Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: Confucianism.
Статті в журналах з теми "Confucianism"
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся з топ-50 статей у журналах для дослідження на тему "Confucianism".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Переглядайте статті в журналах для різних дисциплін та оформлюйте правильно вашу бібліографію.
1
Kim, Jibum, Jae-Mahn Shim, and Sori Kim. "Confucian Identification, Ancestral Beliefs, and Ancestral Rituals in Korea." Religions 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13010043.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since Koreans do not consider Confucianism to be part of religion, conventional religious identification questions cannot accurately capture the number of Confucians in Korea. Using the Korean General Social Survey and other data sources, we aim to describe the identification, beliefs, and practices related to Confucianism, especially ancestral rituals, and to examine whether these beliefs and practices differ across religious groups. Contrasted with 0.2% of the adult population identifying their religion as Confucianism in the 2015 Korean Census, 51% considered themselves as Confucians when asked, “(Regardless of your religious affiliation) do you consider yourself a Confucian?” If we consider those who think that rites for deceased family members are Confucian, the proportion was 44%. Considering those who conduct ancestral rites at a gravesite as Confucians, the proportion was 86%, but was only 70% when we count those who perform ancestral rites at home as Confucians. We also found substantial differences among religious groups. In general, Buddhists were most likely and Protestants were least likely to identify with Confucianism, believe in the power of ancestors, and perform ancestral rites. Perhaps most telling is the result of religious none falling in the middle between Buddhists and Protestants in terms of identification, beliefs, and rituals of Confucianism. The differences of religious groups appear to reflect religious syncretism and the exclusivity of religion. It is overstating to declare a revival of Confucianism, but it is reasonable to say that Confucianism is not a dying tradition in Korean society.
2
Liu, James H. "Introduction to Confucian Psychology: Background, Content, and an Agenda for the Future." Psychology and Developing Societies 33, no. 1 (February 14, 2021): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971333621990447.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Psychology has a pervasive but shallow engagement with Confucian philosophy, mainly referencing its popular form as a part of Chinese tradition. This special issue takes a more systematic view of Confucianism as comprehensive philosophy. Drawing from New Confucianism, it is argued that the signal contribution of Confucianism to psychology as human (rather than natural) science is an ontology of the moral mind (heaven and humanity in union). This holistic ontology makes the cultivation of benevolence (仁) a lifelong mission for Confucianists. Practices of self-cultivation are exemplified by a case study of Zeng Guofan, a Qing Dynasty official and scholar, who combined academics, calligraphy, meditation, diary writing and self-reflection to refine his character, nurture and educate his family, and be of service to society. Second, Confucianism’s traditional lack of interest in epistemology is addressed through the complementary (dialectical) principle of ‘one principle, many manifestations’, where methods of Western science can be incorporated into the investigation of practices such as brush calligraphy that are shown to have beneficial effects on mental and physical health. Confucianism can also be treated as an object of scientific inquiry: We find that even among highly educated Chinese people, understanding of Confucianism today is mostly fragmented and abstract. Confucian Psychology can be summarised as a psychology of aspirations for bettering the condition of humanity through character development and greater awareness of the situation to realise the endowment of moral mind. Finally, there are deep connections between Confucian and Indian psychology—both involve height psychology, a psychology of aspirations and for spiritual transformation.
3
Lyu, Xin. "The Way to Achieve “This Culture of Ours”: An Investigation Based on the Viewpoints of Pre-Qin Confucianism and Song Confucianism." Religions 14, no. 12 (November 29, 2023): 1480. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14121480.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The concept of wen 文 has multiple meanings, but it plays an exceptionally important role in the development of Confucianism and Chinese philosophical terms. Pre-Qin Confucianism 先秦儒学 and Song Confucianism (Song dynasty Neo-Confucians 宋代儒学/宋代新儒家) are two important representatives in the history of Confucianism. Confucius has insisted that although the heaven is not going to destroy wen, wen must exist in everyone’s xing 性, and only when placed within a community can it develop. In Pre-Qin Confucianism, wen completed the transformation from the long established social political structure of the Zhou dynasty and its corresponding moral principles to the consciousness of consummate conduct and ritual propriety based on human instinct and humanistic rationality. Song dynasty Neo-Confucians inherited this Confucian mission and developed the spirit of wen in their period. They emphasized the necessity of learning classics and then writing articles to get closer to the heart-mind of sages and then to build a cultural community together. Both Pre-Qin Confucianism and Song Confucianism have been applying their viewpoints to achieve a community, which is “this culture of ours” 斯文.
4
Lasiyo, Lasiyo. "PENGARUH BUDDHISME TERHADAP NEO-KONFUSIANISME DI CINA." Jurnal Filsafat 28, no. 1 (February 28, 2018): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jf.32215.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper aims to examine the influence of Indian Buddhism toward Chinese Neo-Confucianism through philosophical perspective. This study uses library research; hermeneutical philosophical method which consists of three elements: descriptive, historical continuity and reflective. Based on data analysis, conclusion can be made such as: Firstly, the influence of Buddhism from India is acceptable and growth rapidly in China because people in China were unsatisfied toward Confucianism and Taoism. Secondly, Neo-Confusianism was a new development, borrowing much from Buddhim and Taoism, it appear as the reaction from the Confuciansim againts the development of Buddhism in China. Thirdly, the Confucianists realized that to compete with Buddhism, they have to give a philosophical thougths from the classics Chinese philosophy and adjust it to nowdays situation and people condition. Fourthly Neo-Confusianism’s thought emphasis on Metaphysics and Ethics in theoritically, therefore it have not fix the Economic and the prosperty in society. Fiftly, Neo-Confusianism reconstructed philosophical thought which the society believe and some from Buddhism
5
C. ANGLE, Stephen. "My Progressive Confucian Journey." Asian Studies 12, no. 1 (January 18, 2024): 229–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2024.12.1.229-257.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay examines the engagement between Progressive Confucianism and Mainland China in three steps. I begin with a narrative of how I came to be someone who identifies as Confucian and advocates Progressive Confucianism. Part II examines an especially important phase in this evolution: the series of ten dialogues I held with Mainland Chinese Confucians in the Spring of 2017. I give an overview of the topics we debated, themes that cut across individual dialogues, and indicate some of the diversity of views among Mainland Confucians—and how all this relates to Progressive Confucianism. The essay concludes with some reflections on the dialogues, including notable points of agreement and disagreement, key areas in which I felt that I had learned from the conversations, and some thoughts about the future of Progressive Confucianism in China.
6
Yan, Zheng. "An Exploration of the Ecological Wisdom in Kumazawa Banzan’s Confucian Thought." Journal of Asian Research 7, no. 1 (March 14, 2023): p57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jar.v7n1p57.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Against the backdrop of an increasingly serious global ecological crisis, scholars have turned their attention to Eastern Confucianism in an attempt to find ecological wisdom in traditional Confucianism in order to seek a path of harmonious development between human beings and nature. Kumazawa Banzan, as a Confucianist and a realist with environmental consciousness who emerged in the context of the severe environmental destruction in the early Edo period, is very representative. In this paper, we will take Kumazawa’s Confucianism as an object of study and explore ecological wisdom in his Confucianism, taking his mountain and forestry thought as an example to understand its contemporary value.
7
Jiang, Yi-Huah. "Confucian Political Theory in Contemporary China." Annual Review of Political Science 21, no. 1 (May 11, 2018): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-041916-020230.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article discusses what traditional Confucian political theory represents and how it is reconstructed by contemporary Confucians to cope with the various challenges that it faces in modern times. Specifically, I examine the school of New Confucianism in Taiwan and Hong Kong, political Confucianism and civic Confucianism in mainland China, and the theory of Confucian political meritocracy. I then analyze how the Communist Party of China attempts to promote Confucianism in order to consolidate its authoritarian rule and what damage this may cause to resurgent Confucianism. Finally, I evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of each approach and suggest some areas of interest for further exploration.
8
SIGURÐSSON, Geir. "Confucianism vs. Modernity: Expired, Incompatible or Remedial?" Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (May 30, 2014): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2014.2.1.21-38.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper is an exploration of the reappraisal that has been taking place since the 1980s of Confucianism’s suitability for a modernized society. The first section focuses in particular on the discussion that took place in Singapore on Confucianism as a stimulant for economic activity, arguing that it was first and foremost a politically motivated attempt to establish Confucianism as a convenient ideology. I then move to a discussion of recent attempts to rehabilitate Confucianism in the PRC. In the final section, I suggest how Confucianism can be a healthy antidote to some of the ills produced by contemporary capitalist practice.
9
Yang, Shaogang. "On the Historical Development of Confucianists’ Moral Ideas and Moral Education." ETHICS IN PROGRESS 4, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 34–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2013.1.3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Confucian ethics which is the main body of the Chinese traditional culture has established its “basic morality” or “mother morality” not only in China, but also in some of the Asian countries. It is formed in the long historical development of more than 2000 years. First of all, it had the contention of a hundred schools of thought in the Pre-Qin Dynasty, and the Confucianist thought with its own colors was formed at that time. When Dong Zhongshu made his suggestions that restrained all other schools but only respected Confucianism, the predominance of Confucianism over the political life had been defined in Chinese society. After the later generations’ cooperating thing of diverse nature with unity of opposites, it was developed into the idealist philosophy of the Song (960 -1279) and Ming (1368-1644). Dynasties, which combined Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism. The critical development of the modern Chinese society to Confucianist thought made us scholars have a timely reflection on the Confucian ethics. The requirement of constructing a harmonious world in the present time made us further considerate the moral education with Confucianist ethics.
10
AMBROGIO, Selusi. "Moral Education and Ideology: The Revival of Confucian Values and the Harmonious Shaping of the New Chinese Man." Asian Studies 5, no. 2 (June 30, 2017): 113–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2017.5.2.113-135.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this paper, we will investigate the re-emergence of Confucianism in contemporary China as a complex intersection of political, cultural, educational and popular perspectives. This resurgence is neither a kind of Chinese Neoclassicism nor a nostalgic backwardness, instead it is the emblem of the new China’s identity. Confucius and Confucianism, violently despised as the remains of feudalism since the May Fourth Movement and during Maoism, are nowadays a fertile source for the fulfilment of “Socialism with Chinese characteristics” (zhongguo tese shehui zhuyi 中国特色社会主义) on both the educational and political levels. We carry out the investigation in three steps: 1. The political rehabilitation of Confucianism as part of the “Chinese dream” (zhongguo meng 中国梦); 2. The common social perception of Confucianism and tradition as a shared and unavoidable background; 3. The definition of two possible Confucianisms (namely New Confucianism and Political Confucianism) and their possible influences on Chinese society and moral education. Our conclusions will deal with Chinese cultural soft power, and the shaping of a new Confucian identity based on both modernity and tradition.
11
Wang, Chaohua. "OLD SAGE FOR NEW AGE? THE REVIVAL OF RELIGIOUS CONFUCIANISM IN CHINA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 269–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0602269w.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In recent years, Confucianism has been once again identified as the essence of Chinese civilization and a religion that was central to the Chinese people throughout China’s long history. Scholars are appealing to the Communist Party to make Confucianism the State religion (guojiao). What are the political implications of the phenomena? Can these claims stand to intellectual scrutiny? Conducting a brief historical survey of religious Confucianism in Chinese politics, in addition to an analysis of shared principles essential to various Confucianist positions today, this paper argues that religious Confucianism presented by its contemporary promoters is a constructed myth originated mainly from the Qing times (1644- 1911). The supposed Confucian teaching does not carry religious meaningfulness associated to either individual existence or social life in contemporary China. It remains powerful primarily in connection to the State, or a collective nation (Zhonghua), vis-à-vis the world outside ethnic Han communities. Despite this - or precisely because of this - a revived religious Confucianism may have the greatest potential to become a political force in China in our globalizing age, more so than any other major world religions, even if others may have larger Chinese following than Confucianism.
12
Zhang, Weiwen. "Heavenly Law (Tiandao) and Its Change by Time (Shibian): The Revival of Confucianism in the North Song Dynasty and Its Philosophy of History Based on the Interpretations of Yijing." Kronoscope 15, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685241-12341323.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Neo-Confucians in the North Song dynasty pursued the GreatDaoin Confucian Classics and conceptualized it as the highest rational principle and cultural spirit, which is known asTiandao天道 (the Heavenly Law) orTianli天理 (the Heavenly Principle), so as to restrain imperial authority and to provide guidance for political and economic decision-making.1 This was one of the fundamental reasons for the revival of Confucianism in the North Song period. Confucianism has a profound historical and cultural consciousness; it acknowledges the reasons for the changing nature of human social life, and it discourages people from abandoning this worldly life for a heavenly paradise. InYijing(The Book of Changes), the emphasis on the idea ofSheng Sheng生生 (ceaseless/creative creativity), morality and social norms coincides with the ethos of Confucianism. The Confucians’ effort in interpretingYijingcontributed to he revival of Confucianism in the North Song dynasty. By outlining the blueprint of an ideal world, they hoped to bring social development back on track. As a result, they had in-depth discussions on a number of philosophical questions, such as the end goal of history, social structure, social change, momentum, and laws of historical development. The neo-Confucianism in the North Song dynasty can be regarded as including a philosophy of history.
13
Eom, Seogin. "Motoda Nagazane’s standards of Confucianism – between Confucianism and Emperor Centralism." F1000Research 10 (May 7, 2021): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.51001.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper discusses the ideological significance of the activities of Motoda Nagazane who, in the latter half of his life, became an attendant of Emperor Meiji as a member of the Kumamoto school of practical science. Whilst there were trends towards modernisation and Westernisation, Motoda Nagazane led a conservative reaction attempting to restore Confucianist politics/policies. I scrutinise the theories of revolution and lineage considering the history of East Asian Confucianism and comparing Motoda’s assertions to the views expressed by Kumazawa Banzan. In doing so, I assert that Motoda’s consistent attitude shows that he does not approve of the theory of revolution and that he regards the theory of lineage as an established fact. Thus, he highlights the cultivation of virtues in rulers, adopting the stance typically taken by Confucian scholars in the history of Japanese ideology. In ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’, Motoda attempts to support the meaning of ‘The Three Sacred Treasures’ through Confucian texts. My evaluation of this text results in the view that in this discourse, Motoda transcends the significance of harmonising the deep and difficult ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’ with Confucianism, which is easy to impart. I deduce that Confucianism was positioned above all else as the absolute/comprehensive standard in Motoda’s thought and that his endorsement of the Emperor’s way was proscribed within the ideological boundaries of Confucianism. Through the above analysis, I conclude that Motoda was an anachronistic Confucian scholar who truly endeavored to realise the kingship politics of Yao and Shun in the early Meiji era. While it is acknowledged that he was lagging behind his contemporaries, it is shown that this seemingly backward stance emanated from his serious Confucian scholarship. Further, his assertions differ from the plain-spoken Confucianist Emperor centralism that emerged in later years.
14
Eom, Seogin. "Motoda Nagazane’s standards of Confucianism – between Confucianism and Emperor Centralism." F1000Research 10 (April 6, 2021): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.51001.1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper discusses the ideological significance of the activities of Motoda Nagazane who, in the latter half of his life, became an attendant of Emperor Meiji as a member of the Kumamoto school of practical science. Whilst there were trends towards modernisation and Westernisation, Motoda Nagazane led a conservative reaction attempting to restore Confucianist politics/policies. I scrutinise the theories of revolution and lineage considering the history of East Asian Confucianism and comparing Motoda’s assertions to the views expressed by Kumazawa Banzan. In doing so, I assert that Motoda’s consistent attitude shows that he does not approve of the theory of revolution and that he regards the theory of lineage as an established fact. Thus, he highlights the cultivation of virtues in rulers, adopting the stance typically taken by Confucian scholars in the history of Japanese ideology. In ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’, Motoda attempts to support the meaning of ‘The Three Sacred Treasures’ through Confucian texts. My evaluation of this text results in the view that in this discourse, Motoda transcends the significance of harmonising the deep and difficult ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’ with Confucianism, which is easy to impart. I deduce that Confucianism was positioned above all else as the absolute/comprehensive standard in Motoda’s thought and that his endorsement of the Emperor’s way was proscribed within the ideological boundaries of Confucianism. Through the above analysis, I conclude that Motoda was an anachronistic Confucian scholar who truly endeavored to realise the kingship politics of Yao and Shun in the early Meiji era. While it is acknowledged that he was lagging behind his contemporaries, it is shown that this seemingly backward stance emanated from his serious Confucian scholarship. Further, his assertions differ from the plain-spoken Confucianist Emperor centralism that emerged in later years.
15
Whitney, Lawrence A. "Way-Making: Portability and Practice amid Protestantization in American Confucianism." Religions 13, no. 4 (March 28, 2022): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040291.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
While the study of Confucianism has been ongoing in the United States for quite some time, the idea of its viability in the American context is quite recent. Even more recent are experimental attempts to practice Confucianism in the U.S. This article chronicles several such attempts and considers what demographic data there are, and their frameworks of measurement, of Confucianism in the U.S. It focuses on a case study of debates and conversations about what it means for Confucianism to be “portable” among a small but committed second generation of Boston Confucians. From quiet-sitting meditation, to textual studies and interpretation, to ritual veneration of Confucius and ancestors, this article is one of the first empirical studies of Confucianism as a lived tradition in the United States. It situates these practices, and descriptions, discussions, and debates about them by their enactors, in the context of the Protestantized religious landscape in the U.S. It also considers how Confucianism has registered in unexpected ways in the U.S. context amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. Confucianism in the U.S. emerges as a form of way-making, irreducible to the categories of philosophy or religion, that both reflects and transforms its inheritance of Confucianism from East Asia.
16
Kong, Dexiang, and Wenping Peng. "A Study on the Form and Aesthetics of Confucian Konglin Stone Carvings." SHS Web of Conferences 159 (2023): 02012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202315902012.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Confucianism is a Confucian shrine that combines multiple values of culture, religion and art. The study of Confucianism’s Konglin concerns many important issues of traditional Chinese culture and art. The reinterpretation of the cultural value of the stone inscriptions in Confucianism today is the choice of the times for the dissemination of Confucianism and an important path for the world to understand Chinese culture and ethics. Along with the rise of Confucianism fever, the study of Confucian culture has attracted widespread academic attention, but most of the existing results are case studies of the stone carvings in Konglin, and cannot fully interpret the cultural implications of the stone carvings in Konglin. Based on this, the author takes the Konglin stone inscriptions as the main object of study, analyses their external shape and explores their intrinsic aesthetic value, and takes an artistic and philosophical view of the inner connection between Confucianism and calligraphy in order to provide useful reference for the dissemination of Confucian culture.
17
Kim, Richard T. "Confucianism and Non-human Animal Sacrifice." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 8, no. 1 (March 21, 2016): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v8i1.69.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this paper, I argue that the use of non-human animals in ritual sacrifices is not necessary for the Confucian tradition. I draw upon resources found within other religious traditions as well as Confucianism concerning carrying out even the most mundane, ordinary actions as expressions of reverence. I argue that this practice of manifesting deep reverence toward God (or deities and ancestors in the case of Confucianism) through simple actions, which I call everyday reverence, reveals a way for Confucians to maintain the deep reverence that is essential for Confucianism, while abandoning the use of non-human animal sacrifice.
18
Nguyen, Tho Ngoc, and Phong Thanh Nguyen. "Philosophical Transmission and Contestation." Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (May 20, 2020): 79–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.2.79-112.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Southern Vietnam was reclaimed by the Vietnamese in the mid-seventeenth century. They first brought their folk Buddhism and various popular religions to new land; however, the bureaucratic system then forced the Chinese Han–Song dynasties’ institutionalized and politicalized Confucianism on the population. The arrival of the Chinese from overseas since the late seventeenth century marked the introduction of Qing Confucianism into Southern Vietnam, shaping the pro-Yangming studies among local literati. Many writers claim that Qing Confucianism had no impact on Vietnam. Obviously, however, these writers ignored the diversity of Vietnamese Confucianism in the new frontiers in the South. Qing Confucianism was truly absorbed into many aspects of life among the local gentry, popularizing the so-called pro-Yangming studies.The article aims to study the transmission, contestation, transformation, and manipulation of Qing Confucianism in Southern Vietnam by penetrating deeper into the life, career, mentality, merits, and influence of local Confucianists and reviving the legacies of practical learning in local scholarship. The research discovers that the practical learning of Qing Confucianism dominated the way of thinking and acting of local elites, affecting ideological, educational, cultural and socio-economic domains of local society. However, the domination of the classical Confucian orthodoxy and the lack of state-sponsored institutionalization in late feudal periods, as well as the later overwhelming imposition of Western civilization under French colonial rule, seriously challenged and downgraded the impacts of Qing Confucianism in Vietnam. Therefore, Yangming studies were once transmitted but had limited impact on Vietnam.
19
Hutton, Eric. "Han Feizi's Criticism of Confucianism and its Implications for Virtue Ethics." Journal of Moral Philosophy 5, no. 3 (2008): 423–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174552408x369745.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractSeveral scholars have recently proposed that Confucianism should be regarded as a form of virtue ethics. This view offers new approaches to understanding not only Confucian thinkers, but also their critics within the Chinese tradition. For if Confucianism is a form of virtue ethics, we can then ask to what extent Chinese criticisms of it parallel criticisms launched against contemporary virtue ethics, and what lessons for virtue ethics in general might be gleaned from the challenges to Confucianism in particular. This paper undertakes such an exercise in examining Han Feizi, an early critic of Confucianism. The essay offers a careful interpretation of the debate between Han Feizi and the Confucians and suggests that thinking through Han Feizi's criticisms and the possible Confucian responses to them has a broader philosophical payoff, namely by highlighting a problem for current defenders of virtue ethics that has not been widely noticed, but deserves attention.
20
Fang (方旭東), Xudong. "Consequentialism and the Possibility of a Confucian-Mohist Encounter." Journal of Chinese Humanities 7, no. 1-2 (December 9, 2021): 4–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340111.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Mohism and Confucianism are usually characterized as utilitarian and anti-utilitarian, respectively. This article argues that although Confucians do not espouse the kind of utilitarianism found in the Mozi, both Confucianism and Mohism qualify as forms of consequentialism in emphasizing that the outcome of a given behavior or action constitutes the basis for determining whether the latter qualifies as morally good. Through an analysis of the classical texts of the Analects and the Mengzi, I demonstrate that the similarities between the Confucian and Mohist perspectives on yi 義 and li 利 are much greater than their supposed differences, which have generally been taken for granted. Like Mohism, Confucianism upholds what we might call a “deliberated utilitarianism.”
21
Shi, Weimin. "A Curious Case of Cultural Encounter: The Appropriation of Kant’s Philosophy through Contemporary Neo-Confucianism." Culture and Dialogue 10, no. 2 (November 29, 2022): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683949-12340122.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract In this paper, Mou Zongsan’s (牟宗三, 1909–1995 CE) Kantian interpretation of Confucianism will be surveyed with a focus on Mou’s ideas of moral metaphysics and autonomy. After a brief account of the development of Confucianism up to the Song dynasty (960–1279 CE) and Ming dynasty (1368–1644 CE) (§1) and some initial attempts to articulate Confucian ideas in terms of Western philosophy (§2), Mou’s Kantian interpretation of Confucianism will be presented in §3 and criticized in §4. It is argued that Mou uses the Kantian dichotomy of autonomy and heteronomy to describe the traditional rivalry between two primary schools of Neo-Confucianism. While Mou neglects Kant’s claim that the autonomy of the will gives the principle by means of which it is to determine the content of the moral law, he appeals to Kant’s idea that human beings as free agents are members of the intelligible world to propose a Confucian moral metaphysics. In §5, Mou’s Confucianism’s metaphysical and religious characteristics are further criticized.
22
Koh, Eunkang. "Gender issues and Confucian scriptures: Is Confucianism incompatible with gender equality in South Korea?" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 71, no. 2 (June 2008): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x08000578.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractKorean Confucianism has been described as “the enemy of feminism”: feminists often argue that Confucianism is the source of the patriarchal society. Feminist scholars have produced significant works about Confucianism's role in preserving the idea of women's subordination to men; they argue that the idea of men's superiority to women is embedded in Confucian philosophy. In this article I will examine whether Confucian philosophy is responsible for women's subordination to men in such Confucian texts as Naehun, The Book of Change, The Book of Poetry, and The Analects. Naehun was written by the mother of King Sǒngjong in 1475, for the purpose of the Confucian education of Korean women; I will look also at other, related, Confucian texts used for Korean women's education. Confucian classics such as The Book of Change, The Book of Poetry and Confucian Analects will be included in the analysis to investigate whether Confucianism legitimizes women's subordination tomen. In the analysis of these Confucian classics, I will focus on the ongoing debate between scholars of Confucianism and feminism in Korea today.
23
Eko Putro, Moh Zaenal Abidin. "Confucian’s Revival and a Newly Established Confucian Institution in Purwokerto." Analisa: Journal of Social Science and Religion 6, no. 01 (July 30, 2021): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.18784/analisa.v6i01.1244.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Two decades after the abolishment of the banning of Chinese cultural expression publicly in Indonesia’ Post-Reformasi, studies on the institutionalization of Indonesian Chinese including Confucians in Indonesia seem to have been very few if it compared with that of Indonesian Chinese’ freedom expression and state perceived Confucians in general. This paper portrays the revival of Confucians in Indonesia happened in Purwokerto City (Banyumas), Central Java of Indonesia, by looking at the establishment of a new Confucian organization, namely Perkumpulan Rohaniwan Agama Khonghucu Indonesia (Parakhin, or Association for Confucianism clerics in Indonesia). Based on a qualitative research, this paper explores the narration behind the establishment of Parakhin. The paper shows that the democratic society and democratic climate of Indonesia enable any society including Confucian to align with the freedom of expression albeit potentially violating the essential concept, that is loyalty and filial piety that are very salient in Confucianism.
24
Angle, Stephen C. "Confucian Leadership Meets Confucian Democracy." Journal of Social and Political Philosophy 1, no. 2 (August 2022): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jspp.2022.0021.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Confucian democrats hold that the roles of Confucian political leaders must be rethought, just as the modern Confucian polity must shift from a monarchy to a constitutional democracy. This does not mean that modern Confucians must turn their backs on traditional Confucian views of leadership, however: the key traditional insights are still important, although to some degree they take on new significance in the new context of modern democratic Confucianism. Drawing on recent work by Joseph Chan and Elton Chan, I begin by outlining a traditional Confucian view of the ‘inspirational’ leader. Next, I unpack and then critique Jiwei Ci’s argument that Confucian leadership rests on an ‘identification model’ of agency that is incompatible with democracy. Third, I build on some of the argument from my book Contemporary Confucian Political Philosophy: Toward Progressive Confucianism to the effect that modern Confucians need to resolve a tension within traditional Confucianism by embracing a person-based democracy instead of mass-based authoritarianism. Finally, I conclude by making explicit why Confucian democracies still need leaders playing roles that are very much in the spirit of traditional Confucian leadership.
25
Hwang Kap Youn. "Classical Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism." Journal of Eastern Philosophy ll, no. 50 (May 2007): 39–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17299/tsep..50.200705.39.
Повний текст джерела
26
Phuc, Vu Truc, Ho Ngoc Minh, and Tran Quang Canh. "The Existence of Confucianism in spousal relationship nowadays." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 4, no. 3 (September 20, 2020): First. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v4i3.569.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Confucianism promotes "Fuchangfusui (Phu xướng phụ tùy)" which means "A wive must obey everything her husband says''. In Vietnam, the concept of husband and wife relationship is not exactly the same as "Fuchangfusui" initiated by Confucius. Culturally, Vietnam belongs to the group of countries influenced by Confucianism. However, since the feudal period, Vietnamese Confucianists have had many progressive views to affirm the position of wife towards her husband and towards her family. Husband and wife relationship in Vietnam has gained focus on obligations and responsibilities of both husband and wife with the notion that "Women handle household chores, men take care of work outside". This article examines the existence of the Confucianism in husband and wife relationship in Vietnam today. The authors made a comparison between the husband's and the wife's rights of making decisions related to economy and other decision-making rights as well, using descriptive statistical analysis, Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) and Generalized Method of Moments (GMM); for this, the authors set up a system of equations and at the same time, to evaluate the extent to which Confucianism elements exist in husband and wife relationship in Vietnam today. The analysis results show that Confucianism still influences and affects family relationship, but its impacts and influences in the era of integration are blurred, not as profound as in feudal times or in the first half of the twentieth century. In other words, the existence of Confucianism still exerts its impacts on a majority of Vietnamese families in terms of husband and wife relationship. However, the perception of family members' standards of behaviors has changed due to the influences of modern industrial society.
27
Deng, Jun, and Craig A. Smith. "The rise of New Confucianism and the return of spirituality to politics in mainland China." China Information 32, no. 2 (March 10, 2018): 294–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18764041.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the past two decades, the revival of New Confucianism in mainland China has accelerated and become a crucial component of the intellectual public sphere. New Confucians have appeared alongside the larger groups of liberals and the New Left, often developing in dialogue or contrast with these intellectual neighbours. As part of the series of research dialogues on mapping the intellectual public sphere in China, this article examines recent discourse from New Confucian intellectuals, particularly dialogue with liberals and the New Left, to highlight the major debates and leading figures that define the cultural nationalist movement of Mainland New Confucianism. We show that, despite the immense difficulty of finding power as a minority voice in contemporary China, an integration of the religious and political dimensions of Confucianism in mainstream Chinese social, political, and intellectual culture remains the primary ideal that fuels and unites these intellectuals in the 2010s.
28
Liang, Hong. "Gibt es eine konfuzianische Zivilität?" Evangelische Theologie 76, no. 5 (October 1, 2016): 378–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2016-0510.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe article discusses the concept of a Confucian religion, which Jiang Qing - one of today’s most famous and controversial Confucians - advances against the rapid growth of Christianity in China. More specifically, the article analyses the movement of Confucian Child Education, which has been initiated through the Yidan School in Beijing since 2000 and the Qufu Church Controversy from 2010. An analysis of those two cases allows us to understand Jiang Qing’s self-understanding of the competitive relationship between Confucianism and Christianity, and explains how he thinks Confucianism can turn from a state ideology into a civil society movement.
29
Gu, Saiyu, and Haowen Liu. "Crafting a Confucian Culture in Chinese Corporations: A Case Study of Guangzhou Borche." Athens Journal of Business & Economics 7, no. 4 (June 23, 2021): 305–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajbe.7-4-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Corporate culture is an important source of enterprise’s soft power. Confucianism, which has been regarded as official teaching over a thousand years, manifests its profound values in modern management and is adopted by a number of private companies in China. This paper employs a case study method, concentrating on the development of Borche - a private enterprise in Guangzhou. Data and other information were collected from interviews, open reports and historical records and got ensured by triangulation verification. It seeks to explain how the Confucianism got internalized as part of a corporate culture and serves us its management guideline. The result demonstrates that the internalization of Confucian values in a corporation will go through three stages: cultural identity, identity strengthening and spontaneous order. Confucianism’s corporate culture is reflected in four aspects: of spirit, institution, behavior, and matter. The cultural infiltration mechanism is thus created. Keywords: corporate culture, Confucianism, cultural internalization mechanism, culture evolution
30
Taylor, Rodney, and Gary Arbuckle. "Confucianism." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (May 1995): 347–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058740.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Study of the confucian tradition is dominated by historical and philosophical approaches. Religion and spirituality have been neglected with a consistency that would be admirable if it had been used to better ends—one need only remember James Legge's comment on the amount of religious material contained in the Records of Ritual (c. 4th–1st century b.c.), and then reflect on how little work has been done on this material since he published what remains the only English translation of the Records since the late 19th century. Because the accepted frame for the portrait of the Master and his disciples has long been defined in intellectual, or at most ethical, terms, anything that fell outside that frame has been left to gather dust in outer darkness. Confucius, his teachings, and his followers were characterized as agnostic; and once their religious beliefs had been defined as undefined, they could in good conscience be left unresearched.
31
Oldstone-Moore, Jennifer. "Confucianism." International Journal of Philosophical Studies 20, no. 2 (May 2012): 294–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672559.2011.634235.
Повний текст джерела
32
Wonsik Hong. "CONFUCIANISM, KOREAN CONFUCIANISM AND ECOLOGICAL DISCOURSE." Acta Koreana 14, no. 2 (December 2011): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18399/acta.2011.14.2.002.
Повний текст джерела
33
Gao (高華平), Huaping. "On the Mohist Critique of Other Pre-Qin Schools of Philosophy." Journal of Chinese Humanities 7, no. 1-2 (December 9, 2021): 52–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340108.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Mohism was the first ideology in the pre-Qin period to engage in open critique. Although it shared a common origin with Confucianism, Mohists criticized Confucianism by claiming that “in the teaching of the Confucians there are four elements sufficient to ruin the empire.” Later students of Mohism went so far as to launch personal attacks against Confucius, the founder of Confucianism. Mohist discourse on the concepts of “universal love,” “exalting worthiness,” “reverence for ghosts,” and “opposition to fatalism” mostly aimed at criticizing the philosopher Yang Zhu, especially his concepts of “action in one’s self-interest,” “not exalting worthiness,” “disbelief in ghosts,” and “resting content in the dispositions of one’s inborn nature.” Although, at the time of the Mohists, the schools of thought on yin-yang, diplomacy, legalism, names or logic, agriculture, and syncretism had not officially formed, some of their concepts and ideologies had already begun to emerge. As a result, the Mozi contains many criticisms of them.
34
Yun, Eun Gee. "Administrative system and culture in East Asia, Europe and the USA: a transformation of the administrative system through the mutual mixture of cultures in Korea." International Review of Administrative Sciences 72, no. 4 (December 2006): 493–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852306070080.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article explains the network and relationship between culture and administrative system in East Asia, Europe and the USA. The cultures of individualism in the USA, social contract-oriented collectivism in Nordic countries and Confucianism in Korea have an important effect on the formation of the administrative system of pluralist government in the USA, societal corporatism in Nordic countries, and state corporatism in Korea, respectively. The development of the administrative system can be accomplished by the advancement of administrative culture regardless of state corporatism, societal corporatism or pluralism. A sound administrative structure entails the growth of sound administrative culture, which involves anti-corruption, solidarity, trust and accountability in the advanced liberal and corporate states. In the process of the development of administrative culture, contemporary Confucians express a unity between Confucianism and liberalism to show the principle of an admixture between different administrative cultures. Contemporary Confucianism offers ways of changing traditional administrative culture in Korea.
35
Yang, Mei. "Liberty in Harmony: An Integration of Confucian Harmony and Liberalism in Contemporary China." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2015-0008.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract As the mainstream ideology, Confucian harmony deeply influences ways of thinking and social life in the East. Contemporary China has experienced quite a radical change since the Xīnhài Revolution in 1911. It also marked the re-examination of Confucianism, i.e. the development of New Confucianism. New Confucianism needs to encourage China to fit the modern and global context. Therefore, the revival of Confucian harmony must remake itself to fit the modern world. A certain degree of convergence between Confucian harmony and liberalism, the mainstream ideology in the West, is necessary. Personal improvement is a hotly disputed idea among Chinese Confucians and Western liberals because transformation of public ethics is closely related to transformations of the self. This paper argues the importance of integration between harmony and liberalism. What is important is to explore how each tradition can shed light on theoretical and practical issues regarding harmony between the individual and the community, rather than individual sovereignty over communal claims in ideological studies.
36
Epley, Kelly M. "Care Ethics and Confucianism: Caring through Li." Hypatia 30, no. 4 (2015): 881–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12158.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The role of li, or ritual, in Confucianism is a perceived impediment to interpreting Confucianism to share a similar ethical framework with care ethics because care ethics is a form of moral particularism. I argue that this perception is false. The form of moral particularism promoted by care ethicists does not entail the abandonment of social conventions such as li. On the contrary, providing good care often requires employing systems of readily recognizable norms in order to ensure that care is successfully communicated and completed through one's care‐giving practices. I argue that li performs this communicative function well and that the early Confucians recommend breaching li precisely when its efficacy in performing this function is compromised.
37
Yang, Huiming. "Tracing the Pathways: The Geographical Evolution of Confucian Culture in East Asia." Communications in Humanities Research 37, no. 1 (May 31, 2024): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/37/20240133.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Confucianism emerged during significant social and political upheaval in ancient China, known as the Eastern Zhou period (770256 BCE). The teachings of Confucius (Kong Fuzi or Kongzi) laid the foundation for this philosophical tradition, emphasizing moral values, proper conduct, and cultivating virtues. Confucianism, a philosophical and ethical system originating from ancient China, has exerted a profound influence not only within China but also across East Asia. Since its inception, Confucianism has undergone various transformations and adaptations, influenced by historical events, cultural exchanges, and geographical conditions. The study investigates the geographical evolution of Confucian culture in East Asia to understand its regional dynamics over time better. This research aims to unravel the complex interplay between geographical factors and the development of Confucian thought in diverse regional contexts in East Asia. By adopting a multidisciplinary approach, drawing on fields such as history, geography, anthropology, and philosophy, this study demonstrates that geographical features, such as terrain, climate, and proximity to other cultures, have shaped the adaptation and transformation of Confucianism in different regions. Additionally, the research examines how Confucian values and practices have been integrated into local cultures and societies, exploring the variations and commonalities across various geographical settings. Ultimately, this investigation contributes to a deeper understanding of the dynamic relationship between geography and cultural evolution, with implications for our understanding of Confucianism's enduring significance globally.
38
Hsu, Leo, and Jesùs Ilundáin-Agurruza. "On the Compatibility Between Confucianism and Modern Olympism." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 43, no. 1-2 (March 3, 2016): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0430102010.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the confluence between Modern Olympism and Confucian teachings—nowadays embodied and expressed in East Asian Confucianisms—there are meaningful overlaps, significant challenges, and opportunities. This paper examines these. Despite radically different origins and apparently incommensurate tenets, we should not assume that the underlying ideals of Modern Olympism and East Asian Confucianisms cannot benefit mutually. It is precisely when considering their putative weak points, such as Modern Olympism’s soft metaphysics or vague ethics or Confucianism’s bias against physical activity or gender, that we find educational opportunities (character education, harmony) that make contributions to a universal humanistic sport education.
39
Tu (杜維明), Weiming. "Mencius, Xunzi, and the Third Stage of Confucianism." Journal of Chinese Humanities 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340087.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract According to Karl Jaspers’s theory of the Axial age, many important cultures in the world experienced a “transcendental breakthrough” between 800 and 200 BCE; no more transformations occurred until Martin Luther’s Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century, which eventually ushered in the modern era. The implication of this theory is that only the West had a second cultural breakthrough, thus rendering moot the discussion of a third Confucian epoch. But, in reality, Confucianism had a second breakthrough during the Song—Ming period (tenth to seventeenth centuries) and spread from China to East Asia; this new form of Confucianism is called “neo-Confucianism” by Western scholars. The third Confucian epoch is a forward-looking concept that uses the lexicon of Western science and democracy to trace Confucianism’s philosophical transformation from a Chinese tradition into a part of world culture, and the integration of Mencian and Xunzian thought has to be treated in this light. Faced with Western cultural challenges, modern Confucianism has broken new ground in many ways. Mou Zongsan 牟宗三 is Mencian (as represented by Lu Xiangshan 陸象山, Wang Yangming 王陽明, and Liu Jishan 劉蕺山) in spirit and Xunzian (as represented by Zhu Xi 朱熹) in practice. Li Zehou 李澤厚, by contrast, exhorts us to talk the Mencian talk but walk the Xunzian walk; this contradictory stratagem, which he thinks will lead to a brighter and healthier future, only accentuates the power of Mencius 孟子 as a philosopher of the mind. Mencius and Xunzi 荀子 are very important in a modern deconstruction of Confucianism and the integration of their thought may very well become the impetus for another transcendental breakthrough. Is integration possible? How should they be integrated? We await the results of Confucian scholars’ open-minded explorations.
40
Kaplan, Uri. "Protestant Confucianism: Kang Youwei’s Influence in Korea." Numen 67, no. 4 (June 4, 2020): 347–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341587.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The impact of Kang Youwei’s Confucius-church movement has not been limited to China proper. Korean intellectuals in the early 20th century had been in contact with Kang and his students, set up affiliated institutions in their homeland, and authored creative manifestos on the reformation of Confucianism. This article surveys the reform proposals of four representative Korean Confucians and analyzes their support of, and negotiations with, Kang’s Confucius religion. It illustrates how some Korean reformers chose to adopt only Kang’s “state-protecting Confucianism” or join the movement in form but not in content, while others embraced his vision more fully, depicting their own perennial versions of the Great Unity, and developing original formats of Confucian religious practice. These proposals highlight the remarkable ways in which Protestantism served as a central model for the Confucian religious reforms of the early 20th century.
41
Lim, Sugiato. "Analysis of Indonesia Confucians Understanding Towards Religious Doctrines and Ordinances in Confucianism." Humaniora 4, no. 2 (October 31, 2013): 1297. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v4i2.3573.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
To a great extent, daily life of Indonesia Chinese community is filled with religious overtones. This paper basically analyzes the understanding of Indonesia Confucians towards their religion. The first part of this paper will be discussing about the general definition of religion and its religious elements. The second part will analyze the understanding of Indonesia Confucians towards their religious doctrines and ordinances respectively. In conclusion, overview regarding Indonesia Confucians and a special historical background of Indonesia Confucianism, which consists of its formation and development as a legal religion in line with Indonesia national conditions, social conditions and characteristic, will be presented.
42
HSIEH, Chih Wei. "轉變與堅持: 回應婚姻與家庭觀念的改變". International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 16, № 2 (1 січня 2018): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.161644.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract in English only.As the cornerstone of today’s pro-same-sex-marriage rhetoric, Western Liberalism is often placed in opposition to Christianity and Confucianism. Under a fashionable preference for liberal values, Christianity and Confucianism’s adaptation to the modern value of gender equality has been under-valued. Gender neutrality remains controversial in Christianity and Confucianism because distinct gender roles serve to maintain morality. Further, the shortcomings of liberally oriented family values and the danger of favoringindividuality over social norms are often undiscussed. This article aims to remind readers that rights ought to be balanced with morality, and that traditional values can still serve our present age, even in the face of change.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 351 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.
43
WANG, Zhanyu, та Fei LIANG. "從福山對儒家思想的認識看儒家倫理學的世界前景". International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 18, № 2 (1 січня 2020): 141–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.181707.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract in English only.Countries and ethnic groups with a Confucian cultural background have performed well during the pandemic. This comparative advantage will inspire efforts to Confucianize ethics. Fukuyama believes that Confucianism as a whole is a defense of authoritarianism but does not pose a major obstacle to liberal democracy, with which it is even compatible in some respects. However, Fukuyama believes that countries led by Confucianism may suffer from disadvantages such as low social capital. Through Fukuyama, the Western opinion leader, we can see the status of Confucian ethics in the spectrum of Western ethics, but there is still a long way to go for Confucian ethics to gain greater recognition worldwide.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 5 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.
44
Huang, Yong. "Neo-Confucian Hermeneutics at Work:Cheng Yi's Philosophical Interpretation of Analects 8.9 and 17.3." Harvard Theological Review 101, no. 2 (April 2008): 169–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816008001776.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this article, I discuss the Song 宋 Neo-Confucian Cheng Yi's 程頤 (1033–1107) interpretation of two related controversial passages in the Analects, the recorded sayings of Confucius. The term “neo-Confucianism” was coined by Western scholars to refer to the Confucianism of the period from the Song dynasty to the Ming 明 dynasty (and sometimes through the Qing 清 dynasty). Among Chinese scholars, neo-Confucianism is most commonly referred to as the Learning of Principle (li xue 理學). Although before Cheng Yi and his brother Cheng Hao 程顥 (1032–1085) there were three other philosophers who are normally also regarded as neo-Confucians— Shao Yong 邵雍 (1011–1077), Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤 (1017–1073), and Zhang Zai 張載 (1020–1077)—we can justifiably regard the Cheng brothers as the real founders of neo-Confucianism in the sense that principle becomes the essential philosophical concept for the first time in their works. There is no consensus among scholars as to the relationship between the philosophies of these two brothers. The traditional view regards them as substantially different due to the two different schools of neo-Confucianism that developed from their teachings, the realistic school synthesized by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) from the teachings of Cheng Yi and the idealist school culminating in Wang Yangming 王陽明 (1472–1529) from the teachings of ChengHao. I, however, tend to think that the philosophical positions of the two brothers are largely similar. Unfortunately, since Cheng Hao did not live as long as Cheng Yi, there is insufficient material to create a systematic picture of his view of the Analects passages with which this article will deal.
45
MIN, Byounghee. "The Integration of Medicine and Confucianism in the Late Yuan Period: Focusing on Neo-Confucian Physician Zhu Zhenheng." Korean Journal of Medical History 32, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 1075–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2023.32.1075.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Zhu Zhenheng, the last generation and sole representative from Southern China among the four masters of Jin-Yuan medicine, synthesized the evolution of Chinese medicine from the Song to the Yuan dynasties, profoundly impacting East Asian medical history. Zhu, identified as a Neo-Confucian scholar, appears in the <i>Scholarly Records of the Song-Yuan Dynasties</i> and in ‘the Biographies of Confucians’ rather than ‘the Biographies of Experts’ in the <i>Official History of the Yuan Dynasty</i>. His close association with the Jinhua school of Daoxue is noteworthy. Zhu’s career, as well as his medical theory and practice, exemplify the influence of Zhu Xi’s Neo-Confucianism, which was a significant intellectual resource among the literati during the late Yuan period, on medicine. Zhu Zhenheng’s model of a Confucian physician later became a paradigm in East Asia, as Neo-Confucianism gained mainstream acceptance among the literati. This paper offers a detailed exploration of the specific contexts of Zhu’s social and intellectual networks as well as an examination of the characteristics of his medical theories and practices. It explores how Zhu’s career and identity as a Neo-Confucian physician were shaped through the local and empire-wide networks of the Jinhua school of Neo-Confucianism within the broader context of the Mongol empire, a global power in the late Yuan period. The paper also examines in depth how Zhu’s medical practices were influenced by Neo-Confucianism, and it investigates the real nature and significance of the integration of medicine and Neo-Confucianism, two distinctly different realms of knowledge. Zhu Zhenheng’s medical theories were formed through concerns about <i>jufang</i> medicine and the active presentation of alternatives. A notable aspect of his integration of medicine and Confucianism was the adoption of Neo-Confucian terminologies, concepts, and philosophical and ethical theses, while ensuring that the unique and independent domain of medicine was not subordinated to abstract philosophical theories. This is especially evident through his active and effective use of medical cases. Unlike previous studies, this paper demonstrates that Zhu Zhenheng’s integration of medicine and Neo-Confucianism was mostly a metalevel process, involving methodology and knowledge reproduction patterns, and was driven by a belief in the possibility of harmonizing with Daoxue’s ultimate principle without undermining the autonomy of medical knowledge.
46
Degui, Cai. "American Confucianism." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 32, no. 1 (February 19, 2005): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-03201009.
Повний текст джерела
47
Holcombe, Charles. "Ritsuryo Confucianism." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 57, no. 2 (December 1997): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2719487.
Повний текст джерела
48
Huang, Yong. "Taiwanese Confucianism." Contemporary Chinese Thought 41, no. 1 (October 2009): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/csp1097-1467410100.
Повний текст джерела
49
DEGUI, CAI. "AMERICAN CONFUCIANISM." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 32, no. 1 (March 2005): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6253.2005.00179.x.
Повний текст джерела
50
Chau, P. L., and W. Y. Chau. "Confucianism oversimplified." Nature 385, no. 6612 (January 1997): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/385110a0.
Повний текст джерела