cet ultime affront aux citoyens tunisiens, les limites de son autorité abusive. Au 14 Janvier 2011, la fuite du président déchu Ben Ali a consommé la rupture avec l'ancien régime et a créé ce phénomène que l'on nomme à tort ou à raison la transitologie. Pour la première fois dans le pays, les élections étaient ouvertes à différentes catégories socio-professionnelles, de cultures politiques différentes, à tous les partis hormis le RCD ancien parti du régime, et aux femmes comme aux hommes. Cette initiative a créé un tel engouement, que le jour d’entrée des élus parlementaires au sein du Palais du Bardo, il était nécessaire de déterminer qui étaient ces nouveaux locataires du palais. C’est ainsi que débutent ces travaux de rechercheTunisia has been, for a long time, a research laboratory for Western sociologists in terms of the contribution of social sciences in a Maghreb country. However, these sociological studies are still focused on a very precise period which pointed out the existence of an authoritarian power and the abuses of the government. The Western debate then froze on the form of the regime and protests in Tunisia. It was not until January 13, 2011 that the issue of questioning arises unequivocally, during the speech at the palace of Carthage. President Ben Ali had reached the limits of his abusive authority with this ultimate outrage to Tunisian citizens. On January 14, 2011, the flight of the deposed President Ben Ali consumed the break with the old regime and created this phenomenon that is rightly or wrongly called transitology. For the first time in the country, elections were open to different socio-professional categories, from different political cultures, to all parties except the former RCD party of the regime, and to both women and men. This initiative has created such a craze, that the day of entry of elected MPs in the Palace of Bardo, it was necessary to determine who were these new tenants of the palace. This is how this research begins
25
Oymak, Huseyin. "Theoretical Investigation Of Altini Ternary Clusters: Density Functional Theory Calculations And Molecular Dynamics Simulations." Phd thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605104/index.pdf.
Анотація:
This doctoral study consists of three parts. In the first part, structural and electronic properties of Al_kTi_lNi_m (k+l+m=2,3) microclusters have been investigated by performing density functional theory (DFT) calculations within the B3LYP [which comprises the Becke-88 exchange functional and the correlation functional of Lee, Yang, and Parr] and the effective core potential (ECP) level. Dimers and trimers of the elements aluminum, titanium, and nickel, and their binary and ternary combinations have been studied in their ground states. The optimum geometries, possible dissociation channels, vibrational properties, and electronic structure of the clusters under study have been obtained.
In the second part, after an empirical potential energy function (PEF) has been parametrized for the AlTiNi ternary system, stable (minimum-energy) structures of Al_kTi_lNi_m (k+l+m=4) microclusters have been determined by molecular dynamics (MD) simulations. The energetics of the microclusters in 1K and 300 K have been discussed. By performing, again, DFT calculations (within the B3LYP and ECP level), the possible dissociation channels and electronic properties of the obtained clusters have been calculated.
In the last part, using the empirical PEF parametrized previously for the AlTiNi ternary system, minimum-energy structures of Al_nTi_nNi_n (n= 1-16) ternary alloy nanoparticles have been determined by performing MD simulations. The structural and energetic features of the obtained nanoparticles have been investigated.
26
Sundin, Anders. "1809 : Statskuppen och regeringsformens tillkomst som tolkningsprocess." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7371.
Анотація:
This dissertation analyses the coup d’état and the instrument of government of 1809 as an interpretative framing process. By close examination primarily of official sources it focuses on how political actors utilized the components of the existing political culture in order to legitimise their actions. The results show that the regime transition of 1809 was a contingent process. Actors competed to define concepts such as “citizen”, “patriotism” and “public opinion” in order to legitimise different political claims. This process served to strengthen the role played by the concept of public opinion as a source of authority in the language of politics. The dissertation also addresses how the regime transition of 1809 relates to the historical epoch known as the Age of Revolution. Experiences from the French Revolution in particular were crucial to the debate on the prospects for constitutional change in Sweden. The study shows that the constitutional committee took a reformist stance based on the concepts of civic virtue and enlightenment, thereby rejecting demands for an enhanced national representation. Instead they argued for gradual constitutional change and believed that the constitution should serve as an instrument to educate the public in the virtues of citizenship. Grounded in the so-called "cultural turn" taken by studies of politics in recent decades, the analysis has borrowed from studies of social movements the concepts of interpretative framing. In analyzing differences and oppositions between various interpretative frames, concepts from discourse analysis has been used, particularly those that emphasize discourse contingency. Extra-discursive conditions in the process of interpretation have been analyzed by means of the concept of possibility structures. This has chiefly involved taking into consideration the degree of repression and actors' differing access to what Bourdieu has termed "institutional authority".
27
Cazzetta, Claudia. "The national and the international influences on the drafting of the South African Bill of Rights : A study on the South African transitional legal culture." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Afrikanska studier, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-34517.
Анотація:
The South African democratic transition in the 1990s represents one of the clearest cases of practical implementation of constitutional engineering. The process was aimed to the creation of the principle of national unity in the fundamental text first, hoping it would be mirrored consequently by a popular sentiment. Within this context, the Bill of Rights, included in the second chapter of the final text, affirmed itself as the most relevant document that emerged from the country's nation-building process. This thesis aims to compare the influences that the national and international components of the South African transitional legal culture had on the drafting of the Bill of Rights, through the investigation of their historical and political dynamics. The analysis highlights that the liberal component characterizes the majority of the text, while being, however, declined on the neo-liberal international doctrine, while the African customary law is recognized within the cultural rights but remains subjected to the requirement of conformity with the liberal provisions.
28
Besse, Magalie. "Les transitions constitutionnelles démocratisantes : analyse comparative à partir de l’expérience du Bénin." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne (2017-2020), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017CLFAD013/document.
Анотація:
L’analyse logique et systémique de la transition constitutionnelle permet de comprendre la réussite de la démocratisation au Bénin. La transition constitutionnelle fut en effet l’instrument de sa transition démocratique, dont elle est également le révélateur.La Conférence nationale fut l’organe central de cette transition constitutionnelle, ce qui généra un processus constituant inclusif et consensuel. Ces deux principes directeurs ont favorisé l’adoption d’une Constitution équilibrée et légitime en intégrant la diversité sociale au processus constituant. Plus encore, ils ont pacifié les relations politiques et incité les acteurs à respecter les règles établies, en les contraignant à coopérer. Pour y parvenir, la rationalisation de la transition fut essentielle. Elle s’est fondée sur des organes adaptés et sur la constitutionnalisation du processus, qui a agi comme un cliquet anti-retour. Ce constitutionnalisme émergent dut cependant cohabiter avec le pragmatisme, car une rationalisation effective impliquait d’adapter ses instruments au contexte spécifique de la transition.L’inclusion et le consensus, combinés à la cooptation des acteurs et à un constitutionnalisme pragmatique, ont ainsi permis l’adoption d’une Constitution facilitant la consolidation démocratique. Cette réussite révèle que ce droit constitutionnel de transition spécifique est plus démocratisant que le recours au droit constitutionnel démocratique. L’analyse comparative démontre que ce constat n’est pas propre au Bénin. Elle confirme également que la mise en œuvre d’un processus inclusif et consensuel dépend certes des choix des acteurs, mais est aussi conditionnée par leurs rapports de forceThe logical and systemic analysis of the constitutional transition allows to understand the success of democratization in Benin. The constitutional transition was indeed the instrument of its democratic transition, as much as it reveals it. The National Conference was the central organ of this constitutional transition, which generated an inclusive and consensual constituent process. These two guiding principles favored the adoption of a well-balanced and legitimate Constitution by integrating social diversity into the constituent process. Moreover, they pacified political relations and fostered actors to respect the established rules, by forcing them to cooperate. To achieve this, the rationalization of the transition was essential. It relied on appropriated organs and on constitutionnalization of the process, which acted as an anti-return pawl. This emergent constitutionalism had however to cohabit with pragmatism, since an effective rationalization implied to adapt its instruments to the specific context of the transition.Inclusion and consensus, combined with co-optation of actors and a pragmatic constitutionalism, allowed the adoption of a Constitution facilitating democratic consolidation. This success reveals that this specific transitional constitutional Law is more democratizing than the recourse to democratic constitutional Law. The comparative analysis demonstrates that this fiding is not specific to Benin. It also confirms that the implementation of an inclusive and consensual process certainly depends on the choices made by the actors but is also conditional on their balance of power
29
Mara, Bana. "Les crises constitutionnelles en Guinée : déroulement, résolution et approches prospectives." Thesis, Avignon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AVIG2056.
Анотація:
Née des cendres du régime colonial français, la Guinée a connu une histoire tumultueuse tant au niveau de la formation de l’État actuel qu’au niveau de son histoire constitutionnelle. Au lendemain de son indépendance (obtenue au prix d’une longue lutte politique) en 1958, le pays va connaître différents cycles constitutionnels : le régime présidentialiste, le régime présidentiel et enfin le régime démocratique. De 1958 à 2009, ces deux premiers régimes furent essentiellement caractérisés par des crises constitutionnelles avec des graves répercussions dans tous les secteurs de la vie nationale. Mais ces différentes crises ont connu des manifestations différentes et n’ont pas toutes été résolues de la même façon.La plupart d’entre elles ont résulté de la violation de textes constitutionnels souvent confus et incomplets, mais aussi de la suspension pure et simple de la Constitution. À cet égard, et par voie de comparaison avec d’autres pays africains où ils ont fait leur preuve, les modes de résolutions politiques et juridictionnels ont toujours été utilisés pour résoudre les crises en Guinée. Ces modes ont été et sont encore vus comme les plus appropriés dans le contexte guinéen. Mais au-delà de ces modes de résolution, d’ailleurs très répandus dans l’Afrique tout entière, il paraît nécessaire aujourd’hui d’expérimenter d’autres approches qui seraient indispensables à la paix durable et à la cohésion nationale. De ces nouvelles pistes, nous pouvons retenir la justice transitionnelle et la démocratie consociative qui portent respectivement d’une part, sur la réparation des crimes du passé ; d’autre part, sur la répartition du pouvoir et des richesses entre les différentes régions ou communautés. Ces modes alternatifs pourraient apporter des solutions adéquates aux vraies racines des problèmes constitutionnels et à cet égard, méritent d’être appréhendés à travers le prisme du contexte guinéenBorn from the ashes of French colonial rule, Guinea has known a tumultuous history both in the formation of the current government at the level of its constitutional history. In the aftermath of independence (at the cost of a long political struggle) in 1958, the country experiences different constitutional cycles: the presidential regime, the presidential systemand the democratic regime. From 1958 to 2009, these first regimes were essentially characterized by constitutional crises with serious implications for all sectors of the national life. But these different crises took place differently and have not all been resolved in the same way.Most of these constitutional crises resulted from the violation of constitutional texts often confusing and incomplete but also suspension of the Constitution. In this respect, and by comparison with other African countries where they have proven themselves, modes of political and judicial resolutions have always been used to resolve the crises in Guinea. These modes have been and are still seen as the most appropriate in the Guinean context. But beyond these modes of resolution, also widespread in Africa as a whole, it seems necessary now to experiment with other approaches that are essential for sustainable peace and national cohesion. These new tracks, we can retain transitional justice and consociational democracy which deal on the first hand, with repairing the painful past; on the other hand, with the distribution of power and wealth between the different regions or communities. These alternatives modes could bring adequate solutions to the real roots of the constitutional issues and in this regard, deserve to be approached through the prism of Guinean context
30
El, Kadi Sania. "Le processus de transition constitutionnelle en Egypte de 2011 à 2014." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLS073/document.
Анотація:
L’Égypte, ce territoire historique, au cœur d’une région sous tensions où les intérêts nationaux et étrangers s’entrechoquent et où le transit énergétique à travers le Canal de Suez est sous très haute surveillance, a destitué deux Présidents et mis en place et modifié deux constitutions, en passant par un régime islamiste qui a très vite été écarté par le peuple.J'effectue une étude qui associe l’aspect juridique, sociologique et politique de la période de transition constitutionnelle pour conclure mon travail avec la question qui suit: où se place l'Egypte de ce jour sur l'échiquier du Moyen Orient avec son nouveau régime ? cette transition a-t-elle permis l'instauration d'un régime démocratique, dans le sens occidental du terme?Quel regard porte l’Occident sur cette révolution ? Est-ce que l’arrivée du Président Abdul Fattah Al Sissi, ancien cacique du régime Moubarak, a vraiment donné un nouveau souffle au pays ? Que va apporter cette Egypte à la région du Moyen Orient et quel partenariat va t elle nouer avec l'Occident et précisément la France?Egypt, this historical territory, at the heart of a region under tension where national and foreign interestsclash and where energy transit through the Suez Canal is under very high surveillance,a country whodismissed two Presidents and set up and amended two constitutions, stepping up from an Islamist regime,which was quickly rejected by the people.I am conducting a study that combines the legal, sociological and political aspects of the transition period from 2011 until 2014.to conclude my work with the following question: Where does Egypt stand today? what is the country's place inthe chessboard of the Middle East with its new regime? has this transition led to the establishment of ademocratic regime, in the Western sense of the term?What is the West's view of this revolution? Is the arrival of President Abdul Fattah Al Sissi,former cacique of the Mubarak regime, really gave a new breath to the country? What will this bring Egypt to the Middle East region and what partnership will it forge with the West and precisely with France?
31
Bastart, Hervé. "Constitutions et transitions démocratiques en Côte d'Ivoire de 1990 à 2012." Thesis, Université Laval, 2014. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2014/30271/30271.pdf.
Анотація:
La Côte d’Ivoire a connu quatre transitions démocratiques avec des trajectoires similaires depuis son indépendance en 1960. Ces transitions impulsées par des influences internes et externes, à travers de nombreuses réformes constitutionnelles, n’aboutissent guère à la démocratisation et à la mise en place d’un État de droit. Cette étude de cas a pour but d’expliquer pourquoi les expériences de démocratisation entre 1990 et 2012 ne parviennent pas à la consolidation démocratique, et ce, malgré les changements constitutionnels majeurs engagés dès 1990. La première partie définit notre cadre théorique et notre démarche expérimentale. La seconde partie analyse les transitions démocratiques et le poids des institutions ivoiriennes. La troisième partie montre de quelles manières le comportement des acteurs politiques locaux et étrangers, à l’égard de la Constitution ivoirienne, affecte positivement et négativement la démocratisation. Enfin, en guise de conclusion l’étude livre des pistes de réflexion pour la réussite du processus en cours.Since its independence in 1960, Côte d'Ivoire has experienced four similar democratic transitions. These transitions, driven by internal and external factors, through many constitutional reforms, have not succeeded. Thus, the Ivorian transitions did not lead the country to democratization nor to the implementation of a rule of law. This case study aims to explain why the experiences of democratization between 1990 and 2012 fail to reach democratic consolidation, despite the major constitutional changes undertaken since 1990. The first part defines our theoretical framework and our experimental approach. The second part analyzes the transitions and the power of Ivorian institutions. The third part shows ways in which the behavior of local and foreign politicians, with regard to the Constitution, positively and negatively affect democratization. Finally to conclude, the study suggests further reflection opportunities for the success of the current transition process.
32
Hicks, Bruce M. "The transition to constitutional democracy : judging the Supreme Court on gay rights." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83184.
Анотація:
The idea that Canada was transformed into a "constitutional democracy" in 1982 is widely believed by the public, yet rarely examined in academic literature. This article identifies what it calls a "theory of Constitutional democracy" and then applies it to a test case, the Supreme Court of Canada's decisions on the equality claims of lesbians and gay men. It concludes that if the public expected such a transition, it has yet to be made.
33
RIBEIRO, VIVIANE MAGNO. "THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS OF CULTURAL RIGHTS IN THE BRAZILIAN POLITICAL TRANSITION (1980)." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2014. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=37220@1.
Анотація:
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
O presente trabalho dissertativo tem como objetivo traçar um panorama, sob o ponto de vista histórico e jurídico, do processo de elaboração dos direitos culturais na Constituição de 1988. Para tanto, o momento da transição política brasileira e o correspondente processo constituinte de um ordenamento constitucional cultural são considerados para além de seu marco institucional oficial, ou seja, por ocasião da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987/1988. O referencial metodológico de poder constituinte é empregado em sentido mais amplo, de sorte a orientar a investigação em direção aos principais elementos que a nível social, político e cultural contribuíram e participaram efetivamente para a construção dos artigos 215 e 216 da nova Constituição. Deste modo, e considerando a relevante participação popular na ANC, as discussões que tomaram lugar em suas Subcomissões e Comissões temáticas também são analisadas em relação às principais questões e problemáticas inseridas no contexto político e cultural daquele período. A finalidade de tal proposta investigativa é a produção de um significado próprio e particular ao conjunto normativo sobre cultura brasileira presente na Constituição de 1988 a partir da materialidade inscrita em sua gênese.
This work aims to give an overview, from the point of legal and historical view of cultural rights in the process of writing the Constitution of 1988. Thus, the moment of Brazilian political transition and the corresponding constituent process of a constitutional order cultural are considered beyond its official institutional framework, in other words, on the occasion of the National Constituent Assembly of 1987/1988. The methodological framework of constituent power is used in the broadest sense, in order to develop research towards the main elements that social, political and cultural contributed and participated effectively for the construction of articles 215 and 216 of the new Constitution. Thereby, and considering the relevant public participation in the ANC, the discussions that took place in its subcommittees and thematic committees are also analyzed in relation to the main issues and problems embedded in the political and cultural context of that period. The intent of such investigative proposal is the production of a specific and particular meaning to the set of rules about Brazilian culture present in the Constitution of 1988 from the materiality entered in its genesis.
34
Villavicencio, Ríos Alfredo. "The right to work: transition from free dismissal to guaranteed constitutional right." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116195.
Анотація:
After presenting the evolution of labor stability law in Peru, public and private scopes of the right to work are described allowing the Constitutional Court redefine dismissal regime (working stability of exit), in general, and specifying temporary recruitment regime (working stability of entry). Redefinition of dismissal legal framework is analyzed from constitutional and judicial case law stressing solved and pending issues.Tras presentar la evolución del derecho de estabilidad laboral en el Perú, se precisan los alcances públicos y privados del derecho al trabajo, que permitieron al Tribunal Constitucional redefinir el régimen del despido (estabilidad laboral de salida), en general, y comenzar a precisar el régimen de contratación temporal (estabilidad laboral de entrada). Se analiza la redefinición del marco jurídico del despido a partir de la jurisprudencia constitucional y judicial, poniendo en relieve los temas resueltos y los pendientes.
35
Macieszczak, Katarzyna. "Metrology, metastability and dynamical phase transitions in open quantum systems." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/39811/.
Анотація:
In this thesis we explore aspects of dynamics of open quantum systems related to coherence and quantum correlations - necessary resources for enhanced quantum metrology and quantum computation. We first discuss limits to the precision of parameter estimation when using a quantum system in the presence of noise. To this end we introduce a variational principle for the quantum Fisher information (QFI) bounding the estimation errors of any measurement, which motivates an efficient iterative algorithm for finding optimal system preparations for noisy estimation experiments. Furthermore, we investigate influence of noise correlations on the precision in phase and frequency estimation, by delivering bounds for both spatially and temporarily correlated (non-Markovian) dephasing noise. This allows us to prove the Zeno limit in frequency estimation, conjectured in Phys. Rev. A 84, 012103 (2011) and Phys. Rev. Lett. 109, 233601 (2012). The enhanced estimation precision in quantum metrology can be, however, achieved only using highly entangled states. We propose a scheme of generating such highly correlated states as outputs of Markovian open quantum systems near first-order dynamical phase transitions. We show that the quadratic scaling of the QFI with time is present for experiments within the correlation time of the dynamics and describe a theoretical scheme for quantum enhanced estimation of an optical phase-shift using the photons being emitted from an intermittent quantum system. Finally, we establish the basis for a theory of metastability in Markovian open quantum systems, by extending methods from classical stochastic dynamics. We argue that the partial relaxation into long-lived metastable states - distinct from the asymptotic stationary state - may preserve initial coherences within decoherence-free subspaces or noiseless subsystems, thus allowing for quantum computation during the metastable regime.
36
Zouaoui, Hassan. "Changement institutionnel et transition politique : la démocratisation au Maroc." Paris 1, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA010302.
Анотація:
Notre thèse étudie l’expérience marocaine de démocratisation. Celle-ci est marquée par un mariage arrangé entre démocratie libérale et héritage islamique de pouvoir. Ainsi, on voit que la constitution marocaine de 1996 a maintenu la prévalence de cet héritage en préservant la place centrale occupée par le roi en tant que commandeur des croyants. Il en découle la marginalisation du rôle institutionnel joué par le gouvernement et le parlement en considérant la prévalence des valeurs islamiques de commandement. On souligne que la démocratisation sous les deux rois (Hassan II et Mohamed VI) semble osciller entre changement et continuité. C’est ainsi que notre travail cherche à fournir une interprétation de la démocratie marocaine.
37
Butcher, Neil. "The influence of gravity upon topology changing transitions and warped flux compactifications." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2010. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11320/.
Анотація:
We investigate the dynamics of the geometric transitions associated to compactified spacetimes. By including the effects of gravity we are able to follow the evolution of collapsing cycles as they attempt to undergo a topology changing transition. We perform investigations where we add a perturbation to the momentum of a static solution and observe the consequences this has on the spacetime, looking for evidence of black hole formation or collapsing cycles which could lead to singular geometry. First we look into two possible four dimensional spacelike solutions to the Einstein equations called instantons. These both have a two-sphere at the origin, these are called bolt singularities. We introduce an initial perturbation to reduce the two-sphere to a point. Rather than achieving this singular geometry we find that either a horizon forms, shielding a curvature singularity, or the cycle re-expands after an initial contraction phase. For the case where a horizon forms we identify the final state with a known analytic black-hole solution. In seven dimensions we simulate the gravitational dynamics of the conifold geometries (resolved and deformed) involved in the description of certain compact spacetimes. As the cycles of the conifold collapse towards a singular geometry we inevitably find that a horizon develops, shielding the external spacetime. The structure of the black hole is examined and we find a candidate for the final state of the collapse. In ten dimensions we investigate the time evolution due to gravitational dynamics of a spacetime which is commonly used in brane-cosmology and string compactifications called the Klebanov-Strassler geometry. Here black holes are sometimes formed but more commonly the cycles are seen to re-expand after reaching a minimum value, showing the stability of the solution against perturbations which would change its size.
38
van, Horssen Merlijn. "Large deviations and dynamical phase transitions for quantum Markov processes." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/27741/.
Анотація:
Quantum Markov processes are widely used models of the dynamics open quantum systems, a fundamental topic in theoretical and mathematical physics with important applications in experimental realisations of quantum systems such as ultracold atomic gases and new quantum information technologies such as quantum metrology and quantum control. In this thesis we present a mathematical framework which effectively characterises dynamical phase transitions in quantum Markov processes, using the theory of large deviations, by combining insights developed in non-equilibrium dynamics with techniques from quantum information and probability. We provide a natural decomposition for quantum Markov chains into phases, paving the way for the rigorous treatment of critical features of such systems such as phase transitions and phase purification. A full characterisation of dynamical phase transitions beyond properties of the steady state is described in terms of a dynamical perspective through critical behaviour of the quantum jump trajectories. We extend a fundamental result from large deviations for classical Markov chains, the Sanov theorem, to a quantum setting; we prove this Sanov theorem for the output of quantum Markov chains, a result which could be extended to a quantum Donsker-Varadhan theory. We perform an in-depth analysis of the atom maser, an infinite-dimensional quantum Markov process exhibiting various types of critical behaviour: for certain parameters it exhibits strong intermittency in the atom detection counts, and has a bistable stationary state. We show that the atom detection counts satisfy a large deviations principle, and therefore we deal with a phase cross-over rather than a genuine phase transition, although the latter occurs in the limit of infinite pumping rate. As a corollary, we obtain the Central Limit Theorem for the counting process.
39
King, Blair Andrew. "Empowering the presidency interests and perceptions in Indonesia's constitutional reforms, 1999-2002 /." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1094750332.
40
Budnitzki, Michael. "Constitutive modeling and experimental investigations of phase transitions in silicon under contact loading." TU Bergakademie Freiberg, 2014. https://tubaf.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A70886.
Анотація:
Modeling the interaction of a silicon (Si) surface with a pointed asperity is a crucial step towards the understanding of several phenomena related to machining of this important semiconductor.
If subjected to pressure or contact loading, Si undergoes a series of stress-driven phase transitions accompanied by large volume changes.
We developed a finite deformation constitutive model that captures the semiconductor-to-metal (cd-Si ➙ β-Si) and metal-to-amorphous (β-Si ➙ a-Si) transitions within the framework of thermodynamics with internal variables.
The model was implemented as a user material subroutine for the finite element code Abaqus/Std. in analogy to pressure sensitive, rate independent, non-associated, non-smooth multisurface plasticity. Material parameters were identified from indentation load-displacement curves in (111)-Si using a Berkovich indenter tip.
The constitutive model was verified by successfully predicting the load-displacement curves for different indenters, the residual surface profile, as well as the size and shape of the transformation zone under the indenter tip as compared to TEM results.
41
Thumerel, Isabelle. "Les périodes de transition constitutionnelle : contribution à l'étude du pouvoir constituant et des actes pré-constituants." Lille 2, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008LIL20014.
Анотація:
Entre le moment où est prise la décision de changer de constitution et la promulgation de la nouvelle, il existe souvent un certain laps de temps qui constitue une période de transition constitutionnelle. Etant donné que la France a eu une histoire constitutionnelle mouvementée qui a vu se succéder plusieurs constitutions, elle a connu de nombreuses périodes de transition constitutionnelle. Celles-ci sont ponctuées d'actes pré-constituants qui ont trois objets : décider de changer de constitution, organiser la procédure constituante et organiser les pouvoirs publics provisoires. L'étude de l'histoire constitutionnelle française montre que la période de transition constitutionnelle et les actes pré-constituants qui la jalonnent conditionnent l'existence de la nouvelle constitution ainsi que son contenu. En effet, c'est par un acte pré-constituant qu'est prise implicitement ou explicitement la décision de changer de constitution. Sauf en 1958, cette décision a provoqué une révolution constitutionnelle et donc l'abrogation du texte constitutionnel en vigueur. Ensuite, si les actes pré-constituants qui organisent la procédure constituante n'ont, en pratique, pas toujours une force contraignante pour l'organe chargé de faire la nouvelle constitution, ils sont souvent respectés et évitent de laisser trop longtemps la France sans constitution. Ils permettent donc l'adoption du nouveau texte constitutionnel. Enfin, les actes pré-constituants organisant les pouvoirs publics provisoires ont tous eu une influence sur le contenu de la constitution en préparationBetween the moment when the decision to change of constitution is taken and the promulgation of the new one, there is often a lapse of time which is a period of constitutional transition. Because of its animated constitutional history in which numerous constitutions followed one another, France has known many periods of change of constitutional transition. These are punctuated with pre-constituent acts which have three objects : to decide to change of constitution, to organise the constituent procedure and to organize the provisional institutions. The study of the French constitutional history shows that the period of constitutional transition and the pre-constituent acts that ponctuate it condition the existence of the new constitution and its content. Indeed, it is by a pre-constituent act that the decision to change of constitution is taken implicitly. Except in 1958, this act has brought about a constitutional revolution and therefore the abrogation of the constitution in force. Then if the pre-constituent acts organising the constituent procedure do not, in practice, always compel the organ which is entrusted with the preparation of the new constitution, they are frequently respected and avoid leaving France without a constitution for too long. These acts allow the adopting of the new constitution. Finally, all pre-constituent acts organising the provisional institutions have all influenced the content of the constitution being prepared
42
Younes, Myriam. "Démocratie et terrorisme au Proche-Orient." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30081.
Анотація:
À l'aube du troisième millénaire, la démocratie fait face à deux défis différents. D'une part, elle est secouée par le terrorisme qui bafoue les principes et les valeurs démocratiques tout en déstabilisant les institutions et en menaçant les citoyens et même la nation. D'autre part, la démocratie peut être défiée par les dérives d'une lutte contre le terrorisme, non-proportionnelle et même excessive, menée par certains régimes « démocratiques ». Sous prétexte de contrer le terrorisme, la pratique de certains États démocratiques fragilise l'État de droit et révèle des violations des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales. Cette étude se propose de rechercher l'infrastructure légale qui répond à la lutte contre le terrorisme sans nuire aux principes et valeurs démocratiques. Elle met en exergue la contradiction entre les deux concepts : démocratie et terrorisme. Cette étude aborde deux sujets d'actualité qui revêtent une importance particulière. Le premier porte sur la création du Tribunal Spécial pour le Liban [TSL] comme étant la première juridiction internationalisée à juger les actes relevant du terrorisme. Le second présente une étude comparatiste portant sur les « révolutions » survenues dans les pays arabes tout en mettant en évidence la nécessité de l'acheminement vers la démocratie face à la montée du terrorisme dans la région. Cette étude expose de même un panorama de la lutte des États du Proche-Orient contre le terrorisme. Elle projettera les conditions pour sortir d'une démocratie « masquée », éclatée par le terrorisme, à une démocratie « authentique », éclatante par le droitOn the dawning of the third millennium, democracy is encountering two different challenges. On the one hand, it is shaken by terrorism that flies in the face of the democratic principles and values whilst destabilizing the institutions and threatening citizens touching even the nation itself. Notwithstanding the fact that on the other hand, democracy could be challenged by non-proportional and even excessive measures taken in the context of the fight against terrorism acquitted by certain « democratic » regimes. Thus, under the pretext of countering terrorism, the behavioural pattern of some democratic states undermines the State of law and unveils violations of human rights and fundamental liberties. The current study aspires to investigate the legal infrastructure that conforms to the fight against terrorism away from compromising the principles and values of democracy. For this purpose, the following pages would highlight the dialectic contradiction between two concepts: democracy and terrorism. In fact, the current study treats two hot topics particularly significant. The first of those topics would be the establishment of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon [STL] being the first internationalized with jurisdiction over the acts of terrorism. The second of the above-mentioned topics would be a comparative study treating the current « revolutions » occurring within the Arab States, hence highlighting the need to pursue democracy versus the rise of terrorism in the region. Moreover, this study would exhibit a prospect of the fight against terrorism carried out by countries of the Near East. In addition, this study exposes some conditions by which a « disguised » democracy would be avoided, one that is struck by terrorism, towards an « authentic » democracy, striking with rights
في فجر الالفية الثالثة٬ تواجه الديمقراطية تحديين مختلفين. التحدي الاول يكمن في الارباك الذي يحدثه الارهاب بضربه المبادئ والقيم الديمقراطية معرضا المؤسسات الى الخلل٬ مهددا المواطنين والامة ايضا. التحدي الثاني يتجلى بالانحراف في مكافحة الارهاب احيانا بطرق غير متناسبة لا بل مجحفة. فتحت ستار مكافحة الارهاب يتبين بان ممارسات بعض الدول الديمقراطية يضعف دولة القانون ويظهر انتهاكات لحقوق الانسان وللحريات الاساسية. تعالج هذه الرسالة البحث حول الاسس القانونية التي تتجاوب مع مكافحة الارهاب دون التعرض للمبادئ والقيم الديمقراطية. كما تطرح التناقض الموجود ما بين مفهومي الديمقراطية والارهاب. تتناول هذه الدراسة ايضا موضوعين حاليين ذات اهمية خاصة. يتطرق الاول الى انشاء المحكمة الخاصة بلبنان كأول محكمة ذات طابع دولي تنظر في قضايا الارهاب. فيما الثاني يشمل دراسة مقارنة حول الثورات الحاصلة في الدول العربية٬ تسلط الضوء على أهمية التحول الديمقراطي في مواجهة تصاعد الارهاب في المنطقة. كما وتعرض الرسالة دراسة حول مناهضة دول الشرق الأدنى للارهاب. اخيرا تطرح معايير للخروج من الديمقراطية « المقنعة » التي يفجرها الارهاب نحو ديمقراطية « فعلية » تزخر بالقانون
43
Muhammad, Rashwan Eman <1990>. "Transitional Justice as a Post-Revolution Constitutional Arrangement: A Law and Economics Approach." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2022. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/10450/1/Frontespizio%20%2B%20Manuscript.pdf.
Анотація:
This dissertation addresses the timely questions of transitional justice (TJ) in the
aftermath of revolutions against autocratic regimes, dealing with TJ as a constitutional
arrangement through the lenses of constitutional economics.
After an introductory chapter, chapter 2 deals with why nations rarely adopt meaningful TJ
processes in the first place, it then explains the limitations of civil society as the arbiter,
facilitator, and enforcer of TJ policies.
Chapter 3 tackles the question of which mechanisms to choose? It uses the UN Guidelines on
TJ that sets five principal TJ mechanisms. It provides a cost-benefit analysis (CBA) of each
mechanism and suggests policy implications accordingly.
The CBA inspires chapter 4 analysis, suggesting a tradeoff between restrictive fair trial
standards under constitutional laws and justice considerations. The tradeoff explains the
suggested efficiency of the balanced TJ approaches that combine trials and amnesties.
This approach is used for the case study analysis of TJ in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution in
chapter 5. The chapter presents the first index of TJ mechanisms in Tunisia through novel data
collected by the author. It shows an ultimate TJ design that ended with a modest harvest in the
application. The lack of cooperation between the Tunisian parties, added to the absence of
transparency in many TJ measures, threatens any possible positive outcomes of the partial TJ
process. It is also alarming regarding constitutional compliance in a system that – until recently
- was considered the only democracy in the Arab region. Chapter 6 is a summary
44
An, Lili. "The development of advanced creep constitutive equations for high chromium alloy steel (P91) at transition stress range." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/26237/.
Анотація:
Creep damage is a time-dependent deformation in metals under a constant stress at high temperature condition. Since the 1980s, high chromium alloy steel P91 (9%Cr-1%Mo-0.25%V) is highly demanded in high temperature industries (Saha, 2003). Continuum damage mechanism is becoming a generic life assessment tool to predict the lifetime of materials at creep condition. The consitutive equations were proposed to predict the lifetime and creep behaviours of materials. The most widely used constitutive equations are simply called Kachanov-Rabotnov-Hayhurst (KRH) in the current research. The lifetime of high chromium alloy steel P91 has been overestimated by the extrapolation method from short-term creep tests (high stress) to long-term creep tests (lower stress). The definition of stress ranges depends on different materials and temperatures. The current researcher classifies the stress ranges into high stress range, transition stress range and low stress range with stress exponent.
45
Sompougdou, Ouéoguin Jean-Marie. "L'alternance démocratique dans les constitutions des Etats de l'Afrique noire francophone : cas du Bénin, du Burkina Faso et du Sénégal." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0350.
Анотація:
A partir des cas burkinabè, béninois et sénégalais, la présente Thèse se propose d‟analyser les règles constitutionnelles et électorales qui déterminent le mode d‟accession et d‟exercice du pouvoir d‟Etat. Elle pose la question du rôle de ces règles et des institutions dans la survenue de l‟alternance démocratique d‟une part et de celui de l‟environnement social et politique de même que de l‟audace et de l‟autorité des juges constitutionnels dans son avènement ou dans sa remise en cause d‟autre part. Les Etats africains se sont, en effet, dotés de mécanismes normatifs et institutionnels permettant la tenue régulière d‟élections démocratiques sous la conduite d‟institutions électorales indépendantes chargées de garantir des changements véritablement démocratiques de gouvernement.Cependant, au regard de l‟actualité politique ambiante marquée par un reflux du nouveau constitutionnalisme lequel est caractérisé par une remise en cause de l‟édifice institutionnel issu de la vague de démocratisation des années 1990, on peut se demander si les principes consacrés dans les nouvelles constitutions peuvent être des facteurs de réalisation de l‟alternance démocratique. Comme on le voit, l‟ordre constitutionnel est aujourd‟hui constamment rompu soit par des révisions constitutionnelles, soit par des coups d‟Etat, soit encore par des accords politiques qui ont la particularité de participer à un processus de « déconstitutionnalisation ».Non seulement l‟élan constitutionnel qui devait propulser les Etats sur la voie de la démocratie constitutionnelle a été stoppé ou ralenti au profit d‟un présidentialisme prégnant, mais également l‟on observe que même là où l‟expérience de l‟alternance démocratique a été vécue, les conquêtes démocratiques n‟ont pas été suivies de la satisfaction de la demande sociale qui, pourtant, a généralement inspiré les réformes. La Thèse, tout en mettant le doigt sur les failles des dispositifs normatifs et politico-institutionnels mis en place, comme étant des facteurs favorisant les manipulations dévoyées des normes, insiste aussi sur la figure du juge constitutionnel marquée par sa faible contribution à la consolidation de la démocratisationAt present cases Burkinabè, Beninese and Senegalese, we propose to analyze the constitutional and electoral rules that determine the mode of accession and the exercise of state power. It raises the question of the role of these rules and these institutions in the avenue of the democratic alternation and that of the social environment and the policy of the audit and the authority of the constitutional judges in its advent or his questioning on the other hand. The United States has, in fact, opposed standards and institutions. They have been authenticated by democratic electoral institutions. This is a new time of a new constitution, is this is a self-review, as to it, as work of the building of the edition of 1990, as-it-it-it be carriers of institutions able to promote the occurrence of democratic alternation. As we can see, the constitutional order is today constantly paraded. The constitutional impulse that has propelled states towards the path of constitutional democracy has halted or slowed down in many states in favor of a pregnant presidentialism, but it is also observed that 'democratic alternation has been experienced, democratic conquests have not have not been followed by the satisfaction of the social demands that have yet been inspired. The Thesis, while finger-pointing on the flaws of normal and institutional, so that the manipulations are directed towards norms, also insists on the figure of the constitutional judge
46
Teeney, F. D. "The transition of Sinn FeÌin and the Progressive Unionist Party into constitutional politics : a social movement analysis." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403350.
47
Ismael, M. S. "The judicialisation of constitutional disputes in Iraq : exploring the rule of law in transitional democracies." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3004785/.
Анотація:
It is generally agreed that the transition from authoritarian rule to a constitutional democracy often coincides with the adoption of a new, incomplete and often vague constitution that empowers, and more importantly constrains newly appointed and elected state officials and institutions. In such a transitional setting, it is to be expected that power will not only be exercised on the basis of democratic principles and practices, but that it will also be based on the rule of law, that serves to limit the arbitrary and abusive exercise of public power. Therefore, this thesis examines the role of newly empowered courts in emerging and transitional states and the far-reaching implications of transferring political conflicts into constitutional cases concerning the rule of law. It argues that resolving and judicialising contested constitutional questions can put the rule of law, the constitutional judiciary and the process of transition itself to the ultimate test in the period immediately following a transition to democracy. This thesis presents an in-depth case study analysing the recent constitutional and political developments in the fragile state of Iraq following the US-led invasion in 2003. It uses original and detailed analyses of the key case law of the Federal Supreme Court of Iraq; the legal doctrinal method and insights from comparative literature on courts, law and the political system. This thesis assesses the Court in the context of broader constitutional principles, such as the rule of law, and modern phenomena, such as the trend towards the judicialisation of politics, in the specific circumstances of transitional democratic states. Findings from this research are complex and multiple; they illustrate how establishing and upholding the rule of law in states that are newly emerged from authoritarian rule can be a formidable undertaking, one that is shaped by a legacy of authoritarianism and at best ‘rule by law’. The research concludes that, judicialisation affects and is affected by the rule of law. Thus, state officials and institutions may well bypass the constitution as well as transfer political disputes into constitutional cases; often using the judiciary to legitimise and institutionalise excessive political powers. When the government is not bound by the rule of law and the law is not sovereign over all, judicialisation might expose the court to external interference, as well as affecting the functioning of a new parliament which is attempting to establish its powers and legitimacy.
48
Allen, Blake. "Constituting the Australian environment : the transition of political responsibility for the environment in Australia from state to federal government, 1974 - 1983." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/60396.
Анотація:
Between 1974 and 1983 the Australian federal government, responding to the increasing demands of grassroots activists, passed a series of legislation that successfully altered the federal relationship in Australia by transferring political responsibility for the environment from the state governments to the federal government in Canberra. To better illustrate this process, this thesis will utilize Tasmania as an emblematic case study. The first part of this thesis is a social history that analyzes the development of environmental consciousness in Tasmania. This analysis spans from the cultural impact of the extinction of the thylacine (Thylacinus cynocephalus) on the island populace and culminates in the well-documented protests against the damming of the Serpentine and Franklin Rivers. This analysis will illustrate the failures of the state government to address public concerns and how this facilitated the transition of the focus of lobbying from the state to the federal level. The second part of this thesis is a legal history, looking at the legislation that was passed during this period that facilitated the transfer and explains the constitutional basis and effectiveness of the legislation. Through these two separate studies, this thesis will expand the existing Australian historiography, which has largely kept political and social analyses of the environmental movement separated, by integrating the two historical narratives. This thesis offers three contributions to Australian historiography. First, this research shows that the constitutional reformation that occurred under the governments of Gough Whitlam, Malcolm Fraser, and Bob Hawke was driven not by government initiative but, rather, by grassroots demands, and illustrate a need to further integrate the studies of social and political history so as to better pursue the histoire totale of Australia. Second, this thesis also helps contribute to the still nascent study of extinction’s socio-cultural impact on human societies with its particular emphasis on the extinction of the thylacine as the genesis of Tasmanian environmentalism. Third, it offers a detailed legal dissection of the federal government’s early environmental legislation and the constitutional foundations for Canberra’s acquisition of this responsibility.Graduate Studies, College of (Okanagan)
Graduate
49
Hattingh, Charl. "Struggles of authenticity : gays' and lesbians' experiences of being closeted in the workplace during transition to constitutional equality in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9688.
Анотація:
Includes bibliographical referencesThis case study aims to explore the experiential world of gays and lesbians who keep their sexual orientation secret from colleagues and superiors in the workplace. The study also considers the impact of the transition to constitutional equality for gays and lesbians in South Africa on the participants' occupational lives. Qualitative data were acquired from two sets of in-depth semi-structured interviews, conducted with four subjects in 1994 and again with the same subjects in 1996. Themes derived through phenomenological analysis are considered in the light of existential-analytic psychological theory. The exploration reveals that, within patriarchal work environments that remain homoprejudiced despite the constitutional provision for gay and lesbian equality, openness about sexual orientation requires considerable courage. Findings suggest that in these environments, gays and lesbians may be classified as dirty, diseased others. Through discriminatory acts of distortion, patriarchy attempts to dominate such others, and, with ultimate contempt, even to deny their existence. Gays and lesbians internalise general societal prejudice and discrimination against them. In their response to homoprejudice in the workplace. participants employed elaborate measures to safeguard themselves and pass as heterosexual. Their passing elicited guilt feelings, an implicit recognition of inauthenticity. and other indicators of neurosis, such as increased loneliness, isolation and feelings of estrangement. These manifestations were the consequence of participants' distortive attempts to create security where none could be guaranteed because of the contingent nature of human existence. To the extent that their concealment failed to bring security and reduce neurotic anxjety, it could be considered a flight from freedom. Passing left participants feeling invisible and inaudible, so that they existed as counterfeit images of themselves in inauthentic relationships with their colleagues. In this way, gays and lesbians as a group already isolated contribute to their own marginalisation. Nevertheless. constitutional guarantees in some cases increased feelings of power and security in that legal recourse had become possible in the event of intolerable, blatant discrimination. It is clear that the victory of constitutional equality was merely the beginning of a long struggle towards achieving this equality in practice. The recognition of equality grants gays and lesbians freedom, but also implies responsibility to advance courageously. The opportunities offered by the Constitution therefore represent a call to authenticity.
50
Singh, Kamakshi. "Material Characterization, Constitutive Modeling and Finite Element Simulation of Polymethyl methacrylate (PMMA) for Applications in Hot Embossing." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1300829011.