Статті в журналах: "Congressional Behavior"

1

Witko, Christopher, and Sally Friedman. "Business Backgrounds and Congressional Behavior." Congress & the Presidency 35, no. 1 (March 2008): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460809507652.

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2

Mouw, Calvin J. "MACROPARTY BEHAVIOR IN CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS." Southeastern Political Review 22, no. 3 (November 12, 2008): 445–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1994.tb00339.x.

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3

Jewitt, Caitlin E., and Sarah A. Treul. "Ideological Primary Competition and Congressional Behavior." Congress & the Presidency 46, no. 3 (May 7, 2019): 471–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469.2019.1600173.

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4

Baik, Chang Jae. "Theorizing Congressional Behavior: Mayhew and Fenno Reconsidered." Journal of Korean Politics 26, no. 3 (October 31, 2017): 277–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.35656/jkp.26.3.10.

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5

Clausen, Aage R., and Glenn R. Parker. "Homeward Bound: Explaining Changes in Congressional Behavior." Political Science Quarterly 103, no. 1 (1988): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151156.

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6

de Figueiredo, John M. "Committee jurisdiction, congressional behavior and policy outcomes." Public Choice 154, no. 1-2 (July 23, 2011): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-011-9813-z.

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7

Martin, Andrew D. "Congressional Decision Making and the Separation of Powers." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401002180.

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To what extent does the separation of powers affect congressional roll call voting behavior? To answer this question, I offer a strategic model of congressional decision making that asserts members of Congress pursue public policy goals when casting roll call votes. From the equilibrium predictions of a formal model, I generate testable hypotheses by computing the expected net amount of sophisticated (nonsincere) congressional behavior given changes in decision context. I test the predictions of the theoretical model with data from all civil rights roll call votes from the 83d to the 102d Congress. The results demonstrate that both the other legislative chamber and the Supreme Court profoundly constrain House members and senators when casting roll call votes. This is strong evidence of the importance of policy outcomes to members of Congress when voting on the floor.

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8

Uslaner, Eric M., M. Margaret Conway, Gary C. Jacobson, and Samuel Kernell. "Interpreting the 1974 Congressional Election." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 591–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958275.

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What factors best account for the 1974 congressional election results? Were the Democratic party gains in House seats due mainly to the behavior of “strategic politicians” who sought or accepted candidacies and raised effective campaign war chests? Or were the Democratic gains due more to the impact of Watergate and the economy on voters' choices? In this Controversy, Gary C. Jacobson and Samuel Kernell defend the “strategic politicians” thesis, while Eric Uslaner and Margaret Conway stand by their more conventional accounting of the 1974 election outcome.

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9

MCDERMOTT, MONIKA L., and DAVID R. JONES. "Congressional Performance, Incumbent Behavior, and Voting in Senate Elections." Legislative Studies Quarterly 30, no. 2 (May 2005): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298005x201536.

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10

Taylor, Andrew J. "Strategic Intercameral Behavior and the Sequence of Congressional Lawmaking." American Politics Research 36, no. 3 (October 26, 2007): 451–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x07308513.

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11

Reed, W. Robert, and D. Eric Schansberg. "The behavior of congressional tenure over time: 1953?1991." Public Choice 73, no. 2 (March 1992): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00145091.

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12

Martin, Shane. "The Congressional Representation of Muslim-American Constituents." Politics and Religion 2, no. 2 (April 14, 2009): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048309000212.

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AbstractLegislators' responsiveness to constituency preferences is an accepted cornerstone of American representative democracy. Focusing on key domestic anti-terrorism votes during the 109th Congress, this study explores whether or not the presence of Muslim-Americans in a district influenced House members' roll-call behavior. We apply and test two competing theories of representation: the congruence theory and the minority backlash hypothesis. Using original data on Muslim-American constituency size, our analysis indicates little evidence of a representational backlash and some evidence that both Democratic and Republican members are positively responsive in their roll-call behavior to the presence of Muslim voters in their districts.

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13

Costa, Mia, Jill S. Greenlee, Tatishe Nteta, Jesse H. Rhodes, and Elizabeth A. Sharrow. "Family Ties? The Limits of Fathering Daughters on Congressional Behavior." American Politics Research 47, no. 3 (February 4, 2019): 471–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19826273.

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Scholars have long suggested that familial life can affect political behavior and, more recently, have found that fathering daughters leads men to adopt more liberal positions on gender equality policies. However, few have focused on the impact of fathering a daughter on congressional behavior, particularly in an era of heightened partisan polarization. Using an original data set of familial information, we examine whether fathering a daughter influences male legislators’ (a) roll call and cosponsorship support for women’s issues in the 110th to 114th Congresses and (b) cosponsorship of bills introduced by female legislators in the 110th Congress. We find that once party affiliation is taken into account, having a daughter neither predicts support for women’s issues nor cosponsorship of bills sponsored by women. Our findings suggest there are limits to the direct effects of parenting daughters on men’s political behavior, and that scholars should remain attentive to institutional and partisan contexts.

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14

Southwell, Priscilla, and David Waguespack. "Support for term limits and voting behavior in congressional elections." Social Science Journal 34, no. 1 (March 1, 1997): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0362-3319(97)90021-5.

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15

Boylan, Timothy S., and Karen M. Kedrowski. "The Constitution and the War Power: What Motivates Congressional Behavior?" Armed Forces & Society 30, no. 4 (July 2004): 539–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x0403000403.

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16

Ball, Carolyn. "Union Donations to Congressional Candidates." Review of Public Personnel Administration 13, no. 3 (July 1993): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734371x9301300303.

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17

Sellers, Patrick J. "Strategy and Background in Congressional Campaigns." American Political Science Review 92, no. 1 (March 1998): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585935.

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Common conceptions of the electoral connection often make two assumptions about the behavior of candidates and voters. The first is that candidates focus their campaigns on their records. The second is that voters evaluate candidates on the basis of their campaign messages. This article explores how candidates' backgrounds influence these two components of representation. The main premise is simple: Campaign messages are more effective if they emphasize issues on which candidates have built a record that appears favorable to voters. Consequently, candidates tend to focus on this type of issue when choosing campaign themes. Candidates are less successful in winning favorable evaluations if they stray from their records and make unsubstantiated claims.

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18

Herrerra, Richard, and Michael Yawn. "The Causes and Consequences of “Running Scared”." American Review of Politics 28 (July 1, 2007): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2007.28.0.119-138.

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Despite attention given to the advantage of incumbency and the tireless pursuit of a personal vote by members of Congress, little attention has been directed at the consequences of the ‘running scared’ phenomenon. Specifically, the relationship between congressional behavior and changes in the electorate is as yet unspecified. Did the erosion of partisanship in the electorate facilitate the emergence of a new style of representative? Or did the activities of members of Congress beginning in the years immediately following World War II contribute to a partisan dealignment? Drawing on the work of Fiorina and using some available but heretofore neglected data, we demonstrate that changes in congressional behavior were spurred by an increased sensitivity to electoral fortunes and began prior to the electoral dealignment of the 1960s. Further, we show that the changing behavior of House members was working to weaken partisan ties among the electorate.

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19

Paschall, Collin, Tracy Sulkin, and William Bernhard. "The Legislative Consequences of Congressional Scandals." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 2 (February 7, 2019): 293–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919826224.

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We explore the consequences of involvement in scandal for members of Congress’ (MCs) success within the House of Representatives. Our analyses target all MCs who served in the 101st to 112th Congresses (1989–2012). Across this time period, we identify 253 discrete member-term observations of professional or personal scandal. Our results demonstrate that scandal stalls the upward trajectory of MCs’ careers in the chamber, affecting their levels of legislative effectiveness, their centrality to the congressional network, and their likelihood of gaining or losing prestigious committee assignments and leadership positions. Importantly, these effects can linger beyond the term following scandal, shaping MCs’ behavior into the future. Our findings demonstrate that in addition to negative electoral repercussions, scandals can have important legislative consequences for members.

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20

DRUCKMAN, JAMES N., MARTIN J. KIFER, and MICHAEL PARKIN. "Campaign Communications in U.S. Congressional Elections." American Political Science Review 103, no. 3 (August 2009): 343–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409990037.

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Electoral campaigns are the foundation of democratic governance; yet scholarship on the content of campaign communications remains underdeveloped. In this paper, we advance research on U.S. congressional campaigns by integrating and extending extant theories of campaign communication. We test the resulting predictions with a novel dataset based on candidate Web sites over three election cycles. Unlike television advertisements or newspaper coverage, Web sites provide an unmediated, holistic, and representative portrait of campaigns. We find that incumbents and challengers differ across a broad range of behavior that reflects varying attitudes toward risk, that incumbents’ strategies depend on the competitiveness of the race, and that candidates link negative campaigning to other aspects of their rhetorical strategies. Our efforts provide researchers with a basis for moving toward a more complete understanding of congressional campaigns.

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21

Shor, Boris, and Jon C. Rogowski. "Ideology and the US Congressional Vote." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.23.

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A large class of theoretical models posits that voters choose candidates on the basis of issue congruence, but convincing empirical tests of this key claim remain elusive. The most persistent difficulty is obtaining comparable spatial estimates for winning and losing candidates, as well as voters. We address these issues using candidate surveys to characterize the electoral platforms for winners and losers, and large issue batteries in 2008 and 2010 to estimate voter preferences. Questions that were answered by both candidates and citizens allow us to jointly scale these estimates. We find robust evidence that vote choice in congressional elections is both strongly associated with spatial proximity and that individual-level and contextual variables commonly associated with congressional voting behavior condition the magnitude of its importance. Our results have important implications for theories of voter decision-making and electoral institutions.

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22

Uscinski, Joseph, Michael S. Rocca, Gabriel R. Sanchez, and Marina Brenden. "Congress and Foreign Policy: Congressional Action on the Darfur Genocide." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 03 (June 26, 2009): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090799.

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ABSTRACTAs of January 2008, more than 400,000 people have been killed and more than 2.5 million people have been displaced in the regions of Darfur and Chad. This event has not gone unnoticed in the United States, as the 109th United States Congress (2005–2006) considered several measures in the House of Representatives to provide funding and peacekeeping forces to quell the violence in Darfur. The goal of this article is to explain individual members' of Congress (MCs') support for Darfur legislation by examining the influence of their individual, district, and institutional characteristics. The Darfur case provides the opportunity to analyze factors critical to congressional behavior in a context where there is reason to expect an MC's usual set of incentives—e.g., reelection and adherence to party—to be less prominent. In all, we contribute to congressional and foreign policy research by parceling out the determinants of congressional support for foreign policy in comparison to domestic policy.

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23

Gates, John B. "Supreme Court Voting and Realigning Issues: A Microlevel Analysis of Supreme Court Policy Making and Electoral Realignment." Social Science History 13, no. 3 (1989): 255–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016400.

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Realignment of the American party system is a major focus for students of voting behavior, congressional policy making, and political history (Key, 1955; Burnham, 1970; Clubb, Flannigan, and Zingale, 1980; Kleppner, 1979; Sundquist, 1973; Campbell, 1977; Trilling and Campbell, 1980; Ladd and Hadley, 1978; Brady and Stewart, 1982; Brady, 1985; Sinclair, 1982). The transformation of the party system encompasses significant shifts in electoral support for the major political parties, changes in congressional policy making, and a redirection of national policy making. The rise of new party eras is intriguing because the constitutional structure seeks to minimize such major institutional and policy change. The separation of powers, federalism, and different recruitment patterns for political leaders are structural factors inhibiting major policy change (Brady, 1985). Realignment overcomes these barriers as highly volatile and cross-cutting issues arise. These issues produce linkages between electoral choice, congressional voting, and the broad shape of national policy making.

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24

Stratmann, Thomas. "Congressional Voting over Legislative Careers: Shifting Positions and Changing Constraints." American Political Science Review 94, no. 3 (September 2000): 665–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585838.

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The proposed model predicts that voting behavior of legislators is more variable early in their career and that junior members are more likely to vote with their party than senior members. The results from the analysis of voting patterns in the House of Representatives and the Senate are consistent with the hypotheses: Party line voting and variability of voting decisions decline with increasing seniority. Changes in voting behavior are also induced by redistricting. The empirical results show that legislators subject to redistricting change their voting behavior to accord better with altered constituency preferences.

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25

Ziegler, Charles E. "Sanctions in U.S. - Russia Relations." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 504–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-504-520.

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Given America’s leading position in the global economy, the U.S. government has frequently leveraged that power to punish “rogue states”, discourage nuclear proliferation, promote democratization, and create pressure for regime change. Washington relied on economic incentives in relations with Russia after 1991, but since 2012 the United States has utilized a broad range of economic sanctions against Russian side, leading to a significant deterioration in what was already a troubled relationship. In contrast to earlier comprehensive sanctions like those imposed on Iraq and Haiti, the U.S. is now crafting “smart” or targeted sanctions designed to exert maximum pressure on selected Russian elites and firms. Rather than evaluating the effectiveness of these measures on changing Russian behavior, the author explores the neglected domestic dimension of the U.S. sanctions process to improve understanding of U.S. foreign policy. This article draws on primary sources in the form of Congressional legislation, executive orders, and official statements to analyze U.S. sanctions imposed on Russia, and develops three brief case studies - the Magnitsky Act, post-Ukraine sanctions, and the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act - to explicate the main issues and actors driving U.S. sanctions. The author argues that domestic factors, including Congressional pressures and interest group activity, are critical to understanding U.S. sanctions regimes. While President Donald Trump has frequently resisted congressionally imposed sanctions, expectations for a more conciliatory approach towards Russia under the Trump administration have not materialized.

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26

Abramowitz, Alan I. "Economic Conditions, Presidential Popularity, and Voting Behavior in Midterm Congressional Elections." Journal of Politics 47, no. 1 (February 1985): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131064.

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27

Parker, Glenn R. "Looking beyond reelection: Revising assumptions about the factors motivating congressional behavior." Public Choice 63, no. 3 (December 1989): 237–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00138164.

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28

Clark, Jennifer Hayes, Tracy Osborn, Jonathan Winburn, and Gerald C. Wright. "Representation in U.S. Legislatures: The Acquisition and Analysis of U.S. State Legislative Roll-Call Data." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 9, no. 3 (September 2009): 356–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000900900305.

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Roll-call data have become a staple of contemporary scholarship on legislative behavior. Recent methodological innovations in the analysis of roll-call data have produced a number of important theoretical insights, such as understanding the structure of congressional decisionmaking and the role of parties and ideology in Congress. Many of the methodological innovations and theoretical questions sparked by congressional scholarship have been difficult to test at the state level because of the lack of comprehensive data on various forms of state legislative behavior, including roll-call voting. The Representation in America's Legislatures project rectifies that problem through collection of comprehensive state legislative roll-call votes across all 99 state legislative chambers for the 1999–2000 and 2003–04 legislative sessions. In this article, we describe the data available through this project as well as our data acquisition procedures, including Stata and Perl programming and OCR of paper documents, with suggestions about how to use these methods to collect a wide range of state-level data.

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29

Marsicano, Christopher R., and Christopher Brooks. "Professor Smith Goes to Washington: Educational Interest Group Lobbying, 1998–2017." Educational Researcher 49, no. 6 (May 26, 2020): 448–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x20921845.

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Congressional lobbying by education-related interest groups is an understudied subject in education research. This brief uses congressional lobbying expenditure data from 1998 to 2017 to examine trends in lobbying behavior by labor unions; K–12 education providers; and public, private nonprofit, and for-profit higher education institutions. Education interest groups have spent in excess of $2 billion lobbying Congress since 1998. Higher education institutions represent a disproportionate share of lobbying activity and expenditures, accounting for almost 70% of education-focused interest groups and around 80% of education-related lobbying expenditures. Lobbying expenditures steadily rose until 2011 before rapidly declining. The brief speculates as to the possible reasons for these trends and concludes with a call for greater research on lobbying for education.

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30

Böller, Florian, and Marcus Müller. "Unleashing the watchdogs: explaining congressional assertiveness in the politics of US military interventions." European Political Science Review 10, no. 4 (September 14, 2018): 637–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000152.

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This article contributes to a burgeoning literature on parliamentary war powers by investigating the case of the US Congress drawing on both International Relations (IR) research and traditional war powers studies. Applying a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis and case study method, we examine the conditions shaping congressional assertiveness. The article shows that the lack of national security interests and divided government are important conditions for members of Congress to criticize presidential intervention policies. While previous US war powers studies focused on the influence of partisanship, this article holds that domestic as well as international factors influence congressional behavior. A short comparative case study of two US military interventions (Libya 2011, ISIS 2014–15) during the Obama presidency serves to illustrate the findings.

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31

Barrett, Edith J., and Fay Lomax Cook. "Congressional Attitudes and Voting Behavior: An Examination of Support for Social Welfare." Legislative Studies Quarterly 16, no. 3 (August 1991): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440103.

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32

Nokken, Timothy P. "Dynamics of Congressional Loyalty: Party Defection and Roll-Call Behavior, 1947-97." Legislative Studies Quarterly 25, no. 3 (August 2000): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440414.

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33

Davis, Donn G. "The Color of Representation: Congressional Behavior and Black Interests. Kenny J. Whitby." Journal of Politics 62, no. 2 (May 2000): 580–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jop.62.2.2647690.

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34

Jacobson, Gary C., and Huchen Liu. "Dealing with Disruption: Congressional Republicans' Responses to Donald Trump's Behavior and Agenda." Presidential Studies Quarterly 50, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psq.12630.

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35

Randazzo, Kirk A., Richard W. Waterman, and Jeffrey A. Fine. "Checking the Federal Courts: The Impact of Congressional Statutes on Judicial Behavior." Journal of Politics 68, no. 4 (November 2006): 1006–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00486.x.

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36

Kelly, Janet M. "A Review of Congressional Mandating Behavior Since the Unfunded Mandates Reform Act." Politics & Policy 32, no. 2 (June 2004): 248–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2004.tb00184.x.

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37

Basinger, Scott J., Damon M. Cann, and Michael J. Ensley. "Voter response to congressional campaigns: new techniques for analyzing aggregate electoral behavior." Public Choice 150, no. 3-4 (October 27, 2010): 771–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-010-9730-6.

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38

Jenkins, Shannon. "The Influence of Interest Groups on State Legislative Behavior." American Review of Politics 32 (November 1, 2011): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2011.32.0.233-258.

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Research shows the influence of campaign contributions on congressional behavior is infrequent, but more pronounced in certain situations and for certain types of legislators. But it is unclear if these theories apply at the state level. This study examines the impact of campaign contributions in three state legislatures; results show group contributions impact roll call voting in a significant minority of cases and significant relationships are more likely for business and labor contributions, as at the national level. However, the analysis also shows there is variation in the pattern of influence across the states, which is not related to issue salience in all states.

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39

Zhang, Yongjun, and Jennifer Heerwig. "Gender, Race, and Intersectionality in Campaign Cash to the U.S. Congress, 1990 to 2014." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 8 (January 2022): 237802312211210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231221121063.

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This data visualization presents trends and patterns in gender, race, and their intersection in campaign donations to U.S. congressional candidates by American corporate leaders during the 1990–2014 election cycles. On the basis of a new longitudinal database, this visualization shows consistent gender and racial disparities in corporate leaders’ propensity to donate and in their partisan preferences. Throughout the series, the authors find that women are less likely to contribute to congressional campaigns than men in U.S. corporate leadership. Conditional on contributing, women are overall more likely to donate to Democrats than men. In addition to a consistent gender gap in partisan preferences, we find that women of color are the most Democratic leaning, compared with their white counterparts. This latter finding implies a role for intersectionality in explaining the political behavior of these leaders.

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40

Shogan, Colleen J. "Blackberries, Tweets, and YouTube: Technology and the Future of Communicating with Congress." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 02 (April 2010): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000041.

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From the establishment of the United States Postal Service and the invention of the telegram, to the introduction of C-SPAN and the explosion of the Internet, the development of new communication technologies has always affected the functioning of Congress. Not surprisingly, recent innovations such as e-mail and social networking have spurred Congress to alter the way it operates as an institution, and rethink the manner in which it engages the public. In this brief examination, I discuss recent changes in congressional behavior and practices due to technological innovation, specifically the proliferation of social networking Web sites. Then, I cautiously predict future trends in the use of social networking and related technologies as they become more integrated in congressional offices and increase the capacity for more robust internal and constituent communications over time.

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41

Broz, J. Lawrence. "Congressional voting on funding the international financial institutions." Review of International Organizations 3, no. 4 (October 9, 2008): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-008-9047-0.

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42

Cook, Timothy E. "The Electoral Connection in the 99th Congress." PS: Political Science & Politics 19, no. 01 (1986): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500017091.

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Participant observation has provided some of our most impressive insights into the contemporary Congress. In particular, two scholars relied upon this method for results that must be regarded as shaping our current paradigm on Congress and its members: David Mayhew, who, six years after serving as an APSA Congressional Fellow, published his essay,Congress: The Electoral Connection(1974), and Richard Fenno, who traveled with representatives and senators in order to assess how members of Congress interact with their constituents and the impact of those interactions upon their performances in Washington inHome Style(1978) and its companion volume on the Senate (1982).Despite the influence of these works, some ambiguities remained when I began my stint as a Congressional Fellow in the fall of 1984. For one thing, Mayhew and Fenno had reached different conclusions regarding the impact of the need to run for reelection. Mayhew asserted that congressional behavior and congressional outcomes could be explained solely by the goal of getting reelected; on the other hand, Fenno contended that members could establish separate “home styles” and “Washington styles,” as leeway in the latter increased with more successful presentations of self back home. Likewise, whereas Mayhew made no distinction between the strength of the electoral incentive for representatives and senators, Fenno argued that having longer terms than representatives provided much more temptation for senators to do something besides merely run for reelection. A second ambiguity was that most of Mayhew's and Fenno's fieldwork was accomplished in the early to mid 1970s, before the sea-change in American politics best symbolized by Ronald Reagan's election and the dramatic shifts in policy and in political style that ensued (see especially Edsall, 1984; Chubb and Peterson, 1985). While studies suggest that congressional decision-making has changed only slightly in the Reagan years (e.g., Smith, 1985), the altered electoral environment may have produced far-reaching changes in how the electoral connection shapes Congress.

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43

Cook, Timothy E. "The Electoral Connection in the 99th Congress." PS 19, no. 1 (1986): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030826900625304.

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Participant observation has provided some of our most impressive insights into the contemporary Congress. In particular, two scholars relied upon this method for results that must be regarded as shaping our current paradigm on Congress and its members: David Mayhew, who, six years after serving as an APSA Congressional Fellow, published his essay, Congress: The Electoral Connection (1974), and Richard Fenno, who traveled with representatives and senators in order to assess how members of Congress interact with their constituents and the impact of those interactions upon their performances in Washington in Home Style (1978) and its companion volume on the Senate (1982).Despite the influence of these works, some ambiguities remained when I began my stint as a Congressional Fellow in the fall of 1984. For one thing, Mayhew and Fenno had reached different conclusions regarding the impact of the need to run for reelection. Mayhew asserted that congressional behavior and congressional outcomes could be explained solely by the goal of getting reelected; on the other hand, Fenno contended that members could establish separate “home styles” and “Washington styles,” as leeway in the latter increased with more successful presentations of self back home. Likewise, whereas Mayhew made no distinction between the strength of the electoral incentive for representatives and senators, Fenno argued that having longer terms than representatives provided much more temptation for senators to do something besides merely run for reelection. A second ambiguity was that most of Mayhew's and Fenno's fieldwork was accomplished in the early to mid 1970s, before the sea-change in American politics best symbolized by Ronald Reagan's election and the dramatic shifts in policy and in political style that ensued (see especially Edsall, 1984; Chubb and Peterson, 1985). While studies suggest that congressional decision-making has changed only slightly in the Reagan years (e.g., Smith, 1985), the altered electoral environment may have produced far-reaching changes in how the electoral connection shapes Congress.

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44

Alesina, Alberto, John Londregan, and Howard Rosenthal. "A Model of the Political Economy of the United States." American Political Science Review 87, no. 1 (March 1993): 12–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938953.

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We develop and test a model of joint determination of economic growth and national election results in the United States. The formal model, which combines developments in the rational choice analysis of the behavior of economic agents and voters, leads to a system of equations in which the dependent variables are the growth rate and the vote shares in presidential and congressional elections. Our estimates support the theoretical claims that growth responds to unanticipated policy shifts and that voters use both on-year and midterm elections to balance the two parties. On the other hand, we find no support for “rational” retrospective voting. We do reconfirm, in a fully simultaneous framework, the “naive” retrospective voting literature's finding that the economy has a strong effect on presidential voting. We find congressional elections unaffected by the economy, except as transmitted by presidential coattails.

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Clarke, Andrew J., Jeffery A. Jenkins, and Nathan K. Micatka. "How Have Members of Congress Reacted to President Trump’s Trade Policy?" Forum 17, no. 4 (March 5, 2020): 631–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0038.

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AbstractWhile a number of studies in recent years explore the particularistic tendencies of presidents – targeting various benefits to districts and states that will help their and their party’s electoral prospects – little work has explored how members of Congress react to such behavior. We take some initial steps in this regard by examining how members have responded to President Donald Trump’s trade initiatives. We analyze congressional newsletter mentions of tariffs or trade as a means of exploring congressional reaction. We find a positive relationship between tariff/trade mentions and partisanship, as Republican members and members from states that Trump won in 2016 are more likely to refer to tariffs/trade in their newsletters. This represents, we argue, a different kind of credit claiming. These basic empirical patterns set the stage for more systematic analysis in the future.

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46

Ramey, Adam J., Jonathan D. Klingler, and Gary E. Hollibaugh. "Measuring Elite Personality Using Speech." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 1 (March 18, 2016): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.12.

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We apply recent advances in machine learning to measure Congressmember personality traits using floor speeches from 1996 to 2014. We also demonstrate the superiority of text-based measurement over survey-based measurement by showing that personality traits are correlated with survey response rates for members of Congress. Finally, we provide one empirical application showcasing the importance of personality on congressional behavior.

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McCarty, Nolan M., and Keith T. Poole. "An Empirical Spatial Model of Congressional Campaigns." Political Analysis 7 (1998): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/7.1.1.

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Testing and estimating formal models of political behavior has not advanced as far as theoretical applications. One of the major literatures in formal theory is the spatial model of electoral competition which has its origins in the work of Black (1948) and Downs (1957). These models are used to make predictions about the policy positions candidates take in order to win elections. A lack of data on these candidate positions, especially challengers who never serve in Congress, has made direct testing of these models on congressional elections difficult.Recently, researchers have begun to incorporate campaign finance into the standard Downsian model. These models of position-induced contributions examine the tradeoff that candidates make between choosing positions favorable to interest group contributors and positions favorable to voters. A major premise of these models is that interest group contributions are based on the policy positions of candidates. This has been borne out empirically in the case of incumbents, but not challengers.To test key hypotheses of these models, we develop a simple spatial model of position-induced campaign contributions where the PAC's decision to contribute or abstain from each race is a function of the policy distance between the PAC and the candidates. We use data from political action committee contributions in order to estimate the locations of incumbents, challengers and PACs. Our model reliably estimates the spatial positions as well as correctly predicts nearly 74 percent of the contribution and abstention decisions of the PACs. Conditional upon making a contribution, we correctly predict the contribution in 94 percent of the cases. These results are strong evidence for position-induced campaign contributions. Furthermore, our estimates of candidate positions allow us to address issues of platform convergence between candidates.

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48

Twight, Charlotte. "From Claiming Credit to Avoiding Blame: The Evolution of Congressional Strategy for Asbestos Management." Journal of Public Policy 11, no. 2 (April 1991): 153–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00006188.

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ABSTRACTThis paper develops a theory synthesizing credit-claiming and blameavoidance explanations of congressional behavior and evaluates it against asbestos policy in the United States from the 1920s through the 1980s. Public policy is viewed as shaped by officeholders' ability to achieve political ends through augmenting information costs and other transaction costs facing the public. Public perceptions are seen both as the endogenous product of congressional information-cost manipulation and as an exogenous constraint that changes in identifiable ways over time. Different policy stances - open credit claiming, concealed credit claiming, early-stage blame avoidance, and full-scale blame avoidance – are predicted to emerge in response to specified conditions, yielding implications about the expected timing of public policy changes. Specific types of transaction-cost manipulation are predicted to accompany the identified policy stances. The US asbestos policy experience is shown to be consistent with the predictions of the model.

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49

Gill, Jeff, and James A. Thurber. "Congressional Tightwads and Spendthrifts: Measuring Fiscal Behavior in the Changing House of Representatives." Political Research Quarterly 52, no. 2 (June 1999): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/449224.

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Vega, Arturo, and Juanita M. Firestone. "The Effects of Gender on Congressional Behavior and the Substantive Representation of Women." Legislative Studies Quarterly 20, no. 2 (May 1995): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440448.

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