Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Colonialisme et ethnologie"

L’ethnologie allemande qui revendiquait, avec d’autres sciences humaines, une sensibilité spécifiquement allemande pour les cultures étrangères se diversifie en discours coloniaux spécifiques au contact des différents espaces. La morphologie culturelle de l’africaniste Frobenius sert une nostalgie européenne de la primitivité. Elle devient un projet franco-allemand pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. L’ethnologie fonctionnaliste de Thumwald identifie, dans le monde pacifique, le principe de la réciprocité et en même temps une catégorie de la sociologie moderne. Elle devient, dans une coopération germano-américaine, une théorie de l’acculturation. Les deux pensées ethno-pluralistes contribuent aux discours anti-colonialistes : elles alimentent le discours de l’UNESCO sur l’idéal d’un univers préservant les différentes formes culturelles.

Abstract After the debacle of June 1940, many French soldiers were imprisoned. While the combatants from metropolitan France left for Germany, those from the colonies were sent to frontstalags throughout occupied France. Welfare services and support organizations were solicited to assist this group materially and to give them moral support. This captivity in metropolitan regions led to an unexpected rapprochement with the French population, especially since the actions of the Resistance managed to intensify under the cover of these organizations, facilitating the escape and transfer to the Maquis of these prisoners from the colonies. This is perfectly illustrated by the commitment of the great ethnologist Germaine Tillion. Even the Vichy government recognized all the benefits they could derive from these privileged contacts and sought to use this collective solidarity to spread a colonialist propaganda about the "subjects" of the empire fallen into the hands of enemies whose nationalistic positions they especially feared.

Dans les représentations françaises du passé colonial, le général Louis Léon César Faidherbe (1818-1889), gouverneur du Sénégal de 1854 à 1861 et de 1863 à 1865, a une image bien ancrée (et dont l'analyse pourrait constituer une étude historique en soi) qui persiste jusqu'à maintenant. Une grande partie de la littérature existante au sujet de Faidherbe peut être divisée en ouvrages à caractère hagiographique et en écrits de l'époque postcoloniale qui le stigmatisent en tant que colonialiste. Cependant il faudrait se demander en quoi consiste l'apport particulier de Faidherbe dans les études des civilisations africaines et comment expliquer la durée de son “charisme” auprès de ses successeurs au XXesiècle.Nous avons essayé de systématiser les écrits de Faidherbe du point de vue de la construction du portrait de l'ethnie peul dans son oeuvre. Nous supposons que l'intérêt tout particulier à l'égard des Peul de la part des ethnologues qui écrivaient après Faidherbe doit beaucoup à l'image qu'il a créée de ce peuple. Ce succès pourrait êire expliqué moins par la somme de savoir que recèle cette image, que par son organisation et par sa correspondance avec les modes philosophiques et esthétiques de la réflexion de son temps, notamment avec “l'esprit de la modernité.” Le lecteur attentif des oeuvres ethnologiques de Faidherbe aura la sensation de découvrir une écriture vivement marquée par. le style dit de la “modernité” qui lui rappellera peut être les passages lus chez Jules Verne et lui laissera le sentiment étrange d'être plutôt dans le domaine de la littérature.

Amadou Hampâté Bâ est né en 1901, et pour cela, il s’est surnommé « fils ainé du XXe siècle ». De son vivant, il a fait la collecte des traditions orales africaines en voie de disparition. En collaboration avec les ethnologues tels Géneviève Calame-Griaule, Germaine Dieterlen, Marcel Griaule, etc., Amadou Hampâté Bâ laisse à la postérité un corps important du patrimoine africain sous formes de contes, d’essais autobiographiques, et d’un roman. C’est bien ce souci de préservation du patrimoine oral qu’il a prononcé une phrase qui est devenue un proverbe : En Afrique lorsqu’un vieillard meurt, c’est toute une bibliothèque qui brule. II est décédé en 1991 à l‘âge de 90 ans. L’Etrange destin de Wangrin, son seul roman, est devenu, dès sa parution en 1973, un des classiques de la littérature négro -africaine d’expression française. Ce roman est une peinture saisissante du colonialisme français en Afrique, surtout à la conjoncture historique de la première grande guerre. Il témoigne aussi du choc entre les traditions millénaires des Africains et les valeurs culturelles du Blanc véhiculées par la colonisation. L’Etrange destin de Wangrin suit la trame narrative du théâtre tragique grec en ce sens que le personnage héros est soumis à la volonté d’un destin capricieux. Ses gestes sont prédéterminés par les forces occultes qui l’entrainent dès sa naissance, en passant par des péripéties, jusqu’au geste fatal qui annonce une mort inéluctable Notre visée dans la présente étude porte sur le rôle que joue la prophétie tant dans la programmation du destin de Wangrin, le personnage éponyme du roman, que dans la structure dynamique du récit. Mots-clés : prophétie, dynamique, structurant, divination, Amadou Hampâté Bâ

RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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The need to sustain and/or create a collective identity is regularly seen as one of the cultural priorities of diasporic peoples and this, in turn, depends upon the existence of a uniquely diasporic form of communication and connection with the country of origin. Today, digital media technologies provide easy information recording and retrieval, and mobile IT networks allow global accessibility and participation in the redefinition of identities. Vis-à-vis our understanding of the proximity and connectivity associated with globalisation, the role of ICTs cannot be underestimated and is clearly more than a simple instrument for the expression of a pre-existing diasporic identity. Indeed, the concept of “e-diaspora” is gaining popularity. Consequently, research into the role of ICTs in the lives of diasporic peoples contributes to a definition of the concept of diaspora, understood here as the result of the dispersal of all members of a nation in several countries. In this context, I will demonstrate how members of the Bulgarian diaspora negotiate not only their identities but also their identifications through one of the most popular community websites, Facebook. My methodology consists of the active observation of Bulgarian users belonging to the diaspora, the participation in groups and forums on Facebook, and the analysis of discourses produced online. This research was conducted for the first time between 1 August 2008 and 31 May 2009 through the largest 20 (of 195) Bulgarian groups on the French version of Facebook and 40 (of over 500) on the English one. It is important to note that the public considered to be predominantly involved in Facebook is a young audience in the age group of 18-35 years. Therefore, this article is focused on two generations of Bulgarian immigrants: mostly recent young and second-generation migrants. The observed users are therefore members of the Bulgarian diaspora who have little or no experience of communism, who don’t feel the weight of the past, and who have grown up as free and often cosmopolitan citizens. Communist hegemony in Bulgaria began on 9 September 1944, when the army and the communist militiamen deposed the country’s government and handed power over to an anti-fascist coalition. During the following decades, Bulgaria became the perfect Soviet satellite and the imposed Stalinist model led to sharp curtailing of the economic and social contacts with the free world beyond the Iron Curtain. In 1989, the fall of the Berlin Wall marked the end of the communist era and the political and economic structures that supported it. Identity, Internet, and Diaspora Through the work of Mead, Todorov, and boyd it is possible to conceptualise the subject in terms of both of internal and external social identity (Mead, Todorov, boyd). In this article, I will focus, in particular, on social and national identities as expressions of the process of sharing stories, experiences, and understanding between individuals. In this respect, the phenomenon of Facebook is especially well placed to mediate between identifications which, according to Freud, facilitate the plural subjectivities and the establishment of an emotional network of mutual bonds between the individual and the group (Freud). This research also draws on Goffman who, from a sociological point of view, demystifies the representation of the Self by developing a dramaturgical theory (Goffman), whereby identity is constructed through the "roles" that people play on the social scene. Social life is a vast stage where the actors are required to adhere to certain socially acceptable rituals and guidelines. It means that we can consider the presentation of Self, or Others, as a facade or a construction of socially accepted features. Among all the ICTs, the Internet is, by far, the medium most likely to facilitate free expression of identity through a multitude of possible actions and community interactions. Personal and national memories circulate in the transnational space of the Internet and are reshaped when framed from specific circumstances such as those raised by the migration process. In an age of globalisation marked by the proliferation of population movements, instant communication, and cultural exchanges across geographic boundaries, the phenomenon of the diaspora has caught the attention of a growing number of scholars. I shall be working with Robin Cohen’s definition of diaspora which highlights the following common features: (1) dispersal from an original homeland; (2) the expansion from a homeland in search of work; (3) a collective memory and myth about the homeland; (4) an idealisation of the supposed ancestral homeland; (5) a return movement; (6) a strong ethnic group consciousness sustained over a long time; (7) a troubled relationship with host societies; (8) a sense of solidarity with co-ethnic members in other countries; and (9) the possibility of a distinctive creative, enriching life in tolerant host countries (Cohen). Following on this earlier work on the ways in which diasporas give rise to new forms of subjectivity, the concept of “e-diaspora” is now rapidly gaining in popularity. The complex association between diasporic groups and ICTs has led to a concept of e-diasporas that actively utilise ICTs to achieve community-specific goals, and that have become critical for the formation and sustenance of an exilic community for migrant groups around the globe (Srinivasan and Pyati). Diaspora and the Digital Age Anderson points out two key features of the Internet: first, it is a heterogeneous electronic medium, with hardly perceptible contours, and is in a state of constant development; second, it is a repository of “imagined communities” without geographical or legal legitimacy, whose members will probably never meet (Anderson). Unlike “real” communities, where people have physical interactions, in the imagined communities, individuals do not have face-to-face communication and daily contact, but they nonetheless feel a strong emotional attachment to the nation. The Internet not only opens new opportunities to gain greater visibility and strengthen the sense of belonging to community, but it also contributes to the emergence of a transnational public sphere where the communities scattered in various locations freely exchange their views and ideas without fear of restrictions or censorship from traditional media (Appadurai, Bernal). As a result, the Web becomes a virtual diasporic space which opens up, to those who have left their country, a new means of confrontation and social participation. Within this new diasporic space, migrants are bound in their disparate geographical locations by a common vision or myth about the homeland (Karim). Thanks to the Internet, the computer has become a primary technological intermediary between virtual networks, bringing its members closer in a “global village” where everyone is immediately connected to others. Thus, today’s diasporas are not the diaspora of previous generations in that the migration is experienced and negotiated very differently: people in one country are now able to continue to participate actively in another country. In this context, the arrival of community sites has increased the capacity of users to create a network on the Internet, to rediscover lost links, and strengthen new ones. Unlike offline communities, which may weaken once their members have left the physical space, online communities that are no longer limited by the requirement of physical presence in the common space have the capacity to endure. Identity Strategies of New Generations of Bulgarian Migrants It is very difficult to quantify migration to or from Bulgaria. Existing data is not only partial and limited but, in some cases, give an inaccurate view of migration from Bulgaria (Soultanova). Informal data confirm that one million Bulgarians, around 15 per cent of Bulgaria’s entire population (7,620,238 inhabitants in 2007), are now scattered around the world (National Statistical Institute of Bulgaria). The Bulgarian migrant is caught in a system of redefinition of identity through the duration of his or her relocation. Emigrating from a country like Bulgaria implies a high number of contingencies. Bulgarians’ self-identification is relative to the inferiority complex of a poor country which has a great deal to do to catch up with its neighbours. Before the accession of Bulgaria to the European Union, the country was often associated with what have been called “Third World countries” and seen as a source of crime and social problems. Members of the Bulgarian diaspora faced daily prejudice due to the bad reputation of their country of origin, though the extent of the hostility depended upon the “host” nation (Marcheva). Geographically, Bulgaria is one of the most eastern countries in Europe, the last to enter the European Union, and its image abroad has not facilitated the integration of the Bulgarian diaspora. The differences between Bulgarian migrants and the “host society” perpetuate a sentiment of marginality that is now countered with an online appeal for national identity markers and shared experiences. Facebook: The Ultimate Social Network The Growing Popularity of Facebook With more than 500 million active members, Facebook is the most visited website in the world. In June 2007, Facebook experienced a record annual increase of 270 per cent of connections in one year (source: comScore World Metrix). More than 70 translations of the site are available to date, including the Bulgarian version. What makes it unique is that Facebook positively encourages identity games. Moreover, Facebook provides the symbolic building blocks with which to build a collective identity through shared forms of discourse and ways of thinking. People are desperate to make a good impression on the Internet: that is why they spend so much time managing their online identity. One of the most important aspects of Facebook is that it enables users to control and manage their image, leaving the choice of how their profile appears on the pages of others a matter of personal preference at any given time. Despite some limitations, we will see that Facebook offers the Bulgarian community abroad the possibility of an intense and ongoing interaction with fellow nationals, including the opportunity to assert and develop a complex new national/transnational identity. Facebook Experiences of the Bulgarian Diaspora Created in the United States in 2004 and extended to use in Europe two or three years later, Facebook was quickly adopted by members of the Bulgarian diaspora. Here, it is very important to note that, although the Internet per se has enabled Bulgarians across the globe to introduce Cyrillic script into the public arena, it is definitely Facebook that has made digital Cyrillic visible. Early in computer history, keyboards with the Cyrillic alphabet simply did not exist. Thus, Bulgarians were forced to translate their language into Latin script. Today, almost all members of the Bulgarian population who own a computer use a keyboard that combines the two alphabets, Latin and Cyrillic, and this allows alternation between the two. This is not the case for the majority of Bulgarians living abroad who are forced to use a keyboard specific to their country of residence. Thus, Bulgarians online have adopted a hybrid code to speak and communicate. Since foreign keyboards are not equipped with the same consonants and vowels that exist in the Bulgarian language, they use the Latin letters that best suit the Bulgarian phonetic. Several possible interpretations of these “encoded” texts exist which become another way for the Bulgarian migrants to distinguish and assert themselves. One of these encoded scripts is supplemented by figures. For example, the number “6” written in Bulgarian “шест” is applied to represent the Bulgarian letter “ш.” Bulgarian immigrants therefore employ very specific codes of communication that enhance the feeling of belonging to a community that shares the same language, which is often incomprehensible to others. As the ultimate social networking website, Facebook brings together Bulgarians from all over the world and offers them a space to preserve online memorials and digital archives. As a result, the Bulgarian diaspora privileges this website in order to manage the strong links between its members. Indeed, within months of coming into online existence, Facebook established itself as a powerful social phenomenon for the Bulgarian diaspora and, very soon, a virtual map of the Bulgarian diaspora was formed. It should be noted, however, that this mapping was focused on the new generation of Bulgarian migrants more familiar with the Internet and most likely to travel. By identifying the presence of online groups by country or city, I was able to locate the most active Bulgarian communities: “Bulgarians in UK” (524 members), “Bulgarians in Chicago” (436 members), “Bulgarians studying in the UK” (346 members), “Bulgarians in America” (333 members), “Bulgarians in the USA” (314 members), “Bulgarians in Montreal” (249 members), “Bulgarians in Munich” (241 members), and so on. These figures are based on the “Groups” Application of Facebook as updated in February 2010. Through those groups, a symbolic diasporic geography is imagined and communicated: the digital “border crossing,” as well as the real one, becomes a major identity resource. Thus, Bulgarian users of Facebook are connecting from the four corners of the globe in order to rebuild family links and to participate virtually in the marriages, births, and lives of their families. It sometimes seems that the whole country has an appointment on Facebook, and that all the photos and stories of Bulgarians are more or less accessible to the community in general. Among its virtual initiatives, Facebook has made available to its users an effective mobilising tool, the Causes, which is used as a virtual noticeboard for activities and ideas circulating in “real life.” The members of the Bulgarian diaspora choose to adhere to different “causes” that may be local, national, or global, and that are complementary to the civic and socially responsible side of the identity they have chosen to construct online. Acting as a virtual realm in which distinct and overlapping trajectories coexist, Facebook thus enables users to articulate different stories and meanings and to foster a democratic imaginary about both the past and the future. Facebook encourages diasporas to produce new initiatives to revive or create collective memories and common values. Through photos and videos, scenes of everyday life are celebrated and manipulated as tools to reconstruct, reconcile, and display a part of the history and the identity of the migrant. By combating the feelings of disorientation, the consciousness of sharing the same national background and culture facilitates dialogue and neutralises the anxiety and loneliness of Bulgarian migrants. When cultural differences become more acute, the sense of isolation increases and this encourages migrants to look for company and solidarity online. As the number of immigrants connected and visible on Facebook gets larger, so the use of the Internet heightens their sense of a substantial collective identity. This is especially important for migrants during the early years of relocation when their sense of identity is most fragile. It can therefore be argued that, through the Internet, some Bulgarian migrants are replacing alienating face-to-face contact with virtual friends and enjoying the feeling of reassurance and belonging to a transnational community of compatriots. In this sense, Facebook is a propitious ground for the establishment of the three identity strategies defined by Herzfeld: cultural intimacy (or self-stereotypes); structural nostalgia (the evocation of a time when everything was going better); and the social poetic (the strategies aiming to retrieve a particular advantage and turn it into a permanent condition). In this way, the willingness to remain continuously in virtual contact with other Bulgarians often reveals a desire to return to the place of birth. Nostalgia and outsourcing of such sentiments help migrants to cope with feelings of frustration and disappointment. I observed that it is just after their return from summer holidays spent in Bulgaria that members of the Bulgarian diaspora are most active on the Bulgarian forums and pages on Facebook. The “return tourism” (Fourcade) during the summer or for the winter holidays seems to be a central theme in the forums on Facebook and an important source of emotional refuelling. Tensions between identities can also lead to creative formulations through Facebook’s pages. Thus, the group “You know you’re a Bulgarian when...”, which enjoys very active participation from the Bulgarian diaspora, is a space where everyone is invited to share, through a single sentence, some fact of everyday life with which all Bulgarians can identify. With humour and self-irony, this Facebook page demonstrates what is distinctive about being Bulgarian but also highlights frustration with certain prejudices and stereotypes. Frequently these profiles are characterised by seemingly “glocal” features. The same Bulgarian user could define himself as a Parisian, adhering to the group “You know you’re from Paris when...”, but also a native of a Bulgarian town (“You know you’re from Varna when...”). At the same time, he is an architect (“All architects on Facebook”), supporting the candidacy of Barack Obama, a fan of Japanese manga (“maNga”), of a French actor, an American cinema director, or Indian food. He joins a cause to save a wild beach on the Black Sea coast (“We love camping: Gradina Smokinia and Arapia”) and protests virtually against the slaughter of dolphins in the Faroe Islands (“World shame”). One month, the individual could identify as Bulgarian, but next month he might choose to locate himself in the country in which he is now resident. Thus, Facebook creates a virtual territory without borders for the cosmopolitan subject (Negroponte) and this confirms the premise that the Internet does not lead to the convergence of cultures, but rather confirms the opportunities for diversification and pluralism through multiple social and national affiliations. Facebook must therefore be seen as an advantageous space for the representation and interpretation of identity and for performance and digital existence. Bulgarian migrants bring together elements of their offline lives in order to construct, online, entirely new composite identities. The Bulgarians we have studied as part of this research almost never use pseudonyms and do not seem to feel the need to hide their material identities. This suggests that they are mature people who value their status as migrants of Bulgarian origin and who feel confident in presenting their natal identities rather than hiding behind a false name. Starting from this material social/national identity, which is revealed through the display of surname with a Slavic consonance, members of the Bulgarian diaspora choose to manage their complex virtual identities online. Conclusion Far from their homeland, beset with feelings of insecurity and alienation as well as daily experiences of social and cultural exclusion (much of it stemming from an ongoing prejudice towards citizens from ex-communist countries), it is no wonder that migrants from Bulgaria find relief in meeting up with compatriots in front of their screens. Although some migrants assume their Bulgarian identity as a mixture of different cultures and are trying to rethink and continuously negotiate their cultural practices (often through the display of contradictory feelings and identifications), others identify with an imagined community and enjoy drawing boundaries between what is “Bulgarian” and what is not. The indispensable daily visit to Facebook is clearly a means of forging an ongoing sense of belonging to the Bulgarian community scattered across the globe. Facebook makes possible the double presence of Bulgarian immigrants both here and there and facilitates the ongoing processes of identity construction that depend, more and more, upon new media. In this respect, the role that Facebook plays in the life of the Bulgarian diaspora may be seen as a facet of an increasingly dynamic transnational world in which interactive media may be seen to contribute creatively to the formation of collective identities and the deformation of monolithic cultures. References Anderson, Benedict. L’Imaginaire National: Réflexions sur l’Origine et l’Essor du Nationalisme. Paris: La Découverte, 1983. Appadurai, Ajun. Après le Colonialisme: Les Conséquences Culturelles de la Globalisation. Paris: Payot, 2001. Bernal, Victoria. “Diaspora, Cyberspace and Political Imagination: The Eritrean Diaspora Online.” Global Network 6 (2006): 161-79. boyd, danah. “Social Network Sites: Public, Private, or What?” Knowledge Tree (May 2007). Cohen, Robin. Global Diasporas: An Introduction. London: University College London Press. 1997. Goffman, Erving. La Présentation de Soi. Paris: Editions de Minuit, Collection Le Sens Commun, 1973. Fourcade, Marie-Blanche. “De l’Arménie au Québec: Itinéraires de Souvenirs Touristiques.” Ethnologies 27.1 (2005): 245-76. Freud, Sigmund. “Psychologie des Foules et Analyses du Moi.” Essais de Psychanalyse. Paris: Petite Bibliothèque Payot, 2001 (1921). Herzfeld, Michael. Intimité Culturelle. Presse de l’Université de Laval, 2008. Karim, Karim-Haiderali. The Media of Diaspora. Oxford: Routledge, 2003. Marcheva, Marta. “Bulgarian Diaspora and the Media Treatment of Bulgaria in the French, Italian and North American Press (1992–2007).” Unpublished PhD dissertation. Paris: University Panthéon – Assas Paris 2, 2010. Mead, George Herbert. L’Esprit, le Soi et la Société. Paris: PUF, 2006. Negroponte, Nicholas. Being Digital. Vintage, 2005. Soultanova, Ralitza. “Les Migrations Multiples de la Population Bulgare.” Actes du Dolloque «La France et les Migrants des Balkans: Un État des Lieux.” Paris: Courrier des Balkans, 2005. Srinivasan, Ramesh, and Ajit Pyati. “Diasporic Information Environments: Reframing Immigrant-Focused Information Research.” Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology 58.12 (2007): 1734-44. Todorov, Tzvetan. Nous et les Autres: La Réflexion Française sur la Diversité Humaine. Paris: Seuil, 1989.

Fruit d’une recherche ethnographique collaborative menée entre 2017 et 2019 avec la Première Nation des Pekuakamiulnuatsh (Mashteuiatsh, Québec, Canada), ce travail de thèse examine les processus et stratégies de valorisation du nelueun, langue ancestrale des Pekuakamiulnuatsh, dans le contexte des activités touristiques de la communauté. L’objectif de ce travail est de questionner, d’après une perspective sociolinguistique critique, ethnographique et matérialiste, les enjeux socio-politiques, économiques, idéologiques et identitaires de cette valorisation linguistique sur le terrain du tourisme autochtone, en faisant le lien avec la question du colonialisme et de la réclamation linguistique. À l’instar d’autres peuples autochtones du Canada et d’ailleurs, les Pekuakamiulnuatsh ont entamé leur démarche vers l’autodétermination et l’autonomie gouvernementale dans les années 1970, dans le sillon des mouvements internationaux de reconnaissance des droits autochtones. Engagés dans un processus de reconnaissance politique, les Pekuakamiulnuatsh ont été amenés à objectiver les critères qui fondent leur identité en tant que peuple distinct, et à se positionner comme des partenaires économiques pour entrer en dialogue avec l’État. Dans ce contexte de revendications, le nelueun a émergé dans le discours politique des Pekuakamiulnuatsh comme un symbole identitaire et un outil central à la démarche d’affirmation politique et culturelle de la Première Nation, et a fait l’objet d’une mobilisation collective soutenue pour sa réclamation depuis le milieu des années 1980. En parallèle de cette démarche, les Pekuakamiulnuatsh ont développé un secteur touristique attractif dans l’optique de démystifier et transmettre leur culture ilnu, opérant ainsi leur reconnaissance culturelle à travers le marché économique. En ouvrant un espace pour la valorisation des ressources culturelles ilnu, le tourisme à Mashteuiatsh s’est progressivement construit comme un site alternatif de valorisation du nelueun pour certains acteurs de la communauté qui la construisent comme un gage d’identité et d’authenticité collective. Cette inclusion nouvelle d’une langue autochtone en voie de réclamation sur le marché soulève néanmoins des débats et présente des défis, qui traduisent à la fois les tensions qui découlent du statut de la langue et de la place de certains (néo)locuteurs au sein de la communauté, et les tensions posées par les logiques de valuation du marché économique, basées sur des formes de commodification et des visions de l’authenticité linguistique et culturelle liées aux idéologies des États-nations. En croisant les discours et stratégies des acteurs du tourisme et de la réclamation, des associations touristiques régionales et des touristes autour de la valeur du nelueun, les analyses formulées dans ce travail de thèse rendent compte de l’importance des catégorisations raciolinguistiques, de l’hégémonie culturelle et des idéologies linguistiques euro-centriques dans les processus de (dé)valorisation symbolique et économique du nelueun. Cette thèse montre comment les acteurs autochtones du tourisme négocient leur autonomie et la valeur de leurs ressources linguistiques et de leurs identités en dialogue constant avec ces idéologies, dans des dynamiques de confrontation ou d’alignement à celles-ci. Cette recherche offre une contribution pour penser la colonialité des processus de (dé)valorisation des ressources langagières et les dynamiques raciolinguistiques sur le terrain du tourisme, et en particulier sur le terrain du tourisme autochtone, jusque-là peu investi par la sociolinguistique. Elle pose également les jalons d’une réflexion sur la mise en œuvre complexe d’une sociolinguistique ethnographique collaborative et décoloniale et la place du sociolinguiste dans un tel cadre
Drawing on a collaborative ethnographic research conducted between 2017 and 2019 with the Pekuakamiulnuatsh First Nation (Mashteuiatsh, Quebec, Canada), this doctoral thesis examines the processes and strategies for the promotion of nehlueun, the ancestral language of the Pekuakamiulnuatsh, in the context of Mashteuiatsh touristic activities. The aim of this sociolinguistic study is to explore, from a critical, ethnographic, and materialistic perspective, the socio-political, economic, ideological, and identity stakes of language value production within the realm of Indigenous tourism, connecting it with issues of colonialism and linguistic reclamation.Like other Indigenous peoples in Canada and beyond, the Pekuakamiulnuatsh began their journey towards self-determination and governmental autonomy in the 1970s, following the global movements for the recognition of indigenous rights. Engaged in a process of political recognition, the Pekuakamiulnuatsh have had to objectify the criteria establishing their identity as a distinct people, as well as position themselves as economic partners to interact with the State. In this context, nehlueun emerged in Pekuakamiulnuatsh political discourse as an identity symbol and a central tool in the First Nation's political and cultural affirmation, undergoing sustained collective mobilization for its reclamation since the mid-1980s. Parallel to this, the Pekuakamiulnuatsh have developed a touristic sector to demystify and share ilnu culture, thus asserting their cultural recognition through the economic market. By creating a space for the valorization of ilnu cultural resources, tourism in Mashteuiatsh has gradually evolved as an alternative site for the valorization of nehlueun for some community stakeholders, seeing it as a testament to identity and collective authenticity. This newfound inclusion of a locally-reclaimed indigenous language on the market sparks debates and presents challenges, reflecting both the tensions arising from the language's status and the position of certain (neo)speakers within the community, as well as tensions posed by economic market valuation logics, rooted in forms of commodification and perceptions of linguistic and cultural authenticity linked to nation-states.By analyzing the discourses and strategies of tourism and reclamation stakeholders, regional tourist associations, and tourists regarding the value of nehlueun, the analyses of this research account for the significance of raciolinguistic categorizations, cultural hegemony, and Eurocentric linguistic ideologies in the symbolic and economic (de)valorization processes of nehlueun. The analyses show that indigenous tourism actors negotiate both their autonomy and the value of their linguistic resources and identities in continuous dialogue – confrontation or alignment – with these ideologies.This research offers a contribution to the understanding of the coloniality of processes of linguistic (de)valorization as well as raciolinguistic dynamics in the realm of tourism, especially in Indigenous tourism, a field hitherto scarcely explored by sociolinguistics. It also lays the groundwork for considering the intricate implementation of a collaborative and decolonial ethnographic sociolinguistics and the sociolinguist's role within such a framework

La problématique du travail présent résulte du lien opéré entre deux questions centrales. La première est celle de la représentation des Africains à travers le texte - et spécialement le récit de voyage - et à travers l'image - et spécialement la photographie. Dans le cadre de cette recherche, nous avons tenté de montrer que la représentation de l'Autre n'est pas toujours si figée et nette qu'on pourrait le croire. En prenant comme point de départ différentes théories sur la perception de l?Autre nous montrons que la représentation de l'Autre dans ces ouvrages pluri-médiatiques est le plus souvent ambiguë. La deuxième a trait à la communication et à l´utilisation concomitante de différents médias (texte, photographie, gravure, dessin, gestion de l´espace sur la page, péritexte éditorial (Gérard Genette 1987)), elle relève donc de l'intermédialité. Le projet veut apporter une réponse à la question du rôle respectif des différents médias en ce qui concerne la représentation des Africains. Est-ce que, du fait du croisement de différents médias, l'image des Africains, telle qu'elle est transmise, diffère de celle qui est véhiculée par le texte seul ou par l'image seule ? Il s'agit de se poser la question de la plus-value qui peut être atteinte par la combinaison des éléments : est-ce qu'elle révèle de nouvelles dimensions, qui n'auraient pas pu être atteintes par un seul des deux media?
The interest of this PhD-thesis originates from the conjunction of two important questions, the first one being that of representation of Africans in literature - and especially in travel literature and in photos. The thesis aims to show that the representation of the "other" is not always as fixed and as clear as one might think. Parting from different theories of the perception of the "other", we aim to show that the representation of the "other" in these illustrated travel books is very often ambiguous. The second is a question of communication and deals with the combined usage of different types of media (text, photographs, drawings, layout, peritexte (Gérard Genette). It originates thus from intermediality. The work aims to clarify the role of these different types of media in respect to the representation of Africans. Does the combination of these different types of media draw a picture of Africans which is different from that depicted in the text or in the image on its own? It is interesting to look at the added value which might be achieved by the combination of these elements. Does the added value arise from newly created dimensions which could not have been achieved by any one form of media on their own?

L’ethnographie, dans la première moitié du XXe siècle, a influencé l’écriture des poètes surréalistes, ou proches du mouvement de Breton, et ceux de la Beat Generation. Comme les ethnographes, Michaux, Césaire et Ginsberg ont rejeté la tentation de l’exotisme, et ont tenté, chacun à leur façon, de décrire des phénomènes culturels, de chercher “l’âme” d’un peuple, et de “traduire le monde” par la poésie. Nourris de lectures ethnographiques, ils ont voyagé, utilisé des documents dans leurs journaux et leurs poèmes, et ils ont exploré des cultures différentes à partir des marges sociales. Inspirés par l’ethnographie, ils l’ont aussi parodiée, en montrant ses limites, ses ambitions et ses ambiguïtés, en proposant aussi des ethnographies imaginaires, satiriques, pour inventer d’autres mœurs, d’autres logiques, d’autres possibilités de vivre ensemble. En interrogeant les méthodes et les enjeux éthiques et politiques de l’ethnographie dans l’écriture des poètes, nous posons aussi la question de l’existence d’un genre littéraire : peut-on parler de “poésie ethnographique” ?
That thesis examines the influence of anthropology on the poetics of Henri Michaux, Aimé Césaire and Allen Ginsberg. In studying their writing methods, I question their poetic insights and the limits of their observations to “translate a world” so far and different from “ours.” Surrealist and Beat poets shared common ethical and political views with many ethnographers, placing value on cultures (and cultural margins) often denigrated by industrialized western countries. Like ethnographers, poets work with metaphors and documents to interpret their experience and understanding of the world. Their interest in (and parodies of) ethnography not only propose a healthy way to criticize ethnographers’ ambitions, but also can help us understand each other’s cultures: poetic license and relative brevity of form sometimes reveal accurately or more vividly a cultural pattern that researchers struggle to explain. In the midst of an interconnected world where cultural misunderstandings escalate frequently and sometimes violently, poetry can help us gain or cultivate an awareness of social and cultural prejudice, and at the same time reveal the beauty in things once thought to be irrelevant, ignoble, or even despicable

Cette thèse en Études théâtrales, assortie d’un film scientifique documentaire, s’appuie sur une enquête de terrain aussi historique qu’anthropologique qui vise à comprendre les enjeux dramaturgiques et sociologiques d’un genre de Cabaret-Théâtre musical nommé le Concert Party. De ses origines aux temps de la colonisation, jusqu’à nos jours, le Concert Party s’est inscrit en Afrique de l’Ouest comme un mouvement artistique extrêmement populaire et subversif. Produits en langue vernaculaire (twi, ewe, mina…), associés à de la musique Highlife et s’appuyant sur des travestissements, des maquillages et une dramaturgie extrêmement codés, les spectacles se jouent encore dans les maquis des grandes et moyennes villes de la côte ouest-africaine et s’amusent avec dérision à retourner les représentations coloniales et racistes tout en résistant à l’aliénation culturelle et aux pouvoirs politiques. Né en 1930 en Gold Coast (aujourd’hui le Ghana), le genre s’est exporté, après les Indépendances, vers son pays voisin le Togo en 1965. Mais le genre va connaître dans ces deux pays un destin bien différent, sans perdre pour autant sa force subversive. La recherche, qui s’attache à l’histoire et aux mutations du genre jusqu’à son devenir actuel, est adossée à un travail d’investigation entrepris lors de plusieurs séjours au Ghana et au Togo, ainsi qu’à des expériences de terrain faites de l’intérieur. Elle a en effet été menée, entre autres, en immersion au sein de l’Azé Kokovivina Concert Band, la dernière grande compagnie de Concert Party du Togo, créée en 1985. Ce qui a également permis de réaliser un collectage d’archives, de témoignages et de traces vidéo sous la forme d’un reportage scientifique
This thesis in Theatre Studies, accompanied by a scientific documentary film, is based on a historical and anthropological field study that aims to understand the dramaturgical and sociological issues of a genre of musical cabaret theatre called the Concert Party. From its origins during the colonial period to the present day, the Concert Party has been an extremely popular and subversive artistic movement in West Africa. Produced in the vernacular (Twi, Ewe, Mina...), associated with highlife music and relying on highly coded disguises, make-up and dramaturgy, the shows are still performed in the maquis of the large and medium-sized cities of the West African coast and derisively enjoy turning colonial and racist representations on their head while resisting cultural alienation and political powers. Born in 1930 in the Gold Coast (now Ghana), the genre was exported to its neighbouring country Togo in 1965 after independence. However, the genre's fate in these two countries was very different, without losing its subversive force. The research, which focuses on the history and mutations of the genre up to its present day, is based on research undertaken during several visits to Ghana and Togo, as well as on field experiences from the inside. It was carried out, among other things, by immersion in the Azé Kokovivina Concert Band, Togo's last great concert party company, created in 1985. This also made it possible to collect archives, testimonies and video traces in the form of a scientific report

Feiz ha Breiz était un hebdomadaire catholique et monarchiste entièrement rédigé en breton et publié sous le patronage de l'évêque de Quimper. Cet organe de presse s'inscrit dans le mouvement des Semaines Religieuses mais s'en différencie partiellement par la multitude des sujets qui y sont traités. Ainsi, pendant 19 ans (1865-1884), ce journal nous offre sa vision d'un monde en pleine mutation avec le développement de la société industrielle, scientifique et démocratique mais aussi le formidable essor des missions catholiques et la reprise de l'expansion coloniale française qui amènent ce journal à présenter des populations jusque-là inconnues à ses lecteurs. Héritiers de la tradition chrétienne, les rédacteurs de Feiz ha Breiz doivent se positionner face aux théories scientifiques évolutionnistes et racialistes développées par des savants majoritairement républicains et athées. Combattue en Europe, l'Eglise se développe outre-mer durant cette période et les missionnaires sont les instruments héroïques de l'annonce de l'Évangile et par conséquent du salut de millions d'âmes. En montrant la barbarie des peuples infidèles, Feiz ha Breiz entend démontrer la véracité de l'axiome « hors de l'Eglise, point de salut » et mettre en évidence les périls qui guettent l'Europe chrétienne si elle se détourne de l'Eglise. La période de Feiz ha Breiz étant aussi celle où la France du Second Empire et de la IIIe République commence à se tailler un empire colonial, ce journal ne manque donc pas de nous éclairer sur « l'alliance du sabre et du goupillon », pour reprendre une formule célèbre.