Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: Competitive regionalism.
Статті в журналах з теми "Competitive regionalism"
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся з топ-50 статей у журналах для дослідження на тему "Competitive regionalism".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Переглядайте статті в журналах для різних дисциплін та оформлюйте правильно вашу бібліографію.
1
Baldi, Brunetta. "Il federalismo competitivo: l'Italia in prospettiva comparata." TEORIA POLITICA, no. 2 (October 2009): 95–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tp2009-002005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
- The article analyses the most recent reforms of Italian regionalism using the theory of competitive federalism as opposed to cooperative federalism. Although new competitive dynamics are developing with main reference to asymmetrical regionalism and fiscal federalism, the article shows the coexistence of competitive and cooperative institutional arrangements. Taking a comparative perspective the case of Italy portrays similarities to those of Germany and Spain: German cooperative federalism is more and more challenged by the developing of competitive dynamics between the Western and Eastern Länder as well as Spanish competitive regionalism is opening up to intergovernmental cooperation to assure policy coordination. As a whole the article provides an analytical framework to guide future empirical research.
2
Veremeev, Nikolay. "Asia-Pacific in Times of Competitive Regionalism." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 14, no. 2 (45) (June 30, 2016): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2016.14.2.45/7.
Повний текст джерела
3
Friyia, Dan. "Competitive regionalism in the superior east region." Papers in Canadian Economic Development 8 (May 21, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/pced.v8i0.32.
Повний текст джерела
4
Laryea, Emmanuel T. "The Globalisation versus Regionalism Debate." Global Journal of Comparative Law 2, no. 2 (2013): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211906x-00202003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Globalisation has intensified competition between countries and businesses for resources, investments, markets and profits. Participants seek whatever competitive edge they can identify to their advantage. In recent decades, countries have sought to use international economic agreements (IEAs) as a method of accentuating their competitiveness. IEAs seek to confer on the contracting countries unique advantages to the exclusion of others. The practice has proliferated remarkably since the 1990s. Some scholars have decried the trend, arguing that it is inhibitive of aspirations for globalised (or multilateralised) regimes that apply uniformly across all countries. This article argues that while regionalism has the potential to impede globalisation of laws in some areas, it can facilitate globalisation in others. For instance, a global legal regime for international investment may be evolving from bilateral and regional treaties, and regional implementation of international legal instruments (ILIs) may hasten global international commercial laws.
5
Savitch, H. V., and Sarin Adhikari. "Fragmented Regionalism." Urban Affairs Review 53, no. 2 (August 3, 2016): 381–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416630626.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article addresses the extent to which metropolitan regions have continued to fragment and grown more disparate. We ask, why have comprehensive institutions not taken root to mitigate metropolitan fragmentation and how can we better understand its persistence? We call attention to the insufficiently understood and integrative role of public authorities as functional for fragmented metropolises and their continued splintering. That functionality is explained by a “regional paradox,” which states that centrifugal forces from autonomous, competitive local governments push against metropolitan integration while centripetal pressures for regional policy coherence pull toward it. The result is the embodiment of both tendencies in what we call fragmented regionalism—a condition where local autonomy is largely left intact while public authorities are able to manage selective regional pressures. We find that metropolitan regions have become more fragmented and more unequal. This pattern is concomitant with public authority spending, which has favored the most advantaged metropolises.
6
Horan, Cynthia. "The Politics of Competitive Regionalism in Greater Boston." Journal of Urban Affairs 31, no. 3 (August 2009): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2009.00463.x.
Повний текст джерела
7
Burroni, Luigi. "Competitive regionalism and the territorial governance of uncertainty." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 20, no. 1 (February 2014): 83–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258913515159.
Повний текст джерела
8
Ward, Kevin, and Andrew E. G. Jonas. "Competitive City-Regionalism as a Politics of Space: A Critical Reinterpretation of the New Regionalism." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 36, no. 12 (December 2004): 2119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a36223.
Повний текст джерела
9
Wachsmuth, David. "Competitive multi-city regionalism: growth politics beyond the growth machine." Regional Studies 51, no. 4 (September 26, 2016): 643–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343404.2016.1223840.
Повний текст джерела
10
Choiruzzad, Shofwan Al Banna. "ASEAN in the Age of Anti-Globalization: Compartmentalized Regionalism(s) and Three Trajectories." IKAT : The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v1i1.27464.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay attempts to examine the prospect of ASEAN integration in the age of anti-globalization by understanding ASEAN as a compartmentalized regionalism. It argues that discussions on the prospect of ASEAN are actually discussions on the trajectories of two separate regional projects: economic regionalism and political security regionalism. It must be noted that we often have difficulties separating the two because their evolution has so far been marked by centripetal movement towards liberal tradition in the two regional projects. However, since we are entering the age of anti-globalization, this is changing. To make an educated guess on the future of ASEAN regionalism(s), I argue that we should focus our attention to three main indicators: (1) Structural: will the international system be cooperative or competitive multipolar system? (2) National elite orientation: will the liberal elites and technocracy in ASEAN countries remain liberal, or will nationalist elites take charge?; and (3) Public sentiment: how big is the positive or negative sentiment towards economic liberalization?
11
Nazukina, Mariya V. "SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF RUSSIAN SUBNATIONAL REGIONALISM: THE EXAMPLE OF COMPETITIVE PRACTICES." Ars Administrandi (Искусство управления) 11, no. 4 (2019): 532–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-9173-2019-4-532-550.
Повний текст джерела
12
Corning, Gregory P. "Trade Regionalism in a Realist East Asia: Rival Visions and Competitive Bilateralism." Asian Perspective 35, no. 2 (2011): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apr.2011.0009.
Повний текст джерела
13
Mendez-Naya, Jose, and Tomas Gomez-Arias. "Export Subsidies and Customs Unions." Journal of International Business and Economy 9, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51240/jibe.2008.2.3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper explores how the formation of customs unions affects the argument for export subsidies in imperfectly competitive international markets. It is shown that the existence of customs unions may eliminate the incentive for their members to subsidize exports as customs unions grow larger. Therefore, it can be affirmed that regionalism and multilateralism are complementary processes.
14
Yeo, Lay Hwee. "Singapore’s Policy in the Asia-Pacific: ASEAN and Open Regionalism." Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0012.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractSingapore’s policies and approach towards the Asia-Pacific region are guided by conservative pragmatism dictated by two imperatives—the geographical constraints of a small city state without a hinterland or natural resources, and the constant need to stay economically competitive and politically relevant in order to survive and thrive. This chapter begins with an overview of the historical development of Singapore and then zooms in to focus on its foreign policy thinking and development approach and examines how these then translate into actual policy and posturing in its immediate neighbourhood and the broader Asia-Pacific region.
15
Henderson, Steven. "Competitive sub-metropolitan regionalism: Local government collaboration and advocacy in northern Melbourne, Australia." Urban Studies 55, no. 13 (October 26, 2017): 2863–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098017726737.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In contrast with attention to city-regions as motors of the global economy, alternative perspectives indicate the rising complexity of metropolitan forms. The coherency of city-regions, their management and the intensity of political benefits from outwardly radiating opportunities can therefore be considered problematic. Symbolic of this complexity is the emergence of sub-metropolitan regions, or sub-regions within city-regions, that seek to better position themselves within global economic flows and public-sector funding allocations. Careful assessment is necessary as place-based factors, including multi-level government structures and prevailing inter-government relations, shape resulting regional governance formations. In the Australian context, the significance of the state government level and a dearth of commentary on local government advocacy are highlighted. Within expansive Melbourne, regional wedge-based forms of collaboration involving local councils are identified, some having historical equivalents and overlapping regional governance structures. Specific attention is directed towards northern Melbourne where seven local councils forged a regional collaborative approach in the early 2010s after reflecting upon local and regional experiences and the achievements of other metropolitan and Victorian regions. A ratcheting upwards of advocacy endeavours is identified as symbolised by government delegations, advocacy documents, connections between regional governance structures and deliberation over how advocacy can be made more impactful. Future research priorities include comparative investigations to better document and conceptualise local and regional advocacy approaches and experiences, plus analysis of the counterstrategies designed by higher government levels to manage competing sub-metropolitan regions.
16
van den Berghe, Douglas, and Rob van Tulder. "The Geography of Foreign Direct Investment: A Tripartite Framework." Journal of International Business and Economy 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2002): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.51240/jibe.2002.1.1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Patterns in Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) over the 1990s reveal three internationalization strategies: classic internationalization, emerging internationalization and competitive internationalization. The evolving tripartite framework enables to position internationalization strategies, FDI theories and, a number of emerging issues related to FDI and globalization in their geographical context. The three internationalization strategies simultaneously shape, although not necessarily to the same extent, nor in a similar fashion, current globalization. Driven by ‘regionalism’ among homogeneous blocks (in particular among the European Union member states and between the EU and the United States) ‘competitive internationalization’ is arguably the most salient feature of globalization at the end of the 20th century.
17
Vainer, Carlos B. "Planejamento territorial e projeto nacional: os desafios da fragmentação." Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais 9, no. 1 (May 31, 2007): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22296/2317-1529.2007v9n1p9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A história recente do planejamento territorial no Brasil poderia ser narrada como uma trajetória continuada, embora não linear, de desconstituição – política, intelectual e institucional. Este processo é resultado e fator de aceleração do processo de fragmentação territorial que desafia todos os que se preocupam com a necessidade de um projeto nacional digno desta abrangência. O presente trabalho busca identificar e analisar os principais vetores do processo de fragmentação, a saber: grandes projetos de investimento (GPIs), neo-localismo competitivo e o velho regionalismo, com suas redes de clientela-patronagem. Em seguida, são examinados rapidamente os referentes teórico-conceituais dos GPIs e, em particular, do neo-localismo competitivo, que constitui hoje a principal receita distribuída aos países periféricos e dependentes por agências multilaterais e consultores internacionais. Ao final, busca-se explorar em que medida estariam emergindo no processo social contemporâneo tendências e forças capazes de neutralizarem os vetores da fragmentação e conduzirem um projeto nacional, no qual, necessariamente, o planejamento territorial deverá ocupar lugar central. Palavras-chave: projeto nacional; planejamento territorial; neo-localismo; grandes projetos de investimento. Abstract: The recent history of Brazilian territorial planning can be described as a continuous although not linear process of its political deconstruction. This fact results from the territorial fragmentation of the country itself, defying all those that are concerned with a national development project. The article aims at identifying and analysing the main factors of this process: huge investment projects, competitive neo-localism and old regionalism, with its patrimonialistic networks. Are also examined the theoretical references of the huge investment projects and, particularly, the competitive neo-localism, considered as the main model diffused through dependent economies by multilateral agencies and international consultants. Finally, are discussed some emerging trends that seem able to neutralize the vectors of fragmentation, leading to a national project in which territorial planning should have a central role. Keywords: national development project; territorial planning; neo-localism; huge investment projects.
18
Choi,Chung-Ho. "Sino-Japanese Relations in the Context of East Asian Regionalism: towards the Competitive Collaboration." 21st centry Political Science Review 17, no. 1 (May 2007): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.17.1.200705.213.
Повний текст джерела
19
Hwang, Ki-Sik. "Trends and Responses of CPTPP in East Asian Regional Order." Korean Association of Area Studies 40, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.40.2.1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Economic growth in major East Asian countries is increasing confidence in their geological potential. CPTPP membership requires a strategic approach to predict not only economic effects but also political and diplomatic ripple effects in the competition to lead the order of the Indo-Pacific region and the norms of new multilateral trade agreements. This study aims to analyze the trends of the economic community in East Asia, which is forming a multilateral trade system amid further spread of protectionism and strengthening regionalism due to the competitive trade environment between the U.S. and China, and present Korea's CPTPP response strategy. Korea needs a thorough strategy to join CCTPP considering the strengthening of the concept of 'security' in the Asia-Pacific region's multi-layered regional trade register, the competition of major countries to become norms in the new economic community at the GVC level, and the possibility of changes in CCTPP due to the emergence of IPEF.
20
Borzel, Tanja A. "From Competitive Regionalism to Cooperative Federalism: The Europeanization of the Spanish State of the Autonomies." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 2 (2000): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331086.
Повний текст джерела
21
Borzel, T. A. "From Competitive Regionalism to Cooperative Federalism: The Europeanization of the Spanish State of the Autonomies." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 30, no. 2 (January 1, 2000): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a030083.
Повний текст джерела
22
Guerrieri, Paolo, and Denise Dimon. "The Trade Regionalism of the United States and the European Union: Cooperative or Competitive Strategies?" International Trade Journal 20, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08853900600620050.
Повний текст джерела
23
Feinberg, Richard E. "Regionalism and Domestic Politics: U.S.-Latin American Trade Policy in the Bush Era." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 04 (2002): 127–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00225.x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract With remarkable success, Latin Americans have sought to impose their free trade policy agenda on a very reluctant and internally fractious United States. They have an ally in President George W. Bush, whose senior appointments notably support hemispheric trade integration even as political pressures sometimes have yielded protectionist outcomes. Bush's trade negotiator, Robert Zoellick, pursues a doctrine of competitive liberalization while accepting some linkage between trade and social and political goals. In negotiating the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), the administration will have to balance many domestic pressures without alienating Latin America. Ultimately, FTAA ratification will signal a new Western Hemisphere economic-security alliance for the twenty-first century.
24
Tulchinsky, Rostislav. "CATEGORIAL AND CONCEPTUAL APPARATUS OF NEW REGIONALISM FORMATION." Economic Analysis, no. 27(4) (2017): 111–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/econa2017.04.111.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Introduction. The process of a new regionalism formation in Ukraine has become the subject of the study. Its conceptual and categorical apparatus has been determined. Purpose. The article aims to ground the author's interpretation of the concept "regionalization" on the basis of analysis of the "regionalization" concept which is provided by researchers of various scientific schools and their critical analysis. It will help to clarify the categorical and conceptual apparatus of a new regionalism. Method. The author has used general scientific methods of research and specific methods of scientific knowledge. In particular, there have been used the monographic method and the method of generalizations (to make the comparison of concepts regionalization); the method of analysis and synthesis (to determine the most important essential factors of the "regionalization" concept). Results. The results of analysis of essence interpretation of the «regionalization» concept make it possible to come to the following conclusions. In terms of spatial and territorial aspects regionalization has three forms: first form is the so-called "regionalization – from the top" (when within the state the regions with administrative boundaries are determined); second form is the so-called "regionalization – from the bottom" (when within the already formed administrative schematization the region can be separated; third form is the so-called "regionalization – horizontal" (when the associations of the regions are formed or those can be the cross-border regions and units). Regionalization is often associated with new spatial and territorial entities at different levels in order to obtain competitive advantages in the context of the formation of an information society. Regionalization is considered as a mechanism of regional social and economic policy, a variety of innovation activities, and the emergence of interstate relations; as a process of institutional change, territorial division, regionalism, decentralization, the choice of a political course. It has been found out that regionalization, in our opinion, is primarily a certain process, which is confirmed by the discourse on the essence of this concept, which is based on the principle of subsidiarity and decentralization of authority. Scope of results. It has been provided the author's interpretation of the "regionalization" essence as a multidimensional process of increasing autonomy and increasing the importance of regions at the level of different territorial entities, which is accompanied by institutional changes, can contribute to the clarification of the conceptual and categorical apparatus of a new regionalism theory.
25
Isobchuk, Mariya. "FRAGMENTATION OF REGIONALISM AS A FACTOR OF ITS DYNAMICS." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 14, no. 3 (2020): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2020-3-35-45.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The emergence of new arenas of representation in the context of increasing European integration and the complexity of a multilevel management system leads to qualitative changes in regionalist parties. Transforming from “niche” parties, regionalist parties acquire a new place in regional party systems, which affects the overall electoral success of the regionalist movement. At the same time, in many cases there is a fragmentation of regionalism, in some cases, the number of regionalist parties reaches ten or more. On the other hand, the tolerance of national parties towards decentralization further enhances electoral competition in the regionalist segment. The study is intended to answer the question of how the complexity of inter-party interactions affects the electoral dynamics of regionalism. Based on two competing theories (ethnic outbidding and the theory of "nested" competition "), a hypothesis is put forward on the diversification of supply as a factor favorable for the regionalism dynamics. It finds confirmation on the empirical material of the Italian autonomies (South Tyrol, Sardinia, Valle D'Aosta). At the same time, the study shows that some factors such as internal party cohesion, the coalition policy of regionalist parties, and their government status also have a significant impact on the dynamics of regionalism.
26
Addie, Jean-Paul D. "Flying high (in the competitive sky): Conceptualizing the role of airports in global city-regions through “aero-regionalism”." Geoforum 55 (August 2014): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2014.05.006.
Повний текст джерела
27
Houngbedji, Marc. "The New Regionalism in the Developing World: Case Studies of the ASEAN Free Trade Area and the UEMOA Common Market." International Studies Review 9, no. 1 (October 8, 2008): 75–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00901004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the dynamics at regional level that have been influencing and shaping the course of regional integration processes in Southeast Asia and West Africa since the early 1990s. The winding down of the Cold War led to a revival of interest in regional arrangements elsewhere, especially in many parts of the developing world, where regional economic blocs have been emerging while efforts to strengthen the existing ones have been going on. Using the particular case studies of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (ATTA) and the UEMOA Common Market (CM), this paper argues that beyond the direct impact of the proliferation of regional blocs elsewhere and the dynamic effects of globalization, which induce tight competition for production locations, trade shares, stock market capital and foreign direct investment (FDI), the adoption, acceleration and consolidation of the AFT A and UEMOA CM schemes, mostly respond to the necessity to balance the FDI diverting effects and the growing ascent of China and Nigeria emerging as regional powers. The logic of balance-of-power and the imperious necessity to get regional and international visibility in the globalizing world induced ASEAN and UEMOA leaders to undertake important regional integrative initiatives and policies conducive to create a single and competitive regional bloc, respectively within Southeast Asia and West Africa.
28
Gromyko, Al A. "The Pandemic and the Crisis in the System of International Relations." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 13, no. 5 (November 27, 2020): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2020-13-5-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The research is focused on several key problems in the system of international relations influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is shown that the events caused by it and broadly identified as a coronacrisis have a direct impact on the world economic contradictions (pandenomica) and political ones, including the sphere of security. These particular aspects are chosen as the main objects of the research. The author contends that the factor of the pandemic has sharpened the competition between regional and global players and has increased the role of a nation- state. In the conditions of transregional deglobalisation, regionalism and “protectionism 2.0” get stronger under the banners of “strategic vulnerability” and “economic sovereignty”. A further weakening of multilateral international institutions continues. The EU endeavours to secure competitive advantages on the basis of relocalisation, industrial and digital policies and the Green Deal. The article highlights the deterioration in the relations among Russia, the US, the EU and China, the unfolding decoupling between Washington and its European allies, which stimulates the idea of the EU strategic autonomy. An urgent need for the deconfliction in Russia – NATO interaction is stated.
29
Baldeh, Pateh. "Ethno-Regionalism And Political Party Loyalty In The Gambia: A Fracture In The Newly-Found-Democracy." European Journal of Behavioral Sciences 4, no. 3 (December 20, 2021): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ejbs.v4i3.671.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article interrogates what inspires the resurgence of ethno-regional political party loyalty in contemporary Gambian politics. It explores the relationship between ethnicity/regionalism and political party affiliation and the possible impact of ethnic politics on ideal democratic ethos and development in the small West African state. The article demonstrates how people sought security to reduce the uncertainty they face in a seemingly competitive and hostile world through the invocation of firm lost values as a way to rebuild a life in which they can achieve emotional and perhaps, physical safety. The study adopts a qualitative method of data collection, using a purposive sampling technique to select a sample size of 30; it relied extensively, inter alia, on the use of primary data obtained from the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) The Gambia, and as well as secondary data sources. The study reveals that ethno-regionalism continues to influence partisan loyalty and thus electoral outcomes in The Gambia. It further reveals that the turbulent pre and immediate post-2016 Presidential election of The Gambia resulted in ethnic motivated political party loyalty, fear of violent reprisals, and accusatory rhetoric. This in a way, resulted from political elites' exploit of people's ethnic consciousness in an attempt to oust President Jammeh in 2016. The split-over effect of this continues to jeopardise the corporate existence of various identities in the country and strain efforts to build a peaceful, harmonious, and prosperous Gambia.
30
Huang, Wei-Ju. "CITY-COUNTY CONSOLIDATION AND THE (RE)CONCEPTUALISATION OF URBAN-RURAL PLANNING: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF TAICHUNG CITY AND TAINAN CITY, TAIWAN." Transactions of the Association of European Schools of Planning 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24306/traesop.2021.01.003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Taiwanese central government views city-county consolidations as an effective method to strengthen national competitiveness and to balance regional development. But for local governments, consolidation presents a series of planning challenges, especially in relation to the reconstruction of planning concepts and discourses in their new territories. Aiming to understand the process, this study first proposes a typology of regional planning concepts as a conceptual tool to explore whether and how the consolidated governments (re)construct their urban-rural planning concepts, and then it examines the factors that may influence (re)conceptualisation through a comparative study of Taichung City and Tainan City. The research results show that overemphasis on using the concept of competitive city regionalism to balance regional development at the national level may lead to a widening of rural-urban disparities at regional and local levels.
31
Kuznetsov, A. V. "Disintegration of the World Trade System: Reasons and Consequences." Finance: Theory and Practice 23, no. 5 (October 24, 2019): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2019-23-5-50-61.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents the study results of the world trade stagnation issues associated with the WTO systemic crisis. The aim of the article is to summarize the main reasons for the world trade system disintegration and to identify feasible directions for the world economic order transformation. The G20 trade-restricting measures were analyzed based on the statistical databases of the WTO and the non-governmental organization Global Trade Alert (GTA). The views of leading domestic and foreign experts on the consequences of liberalization of the world trade in goods and services were summarized. The author systematized the reasons for the world trade system disintegration, including: the US anti-globalization policy aimed at containing the PRC; counteracting unipolar globalization by the Southeast Asian nations; developed countries’ rejecting the growing participation of developing countries in redistributing global resources; inefficiency of international organizations in solving problems of global imbalances, inequality and instability of the global financial system. Structuring disintegration processes revealed its main trends: protectionism, regionalism, trans-regionalism. There were shown mechanisms to keep the US in the European Union due to companies providing professional services to European business. The author evaluated Russia and China’s competitive advantages in the production chains of the new technological structure. The areas of cooperation between Russia and the BRICS countries for realizing export potential in agriculture, aviation and nuclear industries were determined. The prospects for trade and economic relations in Eurasia are discussed in terms of changing the economic paradigm and shifting the regulation of the global economy problems to the regional level.
32
Magalhães, Felipe Nunes Coelho. "Da metrópole à cidade-região: na direção de um novo arranjo espacial metropolitano?" Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais 10, no. 2 (November 30, 2008): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.22296/2317-1529.2008v10n2p9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Este artigo tem como objetivo abordar a configuração da cidade-região – enquanto um ente geográfico em processo de fortalecimento – e os processos socioespaciais diversos que a compõem. A cidade-região é entendida como a área metropolitana mais concisa somada de seu entorno imediato, incluindo uma série de centralidades de pequeno e médio porte no alcance dos processos de metropolização. A urbanização extensiva é um processo socioespacial chave por trás da formação da cidade-região, que também se relaciona à compressão espaço-temporal presente de forma heterogênea nestas regiões urbanizadas. Privilegia-se uma perspectiva teórica acerca do tema, propondo uma morfologia da cidade-região, visando esclarecer sua relação com os processos econômico-espaciais contemporâneos (sobretudo no que diz respeito à restruturação produtiva). Dois elementos territoriais principais compõem esta extensão do tecido urbano para além das áreas metropolitanas: a exopolis e a cidade industrial pós-fordista. O regionalismo competitivo se manifesta neste contexto como uma prática hegemônica de planejamento, tanto na escala regional quanto na escala das diversas localidades inseridas neste processo.Palavras-chave: cidade-região; pós-fordismo; expansão metropolitana; urbanização extensiva; condições gerais de produção Abstract: This article summarizes a theoretical discussion on the formation of the city-region (as a privileged spatial scale) and the social spatial processes behind it. The city-region is here understood as the more concise metropolitan area added to its immediate hinterland, included as an outer ring in the reach of contemporary metropolization processes. The concept of extended urbanization is a key social spatial process behind the formation of city-regions, which also relates to the space-time compression which manifests itself heterogeneously across these urbanized regions. Two major territorial elements are at the forefront of the production of space in these areas: the exopolis and the post-fordist industrial city – and both these elements need a certain level of physical proximity to the metropolitan core. This new spatial fix inserts itself in the contemporary race towards territorial entrepreneurialism, in two major trends: a competitive regionalism, which involves city-regions competing with one another in the global scale; and with places inside these areas also inserting themselves in the strategic planning framework. Keywords: city-region; post-fordism; metropolitan expansion; extended urbanization; general conditions of production.
33
TUSSIE, DIANA. "Latin America: contrasting motivations for regional projects." Review of International Studies 35, S1 (February 2009): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050900847x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe breakdown of the North-South, East-West governing principles, and the removal of superpower overlay have led to an increasingly decentralised system setting the stage for the so called new geography of trade and the reconfiguration of political – diplomatic strategies. Such strategies now include contestation, articulation, competitive liberalisation, ample inter-state coalition building such as the G-20, G-33, G-90 in the Doha Round and the proliferation of regional and wider ranging preferential arrangements. Regionalism is both policy and project. Agreements vary widely in motivation, form, coverage and content. It is very often the case that, as in multilateral institutions, one major actor sets the agenda at the regional level with the view not only of constructing and retaining power at that level but also of setting global precedents. New balancing or bandwagoning efforts vis-à-vis the local strong power are set in motion with fresh implications for the emerging global architecture. Regional alignments are thus constantly shaping and reshaping market relations. Intra-Latin American agreements (those not including the majors, the US and the EU) were motivated by the search for wider markets building up economies of scale amongst similar countries. Such agreements mostly focused on market liberalisation through diverse schedules of tariff reduction. The result has been the emergence of shallow regional agreements. Nonetheless, most have not been fully implemented, but they show a long term trend towards potential convergence, especially if the Community of South American Nations moves on. External pressures have also spurred agreements as defensive mechanisms. So we witness impulses to regionalism complementing and at times competing with older patterns and trends. This contribution focuses on the different avenues that Latin America is undertaking in terms of regional projects. It will assess the dynamics of intra- regional integration and the inter-action effects with varieties of North-South integration.
34
Mok, Ka Ho, and Maggie Lau. "The Quest for Sustainable Livelihoods: Social Development Challenges and Social Policy Responses in Guangzhou, China." Social Policy and Society 13, no. 2 (January 31, 2014): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746413000638.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
China's welfare system has been a typical ‘residual welfare regime’, but the economic reform and market-oriented transformations in recent decades have weakened the original well-balanced ‘residual’ and ‘needs’ pattern. Marketisation of social welfare has intensified social inequality as those who are less competitive in the market-oriented economy have encountered tremendous financial burdens in meeting their welfare needs. In order to rectify the social problems and tensions generated from the process of marketisation of social welfare, the Chinese government has adopted different policy measures to address the pressing welfare demands from the citizens. This article examines how a local government in Guangzhou, capital city of Guangdong province, has responded to the call of the central government in promoting social harmony in the context of growing welfare regionalism emerging in mainland China. More specifically, with reference to a case study of Guangzhou, this article discusses how Guangzhou residents assess their social welfare needs and expectations, and how they evaluate the municipal government's major welfare strategies. It also reflects upon the role of the state in welfare provision and social protection, especially when many social welfare and social services have been marketised in the last few decades in China.
35
Hamanaka, Shintaro. "Asian Financial Cooperation in the 1990s: The Politics of Membership." Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (April 2011): 75–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800006950.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A commonplace view holds that the trend toward Asian financial regionalism is a relatively new phenomenon, developing in response to the 1997–1998 Asian financial crisis in particular. In this article I challenge this view by analyzing financial regionalist projects before the crisis. Asian countries, especially Japan, sought to establish an Asia-only financial cooperation framework throughout the 1990s. The policy stance of the United States, in contrast, was to participate in Asian forums and/or by itself propose and establish regional groupings that included the United States. This competition between Japan and the United States is a key factor in understanding the rise and fall of various regionalist projects and also has theoretical implications for membership politics in regional financial cooperation frameworks.
36
Ђорић, Жарко. "ДРУШТВЕНИ КАПИТАЛ У ФУНКЦИЈИ УНАПРЕЂЕЊА РЕГИОНАЛНОГ РАЗВОЈА". ГОДИШЊАК ЗА СОЦИОЛОГИЈУ 1, № 27 (29 листопада 2021): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.46630/gsoc.27.2021.04.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Regional development strategies should be based on the sound assessment of regional resources, capabilities, competences and core competences, as well as on dynamic capabilities aiming to develop the resource configurations in order to form their regional competitive advantage. Therefore, new regionalism is basically a bottom-up process, because the prerequisites for its successful implementation are the leadership and vision of local actors and administrations, civic participation, the growth of social capital and administrative decentralization and devolution of power. In that sense, the paper deals with important issues regarding the intangible determinants of regional economic development. The research method that will be dominantly used in this paper is the case-study method which aims to fully and thoroughly reconstruct the presence and role of social capital (primarily its structural dimension - social network platforms) in the regional development of world-famous and successful regions such as Silicon Valley, Baden-Wurttemberg and Emilia-Romagna. The overall conclusion of the paper is that regional growth is a function of the social capital stocks of respective regions to a significant extent. Social capital is positively linked to regional development and economic prosperity by reducing transaction costs, articulating collective actions, encouraging innovation and technology dissemination, discouraging opportunism and increasing monetary and non-monetary cost of fraud.
37
Barnett, Michael. "Partners in peace? The UN, regional organizations, and peace-keeping." Review of International Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1995): 411–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050011798x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Living in the shadow of the United Nations and paralysed by the superpowers for much of the post-World War II period, few regional organizations have lived a celebrated life. Few issues proved as divisive and contentious at the drafting of the United Nations Charter as the UN's future relationship to regional organizations. If some at San Francisco believed that the future global organization might be assisted by several regional pillars, the ‘Wilsonian tendency to identify regionalism with war-breeding competitive alliances survived’, and most who were present at the creation were determined to ensure that the future global organization had seniority and superiority over any present or future regional organization. Although Chapter VIII of the UN Charter did stake out a potential role for regional organizations, including the possibility that they might prevent conflicts from being referred to the Security Council, the language adopted reflected the contentious and unresolved nature of the proceedings: ‘The Security Council shall encourage the development of pacific settlements of local disputes through such regional arrangements or by such regional agencies either on the initiative of the states concerned or by reference from the Security Council.’ The subsequent forty-five years suggests that the UN found only limited use for regional organizations.
38
Syroezhkin, K. L. "Silk Road Economic Belt Project in the complex space of the Central Asia Region." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 9, no. 6 (July 24, 2018): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-6-104-122.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is dedicated to the perspectives of the Chinese initiative of the Silk Road economic belt from the prospective of the Central Asian states' national interests. The author claims that the common understanding of Central Asia as a united region is limited: there are many conflicts and problems between states which haven't yet been resolved. The problems of borders and ethnical enclaves remain to be potentially dangerous as well as recurrent problems of regionalism and tribalism. The essential water resources are distributed in a highly disproportionate way. During a long period of time Central Asia has been taking the position of an intercontinental corridor, linking Asia and Europe, and that is why external actors showed no interest in building a Central Asian integration project. Besides, political elites of Central Asia also were not interested in appearance of supranational institutes which will inevitably create a highly competitive political order. Nonetheless, the very idea of the Silk Road economic belt, in political terms, was approved by all the Central Asian states. This paradox can be partly explained referring to the absence of political limitations, imposed on states by the project. However, it doesn't mean that China experiences altruism. The author stresses that the Silk Road economic belt has never been a pure integration project. The core element of the concept is not the improvement of national industrial potential of the countries the Road crosses but the idea of the intensive development of western regions of China.
39
Richard, Anne-Isabelle. "Competition and complementarity: civil society networks and the question of decentralizing the League of Nations." Journal of Global History 7, no. 2 (July 2012): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022812000058.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article examines debates on the decentralization of the League of Nations that took place in the civil society networks surrounding it. Set in the wider framework of regionalist debates, particularly in Latin America, it focuses on two organizations, the International Federation of League of Nations Societies, which promoted the League, and the Comité Fédéral de Coopération Européenne, which focused on European cooperation. The analysis of the debate on regionalism and universalism highlights the role that Europe played in the League, and points to the use of universalist arguments to further British imperial ends. It shows that interwar internationalism was a multifaceted phenomenon, in which national, imperial, regional, and universal projects and concerns were profoundly entangled. Finally, the article stresses the overlap between official and civil society networks, which complemented each other's activities.
40
Henceroth, Nathan, and Christian B. Jensen. "Confrontation and competition." Party Politics 24, no. 6 (January 16, 2017): 629–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816688361.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Recent research has shown that niche parties are both increasing in importance in European party systems and behave differently than their more mainstream counterparts. Indeed, there is growing evidence that the dynamic between green parties and social democratic parties is especially nuanced. Regionalist parties differ from other niche parties in that they can be found on the left, right, and center of the ideological spectrum. We find that regionalist parties benefit from increasing the ideological distance between themselves and the mainstream party that most often wins at the national level. However, regionalist parties’ relationship with the mainstream party that most often wins in their home region is more nuanced. Regionalist parties must be distinct enough from the mainstream rival in their home region to be an alternative but close enough to serious compete for the same voters.
41
Tan, Genevieve Liao, and John Francis Diaz. "REAL GDP GROWTH RATES OF THE ASEAN REGION: EVIDENCE OF SPILLOVERS AND ASYMMETRIC VOLATILITY EFFECTS." Labuan Bulletin of International Business and Finance (LBIBF) 18, no. 1 (November 4, 2020): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.51200/lbibf.v18i1.2687.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper identifies economic relations using real gross domestic product (GDP) within the five Associations of South-east Asian Nation economies namely: Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Utilizing ARMA-GARCH, ARMA-EGARCH, ARMA-APARCH models, the study captures the presence of the leverage effect, and spillover of returns and volatility. Most economies except for Singapore are consistent with leverage effects, while the Philippines showed economic resilience with having symmetric volatility response. On one hand, Thailand’s economy has consistent negative one-way relationship on Malaysia’s economy for the three models. This paper suggests that ASEAN economies work together to improve bilateral relations and market integration by trading and investing; and cooperation in terms of food production and migrant workers condition. This will help to reinforce their economic and political relationships that can help boost their respective economies, and sense of regionalism. ASEAN should help each other by sharing their ways to improve the standards of living of their citizens, promotion of safer security and anti-terrorism activities, provide a safer place for the national and overseas workers, trade goods and sell in competitive prices, improve the level of education inside the country. Future studies can further extend data to include other ASEAN countries and also consider other political and economic organizations. A perceived limitation of the paper is the uncertainty of these five ASEAN-5 economies impact within the other major countries but to also other regional groupings and specific economies. In general, this paper can help policy-makers and researchers alike in better understanding economic relations and spillover effects of growth rates and volatility of real GDP. The paper offers further examination of the potential for further connection among the major ASEAN economies and to support existing integration policies.
42
Baccini, Leonardo, and Andreas Dür. "The New Regionalism and Policy Interdependence." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (June 24, 2011): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000238.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since 1990, the number of preferential trade agreements has increased rapidly. The argument in this article explains this phenomenon, known as the new regionalism, as a result of competition for market access; exporters facing trade diversion because of their exclusion from a preferential trade agreement concluded by foreign countries push their governments into signing an agreement with the country in which their exports are threatened. The argument is tested in a quantitative analysis of the proliferation of preferential trade agreements among 167 countries between 1990 and 2007. The finding that competition for market access is a major driving force of the new regionalism is a contribution to the literature on regionalism and to broader debates about global economic regulation.
43
Olarreaga, Marcelo, and Sanoussi Bilal. "Regionalism, Competition Policy and Abuse of Dominant Position." Journal of World Trade 32, Issue 3 (June 1, 1998): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad1998024.
Повний текст джерела
44
Verhoest, Pascal. "Regionalism and telecommunications infrastructure competition: The Belgian case." Telecommunications Policy 19, no. 8 (November 1995): 637–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0308-5961(95)00037-7.
Повний текст джерела
45
Caicedo Asprilla, Henry, Carlos Heman Gonzalez Campo, and Aracely Castro Díaz. "OPTICOR crea metodologías para elevar la competitividad regional: la metodología SIIC, aplicada a la cadena del cuero, calzado y manufacturas de cuero." Cuadernos de Administración 24, no. 40 (November 8, 2011): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/cdea.v24i40.406.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
En este documento se presenta la metodología de intervención SIIC, Sistemas Institucionales Innovadores y Competitivos, desarrollada por el Observatorio de prospectiva Tecnológica industrial OPTICOR. El objeto de análisis de la metodología son organizaciones como las empresas, sectores productivos y regiones, en la medida que estas pueden considerarse como sistemas organizados que comparten normas, recursos científicos, materiales y humanos, que compiten por mejorar la calidad de vida de sus miembros. El OPTICOR validó la metodología SIIC, a través de un estudio denominado "Construcción colectiva de estrategias competitivas regionales para el aprovechamiento de las oportunidades en la globalización de los mercados de la cadena del cuero, calzado y marroquinería". En este trabajo se ejecutaron las diferentes fases de la metodología; Referenciamiento competitivo, inteligencia económica, definición de escenarios, priorización de proyectos, y se plantearon dos necesidades, hacer del sector un conglomerado y diseñar una estrategia para la gestión del conocimiento; la aplicación de la metodología requirió de 10 meses, la realización de 8 talleres, la participación de 90 empresarios y 43 instituciones de apoyo sectorial
46
Rozman, Gilbert. "The Northeast Asian Regional Context for Environmentalism: Assessing Environmental Goals against Other Priorities in the 1990s." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (August 2001): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000436.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Environmental goals are linked to regionalism, but they are often a low priority for advocates of nationalism. Early in the 1990s idealists assumed that reallocations of money, newly active social movements, and a lively process of regionalism would boost environmentalism to one of the top priorities across Northeast Asia. Soon they found, as regionalism floundered, that countries did not have a strong commitment to the environment and some showed little concern. In a region where state-centered development and national dignity remain powerful concerns, environmental hopes rest on gradual acceptance as a secondary theme as part of balanced regionalism. After fading before great power competition in 1996–99, regionalism made a partial comeback in 2000. Hopes for environmental cooperation rest on new gains for regionalism, but strains in the summer of 2001 suggest that progress will be slow.
47
BOUTIN, J. D. KENNETH. "Balancing Act: Competition and Cooperation in US Asia-Pacific Regionalism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000028.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractWhile the United States is an important Asia-Pacific actor, its engagement with the region is complex and often difficult. Not only must US regionalism balance the diverse requirements of an ambitious policy agenda, but also US policy norms and priorities often clash with those of other regional actors. This has important implications for the capacity of the United States to provide regional leadership. Recent years have seen growing policy convergence between the United States and other Asia-Pacific actors, particularly in economic terms, but US regionalism continues to feature competition alongside collaboration.
48
MORALES, REBECCA, and CARLOS QUANDT. "The New Regionalism: Developing Countries and Regional Collaborative Competition." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 16, no. 3 (September 1992): 462–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.1992.tb00187.x.
Повний текст джерела
49
Kusumaningrum, Demeiati Nur, and Havidz Ageng Prakoso. "POLITIK PERDAGANGAN NEGARA-NEGARA AMERIKA UTARA DI TENGAH PESIMISME NAFTA." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (February 14, 2022): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v6i1.271.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract President Trump has insisted on reforming NAFTA on the assumption that this agreement does not benefit America. US citizens have lost jobs, potential environmental damage, and large investments in Meksiko limit the possibility of claiming higher wages for low-income workers in the US. Meanwhile, the wage gap for unskilled workers in Meksiko has also increased in proportion to technological advances resulting from the rapid flow of foreign investment in industry. Increased industrialization has contributed significantly to the conversion of agricultural land and the loss of jobs for traditional farmers in Meksiko. The poverty rate in Meksiko in 2014 was higher than the poverty rate in 1994, causing a trend of Mexican immigration to the United States. Based on trade politics theory, this paper aims to examine the positive and negative implications of implementing the free trade agreement and explain the trade politics of member countries to remain committed to North American trade regionalism. The research found that Meksiko benefited from US and Canadian investment in order to reduce unemployment and support the country's capacity as a production base in the region. Kanada is the main supplier of information and communications technology products to America, while the US maintains its position as the sole player in the automotive sector. Renewal of the agreement to UMSCA is the US response to exclude China from market competition in North America.Keywords: America First; FTA; Regionalism Politics
AbstrakPresiden Trump bersikeras mereformasi NAFTA dengan asumsi perjanjian ini tidak menguntungkan Amerika. Warga AS telah kehilangan lapangan kerja, potensi kerusakan lingkungan, dan investasi besar di Meksiko membatasi kemungkinan klaim upah yang lebih tinggi untuk pekerja berpenghasilan rendah di AS. Sementara, kesenjangan upah pada tenaga tidak terampil di Meksiko turut meningkat sebanding dengan kemajuan teknologi yang dihasilkan dari derasnya arus investasi asing di bidang industri. Meningkatnya industrialisasi berkontribusi signifikan terhadap alih fungsi lahan pertanian dan hilangnya pekerjaan petani tradisional di Meksiko. Tingkat kemiskinan Meksiko pada tahun 2014 lebih tinggi dari tingkat kemiskinan tahun 1994 sehingga menyebabkan tren imigrasi Meksiko ke Amerika Serikat. Berdasarkan teori politik perdagangan, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menelaah implikasi positif dan negatif implementasi kesepakatan perdagangan bebas dan menjelaskan politik perdagangan negara-negara anggota untuk tetap berkomitmen pada regionalisme perdagangan Amerika Utara. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa Meksiko diuntungkan dari investasi AS dan Kanada dalam rangka mengurangi pengangguran dan mendukung kapasitas negara sebagai basis produksi di kawasan. Kanada menjadi pemasok utama untuk produk teknologi informasi dan komunikasi ke Amerika, sementara AS mempertahankan posisinya sebagai pemain tunggal dalam sektor otomotif. Perbaharuan perjanjian menjadi UMSCA menjadi respon AS untuk mengeksklusi Cina dari persaingan pasar di Amerika Utara.Kata kunci: America First; Perjanjian Perdagangan Bebas; Politik Regionalisme
50
MURRAY, PHILOMENA B. "Ideas of Regionalism: The European Case." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 305–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000090.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article traces the development of major ideas about integration in Europe. It examines the historical development of, and competition between, ideas about the EU, exploring the clash of integration models and ideals. It draws on the visions of European unity that led to the creation and development of the EU. Regional integration in the EU is distinctive and not necessarily ‘exportable’. The article examines governing norms, material interests, power, and security. It demonstrates that the narrative of shared experience and history formed part of a need to both overcome hyper-nationalism and to share sovereignty, while also privileging some memories. EU norms are also enshrined in a distinctive institutionalized structure, based on a co-existence of national and EU interests and a balancing among often competing interests.