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Статті в журналах з теми "Conseil du prince (Rome)"
1
Roszak, Stanisław. "Le Véritable Mentor de Louis-Antoine Caraccioli." Revue française d'histoire du livre 141 (November 30, 2020): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.47421/rfhl141_55-69.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Louis-Antoine Caraccioli, né en 1719 et mort 1803 à Paris, était un écrivain français, auteur d’ouvrages littéraires, historiques, politiques et théologiques, et auteur d’un guide français de voyage, Le Véritable Mentor, ou l’éducation de la noblesse (1755). Il a également écrit sur l’histoire de la Pologne : Lettres à une illustre morte décédée en Pologne depuis peu de temps (1770), La Pologne telle qu’elle a été, telle qu’elle est, telle qu’elle sera (1775). En Pologne, il fut le gouverneur des enfants du prince Wacław Rzewuski, grand général et premier sénateur du royaume. Le Véritable Mentor était destiné à l’élite de la noblesse. Il comporte des conseils sur la façon de voyager en toute sécurité, quels endroits visiter, quelle compagnie fréquenter. Grâce aux lettres de l’auteur au prince Rzewuski – Caraccioli accompagnait ses fils à travers l’Europe – nous avons pu en apprendre davantage sur les détails du voyage. Nous pouvons confronter les directives contenues dans le livre à la réalité des déplacements à Vienne, Rome et Paris grâce aux lettres et au livre de dépenses conservés aux Archives nationales de Cracovie et à la Bibliothèque nationale de Varsovie. Cet ouvrage offre un excellent exemple de l’influence de la pensée française sur l’éducation de la noblesse en Pologne, mais il est davantage marqué par la tendance du « catholicisme éclairé » que par le courant des philosophes.
2
Rudolph, Julia. "Rape and Resistance: Women and Consent in Seventeenth-Century English Legal and Political Thought." Journal of British Studies 39, no. 2 (2000): 157–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386215.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During the Exclusion crisis, the figure of a tyrant rapist, a ruler undone by his own lust and cruelty, briefly appeared on the London stage. Early in December 1680, Nathaniel Lee's Lucius Junius Brutus was performed by the Duke's Company in the Dorset Garden Theater. Lee's play recounted the tale of the rape of Lucretia and the subsequent actions taken by Brutus in resistance to this act of tyranny. This theatrical production was by all accounts a success, yet the play was banned from the stage after only six days; the order of the Lord Chamberlain stated objections to its “very Scandalous Expressions & Reflections upon ye Government.” Lee's Brutus was, however, soon available in print, published by Richard and Jacob Tonson in June of 1681. Like other Exclusion publications, Brutus offered a powerful argument against tyranny and arbitrary government, and the play was evidently construed as an attack on the Stuart monarchy. Many modern commentators have specifically noted the anti-Catholic overtones of Lee's drama and have read it within the context of the Popish Plot scare. Yet the central theme of Lee's play is, of course, the association between tyranny and rape: it is the tyrant's violation of woman (not of religion) that justifies resistance. In Lee's drama, just as in Livy's history, the chaste and honorable Roman matron Lucretia is raped by “the lustful bloody Sextus,” a prince of the proud and tyrannical house of Tarquin. In both stories, Lucretia's rape and her subsequent suicide set off a train of revolutionary events: Brutus seizes the bloody knife from Lucretia's twice-violated body and, holding it to his lips, vows with his fellow Romans never to suffer Tarquin “nor any other king to reign in Rome.”
3
Hoeppner Moran Cruz, Jo Ann. "Machiavelli’s Warning: The Medici, Florence, Rome and New Princes." History of Political Thought 45, no. 1 (2024): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53765/20512988.45.1.15.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In his dedication to The Prince, Machiavelli places himself in the position of the people who can discern the nature of princes; his text, however, suggests that he also, like a prince, understands the nature of the people. This double vision informs the reader throughout, as Machiavelli warns the Medici of the dangers to their rule while informing the people as to the weakness of their regime. This article further investigates the positive reference to Pope Sixtus IV, a reference that could not have endeared Machiavelli to the Medici. It then explores The Prince’s discourse around Pope Alexander VI and Cesare Borgia, both of whom would have been anathema to the Medici and Florentine people. Finally, Machiavelli draws a portrait of the new prince that echoes the hidden regal tyrant of Aristotle’s Politics. In conclusion, while Machiavelli’s Prince may have been instructive for the people, it could hardly have been favourably received by the Medici.
4
Odoj, Wojciech. "Florence, Pope Clement VII and Emperor Charles V. A contextual study of the motet ‘Dominator caelorum’ by Jean Conseil / Costanzo Festa (?)." Muzyka 64, no. 3 (2019): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/m.39.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Costanzo Festa (ca. 1490–1545) and Jean Conseil (ca. 1498–1534) spent most of their life in the papal chapel and composed motets based on the same texts: 'Deus venerunt gentes’, probably written in response tothe sack of Rome in 1527, as well as 'Lumen ad revelationum / Nunc Dimittis’. The five-voice motet 'Dominator caelorum’ is ascribed both to Festa and to Conseil. Thus if 'Ecce advenit dominator’ was really composed by Costanzo Festa, a papal composer, and performed at the meeting between Charles V and Clement VII in Bologna, as Klaus Pietschmann persuasively demonstrates, could not 'Dominator caelorum’ have been Conseil’s small musical contribution to this event? If so, it may have been Conseil who composed 'Dominator caelorum’ to embellish the Bologna meeting as Festa did by composing 'Ecce advenit dominator’.
5
Sullivan, Vickie. "Alexander the Great as “Lord of Asia” and Rome as His Successor in Machiavelli's Prince." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 515–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000569.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractAlexander the Great and his legacy suffuse The Prince, a fact that has received little attention. Machiavelli uses Alexander to illustrate the form of rule in which one is lord and all others are slaves. In recounting the Roman Republic's conquest of Greece, Machiavelli treats Alexander's vanquished successors. Alexander's legacy enters Rome itself, igniting in Romans the desire to subject the world to sole preeminence. According to Machiavelli, Caesar imitated Alexander, and Caesar overturned the republic, initiating the rule of one in Rome. Caesar had his own Roman successors, the emperors who ruled under his name. Rome succeeded in imposing the rule of one on Europe. That form of rule exists in Machiavelli's times with the states of the Turk and the Sultan as well as with the papacy in a limited respect. Something of the old Rome and its Alexandrian aspirations persists in Christian Rome.
6
Adde, Éloïse. "Le Nouveau conseil de Smil Flaška de Pardubice." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 32 (December 31, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.00036.add.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstrait Œuvre didactique qui tient tant du bestiaire, de la satire, du miroir au prince que de l’œuvre d’édification religieuse, le Nouveau conseil fait partie des grands textes de la littérature médiévale de langue tchèque. Rédigé en 1394–1395 par le seigneur Smil Flaška de Pardubice, actif partisan du mouvement de l’Union seigneuriale qui s’était opposé au roi, ce texte a souvent été analysé pour son contenu factuel (historique et politique) comme une critique du gouvernement de Venceslas IV. À travers une lecture anthropologique qui interroge l’utilisation du bestiaire, cet article propose de restituer l’épaisseur du message du Nouveau conseil, sa conception de l’homme et de sa place dans le monde (aspects sociaux) ainsi que dans la perspective de la providence. Plus qu’une satire, l’œuvre nous livre une représentation complexe de l’individu, à la charnière entre monde divin et monde terrestre, les animaux permettant de dire l’humanité dans sa diversité, l’individu dans sa singularité, et la personne dans sa complexité.
7
Nascimento, Germana Aguiar Ribeiro do, Kahina Merzelkad, and María José Añón Roig. "Le rôle du Conseil de Sécurité de l’Organisation des Nations unies dans les travaux de la Cour Pénale Internationale." Revista Opinião Jurídica (Fortaleza) 14, no. 18 (2016): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.12662/2447-6641oj.v14i18.p289-304.2016.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Le Conseil de sécurité est un organe politique soucieux du maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. La Cour pénale internationale, quant à elle, est un organe juridictionnel subsidiaire qui a pour vocation de juger les crimes de guerre, de génocide, d’agression et les crimes contre l’humanité. Ces deux organes ont comme dénominateur commun le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Cette convergence de compétences a été consacrée par le Statut de Rome en octroyant au Conseil de sécurité la prérogative de saisir la Cour. L’intervention du Conseil de sécurité dans le fonctionnement de la Cour peut ainsi être bénéfique pour assurer les droits de l’Homme, néanmoins, elle peut représenter un frein à l’effectivité de l’exercice de la compétence de la Cour. Dans cette optique, il serait intéressant d’aborder l’aspect constructif du lien qui unit la Cour et le Conseil de sécurité, ainsi que l’obstacle qu’il peut représenter pour la réalisation de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Pour cela, la méthodologie qualitative sera utilisée. La recherche documentaire, l’étude de la jurisprudence et de la législation permettront de regrouper lesrenseignements relatifs au sujet.
8
Serruys, Michael-W. "Shifting between Religious and Economic Leadership." Church History and Religious Culture 95, no. 2-3 (2015): 274–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09502003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article looks how eighteenth century rulers shift back and forth between ecclesiastical and worldly leadership to obtain their goals. The setting is the small ecclesiastical and abbatial Principality of Stavelot-Malmédy during the election of its prince-abbot in 1787. This principality became increasingly entangled in the geopolitical-ecclesiastical rivalries between the Austrian Netherlands and the Prince-bishopric of Liège. Although this election has been studied before, little attention was given to the way leadership was influenced and how it reacted to these ecclesiastic and economic constraints. The archival sources can be found in the Archives générales du Royaume in Brussels (Conseil des Finances), Archives de l’état à Liège (États du Pays de Liège et du Comté de Looz, Abbaye de Stavelot-Malmédy, Principauté de Stavelot-Malmédy) and the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv in Vienna (Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv).
9
Hernández Guerra, Liborio. "La clementia y la libertad en la obra de Séneca." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.16.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The work De Clementia de Seneca involves a defense of Emperor Nero in order to offer an image of the prince in the Rome of the High Empire. It is a political treaty, which should be understood as a dualism between the princes and the Senate
10
Niţescu, Iulia. "Marrying an Orthodox tsarevna from Rome." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 55, no. 1 (2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22102396-05501001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This paper addresses the issue of Sofiia Palaiologina’s religious identity during her time in Moscow, by analyzing the Russian chronicles’ accounts of her marriage negotiations. It suggests that the official Muscovite account offered a carefully tailored narrative of a pious tsarevna as an attempt to explain why the grand prince negotiated the marriage with Rome, and to integrate Sofiia into the official Orthodox narrative of the dynasty. Although contradicted by her background and largely missing from other Russian accounts of the event, the Orthodox elements of Sofiia’s identity emphasized by the official chronicles have been interpreted as proof of the “Byzantine lineage” brought by her to Moscow. The local context, namely the opposition of metropolitan Filip and the current ecclesiastical debates, as well as Sofiia’s later image as “the Roman,” explain how this official narrative sought to appropriate Sofiia for Muscovite ideology.