Статті в журналах з теми "Colonial industrial heritage"

Modern industrial heritage in East Asia shares the social and historical background of industrial and cultural products shaped during the colonial times around the 20th century—a period of political upheaval and rapid social transformation. Gunsan (Korea) and Taipei (Taiwan) share the historical characteristics of modern industrial facilities built during the Japanese colonial period. Moreover, these facilities are controversial and complex objects regarding which the notions of conservation of historical heritage and liquidation of colonial heritage coexist and are subjects of mediating the creation of modern cities in East Asia and transition to creative modern urbanization. The complexity surrounding these modern industrial facilities warrants an in-depth analysis of the methods of utilizing them as cultural heritage sites for cultural mediation, and Gunsan and Taipei are good examples for comparison. Here, we examined cultural urban regeneration utilizing modern industrial facilities formed from similar historical and social backgrounds in Taiwan and Korea. This is a comparative study of historical and cultural belts utilizing industrial buildings in Gunsan’s original city centre and Songshan Cultural and Creation Park in Taipei. Finally, we proposed implications for local residents, cultural communities rooted in the region, and user-centered cultural content for sustainable cultural urban regeneration.

In general, in post-colonial countries, discord exists over the evaluation and recognition of the value of early-modern heritage, and the same is true of the Japanese Incheon Army Arsenal(JIAA) under the Japanese colonialism in Korea. The JIAA was established in 1941 as one of the 8 largest arsenals of the Japanese imperialist and one of the two arsenals built outside the mainland, which were built for the design, production, and storage of weapons during the Japanese colonial period. The JIAA was located on a vast flat area around Sangok-ri[山谷 里] with good access to Bupyeong Station of the Gyeongin Railway. The JIAA formed a large-scale munitions industrial complex with a number of companies connected in forward-and-backward linkage, and on a national scale, it was one of the modern urban zoning planned in the Bupyeong area as part of the Gyeongin Regional City Plan[京仁市街計劃]. Today, the remnants of the JIAA remain in the Bupyeong-gu area of Incheon Metropolitan City, and recently there are often conflicts with the difference in position between the central and local governments, civic groups, etc. over the value evaluation and preservation of the landscape elements of the remains of the JIAA. One of the important prerequisites to resolve this difference in position and conflict is the mobilization of concepts and theories. Since the relic landscape of the JIAA is a colonial heritage, a modern industrial heritage, and a war heritage at the same time, they should be viewed in multiple heritage categories. And on the one hand, it is necessary to recognize the various zoning and landscape elements diachronically and comprehensively from the viewpoint of the formation and evolution of the early-modern urban landscape that caused the contrast with the traditional urban landscape and the restructuring of national land space. An approach based on these concepts and theories is critical in recognition of values, orientation of utilization, and application as a world heritage. From the point of view of approaching colonial early-modern heritage, especially industrial heritage, in post-colonial countries, it is necessary to be vigilant not to simply borrow from Western countries or Japan, which were former imperialists.

This research aims to chronologically explore the historical development of Algeria's railway system and conduct an in-depth analysis of the Biskra city railway station's heritage values. It seeks to provide context for the specific case under investigation and advocate for the preservation and enhancement of the station's significance. The research comprises two phases: identifying the railway system in Algeria through a diachronic analysis and conducting a historical-architectural inquiry focused on the Biskra railway station. A qualitative methodology is employed, involving the examination of archival documents, historical accounts, geographical maps, and architectural drawings. The railway heritage in the Ziban region, facing obsolescence, warrants national recognition for its industrial and historical importance. The Biskra railway station symbolizes Algeria's history and industrial era, yet its contemporary utility decline mirrors other stations in the region facing disuse, threatening their heritage. Despite this, the station holds potential to chronicle humanity's industrial revolution. Industrial heritage, particularly railway heritage, remains underappreciated in Algeria, necessitating policy measures for management and social efforts for preservation. Recognizing and safeguarding this heritage requires legal frameworks, social mobilization, and active engagement from associations. Received: 20 January 2023 / Accepted: 29 February 2024 / Published: 6 March 2024

This article examines the changing relationship between museums and heritage using a number of Dutch cases. It argues that if heritage was once defined as being museological in character, this order of precedence is under revision as museums themselves are recursively transformed by heritage dynamics. Such dynamics include the display of renovation work-in-progress; the enhancement of historical collections by relocation to prominent new sites and buildings; the transformation of old industrial sites into new art and public spaces; and a mutual reinforcement between the urban landscape setting and the institutions that compose it by virtual means. Postcolonial heritage practices worldwide enfold museums in a further set of transformatory dynamics: these include claims on cultural property that was removed in colonial times, but also the strategic transformation of cultural property into heritage for didactic purposes. Museums are subject to the recursive dynamics of heritage, which are turning them inside out.

Ttukdo Water Purification Plant, built in 1908, is the first modern waterworks facility in Seoul and the first waterworks industrial heritage in Korea. Modern waterworks were established in order to resolve insanitary conditions of the city as a part of modernization projects; however, it had been developed with discrimination and colonial domination under Japanese occupation. This paper investigates how Ttukdo Water Purification Plant, a product of colonial modernity, became the representative modern waterworks heritage in both aspects of a colonial and civil engineering heritage. Based on archival research, this study analyzes the transformation process of Ttukdo Water Purification Plant, and the changing meaning and value with the historical background. As a result, Ttukdo Water Purification Plant has been characterized by the universal features of water industry heritage, continuity as a facility to produce clean water, and symbolic meaning as the guardian of urban sanitation. On the other hand, Ttukdo plant is regarded as a monument which was conceived under complicated historical conditions—at the confluence of modernization, colonial rule, and emergent urban needs.

Cultural heritage buildings play an effectual role in transferring cultural values to future generations as they are a significant source of sustainability in maintaining the cultural heritage. With the passage of time, these historical buildings have lost their actual character and aesthetic value. The only way to retain the position of these historical buildings is by following Adaptive Reuse as a particular method to sustain the traditional and cultural heritage of the colonial buildings situated at Mall road. This method proved to be helpful in preserving the heritage buildings when they start losing their originality. The reuse of buildings and adapting buildings for some other functions has become a growing trend now a days. As the revival of these buildings have not only minimized the construction, storage, and energy consumption by using adaptive reuse techniques, but it has also provided a sustainable ecosystem. The current research identified the need to understand the negligence factors implicated by the Adaptive Reuse practices of colonial buildings situated on Mall Road, Lahore, Pakistan. The negligence shown towards the colonial buildings identified the lacking practice which can only be recovered by incorporating reuse methods for the sustainability of built heritage. Therefore, the improvisation of factors like ignorance and lack of bylaws and policies, would lead to the achievement of productive and efficient reuse of built heritage. The current study was conducted in an urban area situated on the Mall Road, Lahore, by using both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies a mixed methodology. Through this methodology, the researcher conducted and analyzed interviews which led to some suggestions, which can be considered at micro and macro level to monitor adaptive practice of heritage buildings. There is a dire need to take effective measures through proper investigation to preserve these colonial heritage buildings.

This study traces the history and construction of institutionalized cultural and audiovisual heritage in the Philippines and investigates how evolving views of heritage have shaped the country’s audiovisual archiving and preservation movement in the last fifty years. It examines the impact of naturalized definitions of heritage, as globalized by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and the implementation of audiovisual archival institution building, cultural policies, and archival priorities in the Philippines under the heritage banner set out by the organization. Considering the formation of what heritage scholars call “authorized heritage discourse” (AHD), this paper argues that a heritage hierarchy emerged in the country’s contemporary audiovisual archiving landscape, privileging an industrial view of cinema while marginalizing other forms of moving image practice. The study calls for an awareness of and resistance to institutionalized archives’ claims to social, cultural, and political power in their heritage construction and discourse.

The decolonisation of education seems to require a clear understanding of the colonial education heritage in South Africa and an understanding of the emergent global trends that shaped policy and practice from the 19th century. This paper explores the origins of educational discourses and practices that emerged in England and formed the basis of colonial practices. It focuses on emergent policies aimed at educating the working classes in the industrial heartland, which came to influence the literate or scientific culture in the Cape during that time. It explores the hitherto neglected issue of the ideas and resources deployed in both contexts, with particular reference to printed materials that shaped that culture in the process of framing a secular and scientific culture in schools and popular culture of literacy amongst working-class people in the metropolis and African subject/ citizens in the colonial context. It also traces gradual attempts to introduce a culture of literacy which embraced the African language and culture. These educational developments related to children's schooling and the popular education of adults helped shape the state-controlled mass education system that emerged during the 20th century. This paper aims to begin an exploration of the complex dynamics of that process and open the way for further research on these neglected issues.

This article is an examination of the intercultural alliances that made use of performative methods during the 1980s and 90s to protect the Stein Valley from industrial logging. This work historicizes the questions this special issue asks about non-Indigenous strategic disruptions of settler colonial systems and beliefs to demonstrate festival organizing and the creation of a subjunctive experiences of sovereignty using “communitas” in order to protect biotas and Indigenous relations to land and waters.

The complex dynamics of French colonial policies in West Africa during European imperialism played a crucial role in streamlining administrative procedures and consolidating control over the indigenous African population. This colonial framework not only imposed a distinct sense of identity on African communities but also created deep stratification within these societies. Implementing the direct rule system, an essential aspect of French colonial administration, facilitated imposing laws and regulations that often marginalized traditional authority structures. As a result, a symbiotic relationship emerged between the African colonies and France, with the former serving as essential suppliers of resources crucial for sustaining France's growing industrial enterprises. This paper delves into the intricate nuances of the French colonial policies and their enduring impact on West Africa. By critically examining the assimilation and association policies, the study elucidates the power dynamics, cultural impositions, and economic implications that characterized the colonial experience of French colonies in West Africa. Unpacking the complexities of the colonial governance framework highlights the systemic disparities and cultural alienation perpetuated by the French colonial apparatus, underscoring the persistent socio-economic challenges and cultural subjugation that continue to shape the contemporary West African landscape. By exploring historical injustices and postcolonial complexities, the study emphasizes the urgent need for a holistic and inclusive approach to postcolonial development, advocating for preserving cultural heritage and promoting equitable socio-economic progress within the region.

The riots that shook the French banlieues in 2005, while unique in their geographic extension and political resonance, are but the most recent manifestation of an ongoing escalation of violence and repression that has periodically rocked the economically devastated, socially fractured and highly cosmopolitan cityscape of post-industrial France. The stigmatization of unemployed youths and outcast working-class families as ‘foreign’ is a complex and multi-layered phenomenon. This article traces the history of the so-called ‘immigrant problem’, and of policy responses to it, from the time of the Algerian war to the republican nationalist backlash against multiculturalism over the past two decades. The trauma of decolonization, increased visibility of Maghrebi, West African, Antillian and other communities with origins outside of Europe, fears of ‘islamicization’, and political/ideological controversies over how the nation's history should be remembered and taught to future generations, have weighed heavily on the representation of immigrants and their descendants as unassimilated threats to national cohesion. Far from limiting their agency to criminality and random social violence, the youths of the banlieues have played an active role in redefining the terms in which citizenship and national identity, as well as the colonial heritage of France, are cast in the arena of public debate, challenging state policies and well-entrenched historical myths in the process.

Reforestation in Algeria has been recognized as a priority in different programs for the development and enhancement of forest heritage. Degradation factors of forest and soil contribute significantly to the decline in land values. The Algerian forests in the past, during the colonial period suffered considerable degradation. The degraded forest heritage has been undertaken with serious programs since independence. Several programs for the development of the forest sector through reforestation have been carried out. Unfortunately, the achievements were still below expectations. The launch of the National Reforestation Plan in 2000 has given the forestry sector a new lease of life with a vision that incorporates the productive aspect of reforestation, the industrial aspect, and the recreational aspect. Before the end of the NRP timeline, significant reforestation projects are completed. In a future projection, reforestation is integrated into the land use planning within the framework of the National Plan of Land Use Planning.

In this article we will get to know an old hydraulic plant of a mining industry, very unique, which transformed hydraulic energy into pneumatics to supply compressed air to a copper mine and its smelter. It was located in the Granada region of the Marquesado del Zenete, and built in 1889 by the colonial European mining industry. To do this, we delve into its historical origin, and analyze this original technological project that allowed a new energy transformation system. Directed and executed by a series of engineers, metallurgists, businessmen and peasants, who through their work and will were participants in the industrialization process in Spain with the development of machinery and socialized work that will change a way of life. These remains today make up an industrial heritage at risk of disappearing. Living memory of what our mining industry was with the development of engineering and its social, identity and cultural values. KEYWORDS: Water, Air, Industrial Colony, Compression, Foundry

The Dutch colonial presence in the eastern coastal region of Aceh had a significant influence on infrastructure development and cultural changes in the area. The buildings left over from the Dutch Colonial period on the East Coast of Aceh are physical evidence of the interaction between the Dutch and the people of Aceh at that time. Therefore, these relics must be protected and preserved. A lack of public understanding of the importance of preserving cultural heritage can result in neglect and lack of support for the preservation of these buildings. For this reason, the aim of this research is to identify buildings left over from the Dutch Colonial period in the cities on the East coast of Aceh, such as East Aceh, Langsa City, and Aceh Tamiang. The research used in this research is historical or historical research methods. The steps in historical research are heuristics, verification, interpretation, and historiography. As a result of the research that has been carried out, a number of locations of historical heritage building objects were found scattered at several points in East Aceh, Langsa City, and Aceh Tamiang. In East Aceh, the East Aceh Regent's Hall and the Water Storage Reservoir are historical heritage sites. Langsa City also has several historical heritage buildings, such as the Balee Juang Building, SD Negeri 1 Langsa, PDAM, Hall, Satpol PP and WH Building, and Langsa Post Office. Apart from that, in Aceh Tamiang, there is a Regent's pavilion building and a Dutch rubber plantation industrial building, which are important historical relics. These historical remains provide an overview of the cultural and historical heritage of the area.Kehadiran Kolonial Belanda di wilayah pesisir Timur Aceh membawa pengaruh yang signifikan dalam pembangunan infrastruktur dan perubahan budaya di daerah tersebut. Bangunan-bangunan peninggalan masa Kolonial Belanda di Pesisir Timur Aceh menjadi bukti fisik dari interaksi antara Belanda dan masyarakat Aceh pada masa itu. Oleh karena itu, peninggalan tersebut harus dilindungi dan dilestarikan. Kurangnya pemahaman masyarakat tentang pentingnya melestarikan warisan budaya dapat mengakibatkan penelantaran dan kurangnya dukungan untuk pelestarian bangunan-bangunan tersebut. Untuk itu tujuan penelitian ini yakni mengindetifikasi bangunan-bangunan peninggalan masa Kolonial Belanda di Kota pesisir Timur Aceh seperti di Aceh Timur, Kota Langsa dan Aceh Tamiang. Penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian sejarah atau historis. Langkah-langkah penelitian sejarah yaitu, heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Hasil penelitian yang telah dilakukan, ditemukan sejumlah lokasi objek bangunan peninggalan sejarah yang tersebar di beberapa titik di Aceh Timur, Kota Langsa, dan Aceh Tamiang. Di Aceh Timur, terdapat Pendopo Bupati Aceh Timur dan Waduk Penampung Air sebagai peninggalan bersejarah. Kota Langsa juga memiliki beberapa bangunan peninggalan sejarah seperti Gedung Balee Juang, SD Negeri 1 Langsa, PDAM, Pendopo, Gedung Satpol PP dan WH, dan Kantor Pos Langsa. Selain itu, di Aceh Tamiang terdapat gedung pendopo Bupati dan bangunan industri perkebunan karet Belanda yang menjadi peninggalan sejarah yang penting. Peninggalan sejarah tersebut memberikan gambaran tentang warisan budaya dan sejarah daerah tersebut.

Historically, Lahore is known as the city of gardens. The Mughal emperors, Sikh Raj and the British colonial rulers developed several parks in and around the city of Lahore which continue to provide the much needed public space for the city's growing population. However, the present government has been enacting massive road development projects which include mass-transit, signal free corridors and overpasses. This has led to an increased urban sprawl and property destruction as more and more space is required for the widening of roads and construction work. Historical sites, including parks, tombs and graveyards, mosques, churches and government offices etc are under severe threat due to these expansionist policies. Apart from the encroachments, Lahore's air quality has been deteriorating at a steep pace due to vehicular traffic and industrial emissions. This paper des-cribes the extent and nature of damages to several historical building facades and their structures. These buildings include Jahangir's tomb, Shalimar Gardens and the Chauburji monument. Moreover, the impact of Badami Bagh Bus Terminal's location and haphazard industrial development around the heritage sites will also be discussed. The studies of various environmental regulatory bodies indicate the ambiguity in the emergence of law as the sole savior, including the judicial activism for the protection of the environment. The paper concludes that due to short-sightedness behind the urban policies of the government, serious threats are posed to cultural heritage sites and there is a strong need for their re-alignment.

In Zaruma city, located in the El Oro province, Ecuador, gold mines have been exploited since before the colonial period. According to the chroniclers of that time, 2700 tons of gold were sent to Spain. This exploitation continued in the colonial, republican, and current periods. The legalized mining operation, with foreign companies such as South Development Company (SADCO) and national companies such as the Associated Industrial Mining Company (CIMA), exploited the mines legally until they dissolved and gave rise to small associations, artisanal mining, and, with them, illegal mining. Illegal underground mining is generated without order and technical direction, and cuts mineralized veins in andesitic rocks, volcanic breccia, tuffs and dacitic porphyry that have been intensely weatherized from surface to more than 80 meters depth. These rocks have become totally altered soils and saprolites, which have caused the destabilization of the mining galleries and the superficial collapse of the topographic relief. The illegal miners, called "Sableros", after a period of exploitation at one site, when the gold grade decreased, abandon these illegal mines to begin other mining work at other sites near mineralized veins or near legalized mining galleries in operation. Due to this anthropic activity of illegal exploitation through the mining galleries and “piques” that remain under the colonial center of the city, sinkings have occurred in various sectors detected and reported in various technical reports since 1995. The Ecuadorian Government has been unable to control these illegal mining activities. The indicators of initial subsidence of the terrain are small movements that accumulate over a time and that can be detected with InSAR technology in large areas, improving the traditional detection performed with geodetic instrumentation such as total stations and geodetic marks. Recent subsidence at Fe y Alegría-La Immaculada School, the city’s hospital and Gonzalo Pizarro Street, indicates that there is active subsidence in these and other sectors of the city. The dynamic triggers that have possibly accelerated the rate of subsidence and landslides on the slopes are earthquakes (5 to 6 Mw) and heavy rains in deforested areas. Although several sinks and active subsidence caused by underground mining were detected in these sectors and in other sectors in previous decades, which were detailed in various reports of geological hazards prepared by specialized institutions, underground mining has continued under the colonial city center. In view of the existing risk, this article presents a forecasting methodology for the constant monitoring of long-term soil subsidence, especially in the center of the colonial city, which is a national cultural heritage and candidate for the cultural heritage of humanity. This is a proposal for the use of synthetic aperture radar interferometry (InSAR) for the subsidence analysis of topographic relief in the colonial area of the city of Zaruma by illegal mining galleries.

From ancient times, the sea has played a key role in shaping and generating settlements and cities. The history of civilizations has been marked by the cultural development of human societies along coastlines. Accordingly, these territories are harbor of an important coastal heritage; that plays a pivotal role in maintaining the link between the past and the future. In fact, while cities grow and their populations increase, their planning becomes a challenge for sustainable development. Through different forms and mechanisms, coastal sprawl is materialized, by the massive occupation of populations and industrial activities along coastlines. In this vein, coastlines endure many conflicts, which lead to the degradation of cultural and natural resources and may result in loss of cultural identity associated with the presence of cultural landscapes. The paper aims, to discuss planning approaches and challenges related to managing cultural and coastal landscapes, facing the impact of coastal sprawl. The paper is based on a landscape analysis; it interviews the urban, social, juridical and morphological frame. An understanding of urban sprawl through the lens of Annaba’s coastline is required for its implication as a social support of the identity and the history of the city. The paper also examines how the coastalization affects the cultural heritage based on the monograph of one of the valuable French colonial constructions in Algeria. Lastly, the study demonstrates, some key opportunities for advancing future adjustments, and coastal management approaches. For instance, new tools and more appropriate methodologies that combine the preservation of the coastline and the preservation of the cultural heritage.

Just like other dances that developed during the Christianization of the Philippines, the Sayaw ng Bati (Dance of Greeting), a dance performance conducted during the dawn of Easter Sunday in the Southern Tagalog Region, is a byproduct of transculturation, a process where the subordinate culture (the colonized) selects certain cultural items in the dominant culture (the colonizer) that fits their contexts and preferences. This paper then aims to elucidate how transculturation occurred in the Philippines that dramatically altered the precolonial heritage of the Filipino people during the Spanish colonization of the country. Using a variety of sources from reputable Filipino scholars in the field of cultural anthropology and dance, the precolonial and Spanish colonial experiences were reviewed and contrasted to understand how transculturation happened in Philippine society and to look for parallels between the two historical contexts, which also affected how dance forms imported from Europe were perceived and developed through the ingenuity of Filipinos during the colonization of the archipelago.

Serial today is a popular and dynamically developing form of audiovisual text, presenting the viewer with a full-fledged narrative. Serials representing the historical past are particularly important. Due to the peculiarities of production and distribution, historical serials create an extensive and frequently updated pool of representations of historical epochs in the media space. The tendency towards increasing racial diversity in film and television has recently led to the active involvement of non-European actors in TV-projects representing the European Middle Ages. Their appearance on the screens led to a number of effects. They not only revived the audience’s interest in history, but also activated protective tendencies in society, forcing them to wage a discursive struggle for cultural heritage and historical authenticity. Operating with such concepts as race, heritage and authenticity in a single context requires scientific reflection and theoretical comprehension. This research focuses on the problem of reassembling the image of the past by incorporating racial and national minorities into audiovisual historical representations. Based on a research of a range of serials from the first quarter of the 21st century we concluded that the origins of this tendency date back in the late 2000s. The constructing of representations of the Middle Ages under the influence of the inclusive trend went through three successive stages: from the using of symbolism of dark skin color to the constructing of a racially diverse society. At the last stage, there is a wide presence of actors of different races and nationalities in roles of all plans, including as the main characters, whose historical prototypes were Europeans. This trend is aimed at constructing a new European identity, by “ancientizing” the presence and increasing the cultural contribution of ethnic minorities in European history. The new image of the past, consistently creating on the screen, is meant to remove the blame for the colonial legacy and reduce the degree of social tension.

One of the ancestral heritage that has been used since 1135 M is jamu. People know jamu by several terms, including colonial jamu, by which “jamu gendong”, Nusantara jamu, and millennial jamu are developed. The use of jamu was originally intended to maintain health, both to reduce or eliminate symptoms of illness. The use of jamu, which was initially empirically based, developed into a professionally formulated dosage form after laboratorial and clinical evaluating various active compounds. The problem that develops in the community is the reluctance of the millennial generation to consume jamu, due to its bitter taste and unattractive performance. To revitalize the public image of jamu, various efforts have been made, including socialization, modifying the appearance and taste of jamu so that it is suitable for public interest to the international level. This report provides an overview of training activities for making jamu using simple technology, but which can produce healthy, attractive dishes with distinctive flavors and aromas. The activity is carried out in synergy involving academics, practitioners who are members of the East Java Herbal Medicine Association (GP JAMU JATIM) which was initiated by the East Java Industrial Pharmacy Seminat Association (HISFARIN JATIM). The participants of the activity included the UMKM community, pharmacists, practitioners with the main target being residents of the Technical Implementation Unit for Bina Daksa Social Rehabilitation (UPT RSBD) of the Social Service of Bangil District, Pasuruan Regency.

Malaysia has inherited hundreds of heritage buildings from the past including those from the Indian, Chinese and Colonial eras apart from the indigenous traditional buildings. These buildings have the most unique ecstatic value from the viewpoint of architecture, culture, art, etc. Malaysian economy boom in 1980s spurred the need for more buildings especially in large cities. As a result, most of the historic buildings have been converted and transformed into commercial use. As reported by METP [1], Malaysian buildings energy uses are reflected by the energy consumption in the industrial and commercial sectors. Most of the buildings' energy consumption is electricity, used for running and operating the plants, lighting, lifts and escalators and other equipment in the buildings. These are amongst the factors that have resulted in the high demand for electricity in Malaysia. As outlined in the eighth Malaysia Plan, Malaysia is taking steps in conserving energy and reducing energy consumption on electricity consumption in building. This paper aims to present the breakdown of the major electricity end uses characteristics of historic buildings in Malaysia. The analysis was performed on annual data, allowing comparison with published benchmarks to give an indication of efficiency. Based on data collected a ‘normalisation’ calculated electricity consumption was established with the intention of improving the comparison between buildings in different climatic regions or with different occupancy patterns. This is useful for identifying where the design needed further attention and helped pinpoint problem areas within a building. It is anticipated that this study would give a good indication on the electricity consumption characteristics of historic buildings in Malaysia.

English, a language that symbolizes opportunities and advancement, has become an essential asset for both China and Pakistan as they strive to expedite their progress in the contemporary world. This article presents a comprehensive review of English language teaching approaches in China and Pakistan, emphasizing their substantial contributions to progress and prosperity in these regions. The primary objectives are to identify the pedagogical approaches, teacher training, challenges, and innovations in each country's English language education. It delves into the evolving landscape of English language instruction, emphasizing its influence on these nations and investigating their historical, linguistic, and cultural influences on English language education. China prioritizes the development of reading, writing, listening, and speaking skills to drive economic growth and international influence. Meanwhile, Pakistan seeks socio-economic mobility and sustainable prosperity, shaped by its colonial heritage and global connections. The integration of digital tools offers immersive experiences, enhancing language proficiency and communication skills. In conclusion, this comprehensive research examines English language teaching in China and Pakistan, stressing the significance of tackling common challenges and harnessing technology. These insights empower educators to create dynamic English learning environments that foster individual development and contribute to overall progress in both nations.

<p>我國《文資法》於2005年修法，新增「文化景觀｣類別。十多年來，已有75處「文化景觀｣案例，其中又以「產業文化資產｣為主要成員。從已登錄的案例來看，多將重點擺在產業遺構本身，少與聚落結合，更少能凸顯「人類與自然的結合之作」。因觀念落差，造成「文化景觀｣經常與建築類文化資產，產生混淆的現象。因此，本研究以位於「七股鹽場｣中心位置的「頂山聚落｣為研究對象，採用「歷史地理研究法｣進行圖資爬梳，與田野實查及記錄；透過產業遺構與聚落結合，建置「歷史模型｣進行研究分析與成果撰寫，以符合「人類與自然的結合之作」觀念的實質案例。頂山庄民帶來的原鄉文化，形成祭祀「山神｣與「王爺｣的信仰，成為聚落的文化底蘊。在近290年的使用過程（生活）中，庄民面臨五大環境變化－「產業轉變｣、「外侮威脅｣、「洪水侵襲｣、「殖民政策｣與「人口增長｣，透過「技術力｣、「信仰力｣與「政治力｣的適應模式，傳承、轉換與協調這些變化，進而逐漸適應環境變遷。因此，「頂山庄｣是兼具天日晒鹽業、王爺信仰與區域中心等，多重樣態於一身的鹽村聚落，具有長久以來「自然與人為交互作用｣之成果，屬於「有機演變的地景｣中，「持續存在的地景｣的實質案例。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>The Cultural Heritage Preservation Act (Taiwan) was amended in 2005 with the addition of new category of &ldquo;cultural landscape.&rdquo; Over the past decade, a total of 75 cases of &ldquo;cultural landscapes&rdquo; have been identified, and &ldquo;industrial cultural heritages&rdquo; have been the main members. Based on the observation of the registered cases, emphasis is mainly put on the industrial heritage itself and seldom put on the integration with settlement, revealing the lack of &ldquo;combination of human beings and nature.&rdquo; Due to the conceptual gap, &ldquo;cultural landscape&rdquo; is often confused with architectural cultural assets. Therefore, this study took the &ldquo;Dingshan Settlement&rdquo; located in the center of &ldquo;Qigu Saltworks&rdquo; as the research object and used the &ldquo;historical geography research method&rdquo; to investigate relevant information, perform field research, and record relevant data. Through the combination of industrial relics and settlement, this study established a &ldquo;historical model&rdquo; for research analysis and compilation of results, in order to conform to the substantive research case with the concept of &ldquo;combination of human beings and nature.&rdquo; The native culture of Dingshan Villagers formed the belief of offering sacrifices to &ldquo;mountain gods&rdquo; and &ldquo;Wang Ye,&rdquo; which became the cultural heritage of the settlement. During the nearly 290 years of use of saltworks (to make a living), the villagers faced five major environmental changes &ndash; &ldquo;industrial transformation,&rdquo; &ldquo;threat of foreign aggression,&rdquo; &ldquo;flood invasion,&rdquo; &ldquo;colonial policy&rdquo; and &ldquo;population growth.&rdquo; Through the adaptation model of &ldquo;technical power,&rdquo; &ldquo;belief power&rdquo; and &ldquo;political power,&rdquo; villagers inherited, transformed, and coordinated these changes, and then gradually adapted to environmental changes. As a result, &ldquo;Dingshan Village&rdquo; is a salt village settlement with multiple patterns, including sun-dried salt industry, Wang Ye belief and regional center. Besides, this Village is also featured by the long-term results of &ldquo;interactions between nature and human beings&rdquo; and belongs to the substantive case of &ldquo;a continuing landscape&rdquo; in &ldquo;the organically evolved landscape.&rdquo;</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

Background This paper examines and document the culture-historic and symbolic perspectives of Kwamteng in Demshin, Shendam Local Government Area Plateau State Nigeria. This paper has shown the communal values, norms and the symbolic perspectives of the infamous cult in Shendam. The research argues that in pre-colonial times, Kwamteng was a tool used in measuring moral and worthwhile characters in Demshin. It is shown here that the cult and the deity they worshipped ensured trust, loyalty and fulfilment of agreements between parties. Kwamteng also checked social vices including witchcraft, killing and stealing of peoples property or economic crops. This study shows the significant roles played by this cult within Demshin community, including assisting them out of tough challenges like conflicts (war), financial crises, infertility, sickness and low agricultural produce. The initiation process, initiation items and requirements, mode of worship, items of worship, taboos and other socio-cultural practices tied to this revered cult has been discussed in this work. Also, this work sheds light on its contributions to the socio-political landscape of Demshin. Methods The study also employed the use of archival materials or written documents, oral tradition through oral interviews and ethnography through participant observation, this research has revealed new information on Kwamteng from a culture-historical perspective. Findings Kwamteng has an organized religious system, Sustainable conflict management strategy, cultural heritage management, Kwamteng serves as the security and custodian of Goemai cultural history as well as judicial roles. Conclusion The research has shown that Kwamteng is an ancient tradition in the Goemai area and it played a very significant role in the upbringing of the male child through rigorous training as well as endurance of hardship from a very tender age to prepare the boy from the task that associates the man later in life.

ABSTRACT The study interrogate and reconfigure the project of disclosing the heritage of ethnomusicologist Jaap Kunst. Jaap Kunst recorded a lot of Indonesian music while living in Indonesia from 1919-1934. The teaching material and the development of ethnomusicology concepts as knowledge based on the sound record and his research experience. Now, after nearly 100 years, the Musicology Department of University van Amsterdam is initiating the opening of the Jaap Kunst legacy that has not yet been published. Because this heritage is related to Indonesia's cultural history and memory, University van Amsterdam collaborates with academics from Indonesia and trying to find support from the Indonesian government. This study introduces philosophical approaches to reflection: critical, hermeneutic, and finally phenomenological. Reveal the dynamic relationship between Jaap Kunst legacies as a historical artifact and a site of forgetting, remembering, and history-making. How were the memory and identity stored in the Jaap Kunst materials reinterpreted in the postcolonial era? How is ethnomusicology addressing this matter related to shaping the colonial knowledge into the various subject positions? This paper is discussed with a retrospective approach in which individuals are sampled and information is collected about their past. Through interviews in some participants are asked to recall important events, or by identifying relevant administrative data to fill in information on past events and circumstances. With that method I assumed that tracking down Kunst's legacy was like taking a vacation at grandma's house, bringing back all the memories but not necessarily related to the present. ABSTRAK Tulisan ini menginterogasi dan mengonfigurasi ulang proyek pembukaan warisan etnomusikolog yang Bernama Jaap Kunst. Jaap Kunst merekam banyak musik Indonesia selama tinggal di Indonesia dari tahun 1919-1934 dan menjadikan sebagai bahan ajar serta pengembangan konsep etnomusikologi sebagai ilmu pengetahuan berdasar rekaman suara dan pengalaman penelitiannya. Kini, setelah hampir 100 tahun, Departemen Musikologi Universitas Amsterdam memprakarsai pembukaan warisan Jaap Kunst yang belum sempat dipublikasikan. Warisan ini terkait dengan sejarah dan ingatan budaya Indonesia, Universitas Van Amsterdam bekerja sama dengan akademisi dari Indonesia dan berusaha mencari dukungan dari pemerintah Indonesia. Tulisan ini memperkenalkan pendekatan filosofis untuk refleksi: kritis, hermeneutik, serta fenomenologis. Mengungkapkan hubungan dinamis antara warisan Jaap Kunst sebagai artefak sejarah dan situs melupakan, mengingat, dan membuat sejarah. Bagaimana ingatan dan identitas yang tersimpan dalam materi Jaap Kunst diinterpretasikan ulang di era pascakolonial? Bagaimana etnomusikologi menyikapi hal ini terkait dengan pembentukan pengetahuan kolonial ke dalam berbagai posisi subjek? Pembahasan dalam tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan retrospektif di mana individu diambil sampelnya dan dikumpulkan informasi tentang masa lalunya. Melalui wawancara beberapa partisipan diminta untuk mengingat kembali peristiwa-peristiwa penting, atau dengan mengidentifikasi data administrasi yang relevan untuk mengisi informasi tentang peristiwa dan keadaan masa lalu. Dengan cara itu dapat diasumsikan menelusuri peninggalan Kunst seperti berlibur ke rumah nenek, membawa kembali semua kenangan tapi tidak harus terkait dengan masa kini.

Abstrak: Konservasi bangunan warisan budaya melibatkan keinginan untuk tetap menjaga kelestariannya untuk mengaitkan dengan perjalanan sejarah manusia. Di sisi lain, usia bangunan yang sudah tidak bisa dikembalikan lagi sebagaimana fungsi asalnya, memicu keinginan bagi pihak-pihak yang berkepentingan untuk memanfaatkannya secara komersial agar lebih efektif dan efisien. Situs De Tjolomadoe merupakan konservasi untuk menjaga kelestarian bekas pabrik gula Colomadu yang terletak di Karanganyar, Jawa Tengah. Situs bekas ruang industri ini telah dialihfungsikan menjadi pusat pariwisata dengan pendekatan sebagai museum dan ruang pertunjukan. Bangunan ini merupakan material culture yang berfungsi sebagai alat merunut kehidupan masyarakat kelas pekerja di masa lampau. Sebagai bangunan kolonial yang dimiliki oleh pribumi, pada ruang ini terdapat identitas masyarakat kelas pekerja yang turut menggerakkan pabrik gula Colomadu. Melalui pendekatan metodologi wacana kritis positioning, studi ini menganalisis representasi identitas pada material culture kelas pekerja yang berkaitan dengan kehidupan manusia di masa lalu dan sekarang. Abstract: Conservation of cultural heritage buildings wishes to maintain their sustainability to link with the course of human history. On the other hand, the age of a building that cannot be ridden any longer is the future of its original function, operational desires for interested parties to make use of it commercially to make it more effective and efficient. The De Tjolomadoe site is a conservation to preserve the former Colomadu sugar factory located in Karanganyar, Central Java. This former industrial space site has been converted into a tourism center with the approach of being a museum and a performance space. This building is a material culture that serves as a means of tracing the life of the worker class society in the past. As a colonial building owned by natives, in this space there is the identity of the worker class community who helped drive PG Colomadu. Through a critical positioning methodology approach, this study analyzes the material identity of the working class related to human life in the past and present.

In this project, a gamified mediation strategy is proposed for the enhancement of the industrial heritage of Colonia Güell through the Street Escape tool. The general objectives are the conceptualization and design of a mediation strategy and its subsequent evaluation, as well as the analysis of the results obtained. In order to achieve these objectives, an investigation was developed that has as key points the gamification in heritage spaces and the Escape Room tourism. The qualitative methodology used has been a case study that has had the techniques of participant observation and focus group to collect information and behaviors from the ten participants in the game. The Street Escape has been done with two groups, one representing the teenage public and the other representing the youth public, since the tourist and didactic offer of Colonia Güell is insufficient to respond to the needs of young public. Afterwards, the conceptualization, design and evaluation of the Street Escape in Colonia Güell has been carried out. Finally, the results obtained show that the creation of a gamified mediation strategy helps to bring industrial heritage closer to young people.

Critical family history expands the frame of a life story beyond the accumulation of facts and figures to an acknowledgement of context, a deeper understanding of structure, a reckoning of circumstance and response and a comparison across time and space. This article explores the complexity of family history in the context of colonial pasts in British India; the possibilities offered by group analysis of colonial actors; and the moral obligation of the family historian to address difficult pasts in all their complexity. Through the migratory careers and migration stories of colonial actors—the dislocated people, objects and memories that sustain identity—a longitudinal dimension is added to family history. Taken collectively, the family history of a domiciled British community in India reveals not just important blood ties, but critical associational links and shared characteristics that structure experience and enhance power. Colonial power must always be measured by its negative effects, but is also relational, situational, variable, commutable and resisted. The article further reflects on the ways in which critical research into settler-colonial migrations delivers our family histories to the doorstep of the present; their possibilities for informing truth-telling at individual and national levels; and the need for a pedagogy of historical contextualisation and ethical citizenship.

The purpose of this study is to understand the regional characteristics of the current status of seowon (included in shrine) that existed in Gyeonggi-do and Gangwon-do after the nationwide seowon demoliton by the king in 1871. Throughout the Joseon Dynasty, 69 seowon were built in Gyeonggi-do and 39 in Gangwon-do. All but 15 seowon were abolished in 1871. The 15 original seowon continued to exist during the Japanese colonial period and various activities, including ritual rites, can be confirmed. However, they were mostly destroy ed during the Korean War in 1950, and only some of them were restored. Among the abolished seowon, 18 were restored. Continuous restoration took place from the 20th to the 21st century. Looking at the overall trend, restoration began in earnest after 1945, and restoration was promoted centered on the descendants of the deceased and the local government where the seowon was located. The main purpose of Seowon's restoration is regular ritual rites in spring and fall. Some seowon were newly established, or those that existed in other regions were rebuilt in Gyeonggi-do and Gangwon-do. Among these, Nokdong-Seowon (⿅洞書院) was built for educational purposes in the process of Confucianism transforming into a modern religion. Yonggang- seowon (⿓江書院) and Moonhun-seowon (文憲書院) originally existed in North Korea, but was restored in Gyeonggi-do by the descendants of the deceased due to difficulties in access due to division of the country. Currently, seowon in the Gyeonggi and Gangwon regions are continuing their activities centered on ritual rites. In addition, seowon members are conducting publishing activities related to the seowon and promotion programs operated based on the Cultural Heritage Administration and government resources. In particular, in the case of promotion programs, attention needs to be paid to the fact that they inherit the tradition of seowon and spread it among the general public.

We are delighted to welcome you to the new issue of the journal on the history of science and technology! This issue is unique as it explores diverse aspects of the development of science and technology in various countries and historical periods. We invite you on an exciting journey through the pages of this issue, where you will find works by distinguished scientists such as Maryna Gutnyk, Florian Nürnberger, Tetiana Karmadonova, Natalya Pasichnyk, Renat Rizhniak, Нanna Deforzh, Liudmyla Zhuravlova, and many others. Their research covers various facets of history and technology. The collaborative work by Maryna Gutnyk and Florian Nürnberger presents a comprehensive exploration of the evolution of the Fe-C diagram, tracing its historical development through the lenses of various scientific contributions over time. Their analysis underscores the rich history behind this diagram, highlighting the foundational studies dating back to the early 19th century, marking crucial milestones in understanding the carbon content in steel and its implications for industrial applications. The authors' meticulous use of comparative analysis, synthesis, and chronological examination sheds light on the gradual refinement and evolution of the Fe-C diagram. From the initial recognition of graphite as pure carbon to the establishment of phase diagrams through collaborative efforts at international congresses, the Fe-C diagram's progression intertwines with the advancements of the industrial revolution. Tetiana Karmadonova's work on the migration trends of Ukrainian researchers from 1991 to 2023 provides a comprehensive analysis of the multifaceted factors driving the migration of scientists from Ukraine to various destination countries, particularly against the backdrop of recent events in the country. The study delves into the intricate landscape of migration among Ukrainian researchers across different historical periods. Natalya Pasichnyk, Renat Rizhniak, and Нanna Deforzh's meticulous study on the publications in the "Bulletin of Experimental Physics and Elementary Mathematics" from 1886 to 1917 offers invaluable insights into the organization, proceedings, and outcomes of domestic and international congresses of mathematicians and natural scientists during that period. Their research, focused on a comprehensive and quantitative analysis of these journal publications, sheds light on the pivotal role of these gatherings in the scientific and pedagogical realms Liudmyla Zhuravlova's research on the evolution of techno-nationalism and the pivotal role of space in this phenomenon from the 1980s to the 2020s offers a compelling exploration into the intricate dynamics of technological advancements and their influence on international relations and national strategies. The article delves deeply into the theoretical comprehension of techno-nationalism, particularly examining its relationship with space policy and its relevance within the context of US-China relations. Employing an interdisciplinary approach, drawing from historical, economic, political sciences, and international relations theory, the research unravels the dichotomous evolution of techno-nationalism juxtaposed against techno-globalism. Zhuravlova's work accentuates the ongoing power struggle between the US and China within the space industry, amplifying the techno-nationalist dimensions within innovation systems. Artemii Bernatskyi and Mykola Sokolovskyi's research presents a comprehensive review of the evolution of additive manufacturing (AM) processes within the realm of metallurgy, spanning from the foundational theories of layer-by-layer manufacturing to the contemporary landscape of AM technologies. This work illuminates the rapid advancements within the AM sector, capturing the profound interest of the scientific community. It underscores the dual significance of AM technologies - not only as an alternative manufacturing method for existing structures but also as a gateway to crafting new, intricately complex structures unattainable through traditional methodologies. Through meticulous analysis and classification of prior studies focusing on technological advancements and implementations, the research establishes a structured approach towards comprehensively mapping the development of additive manufacturing technologies in various trajectories. As a result, the research proposes a systematic approach to formulate a comprehensive scheme for AM technology development, thereby offering a framework that navigates the intricate landscape of technological advancements in various directions. Mykhailo Klymenko's meticulous study offers a comprehensive evaluation of Professor Tomasz Nikodem Ścibor-Rylski's pioneering contributions to the development of agricultural machinery testing during the latter half of the 19th century. This research sheds new light on Rylski's scientific endeavors and their significant impact on the evolution of agricultural equipment testing. Employing principles of historicism, scientific rigor, and objectivity, Klymenko utilizes historical-scientific methodologies, archival analysis, and generalization to present a nuanced understanding of Rylski's work. For the first time, archival documents are introduced, unveiling insights into the scientist's activities in advancing the field of agricultural machinery testing. Mohamad Khairul Anuar Mohd Rosli, Ahmad Kamal Ariffin Mohd Rus, and Suffian Mansor's insightful study delves into the overlooked yet pivotal role of electricity, specifically facilitated by the Perak River Hydro-Electric Power Company (PRHEPC), in the tin-mining industry within Kinta Valley during the period of 1927 to 1940. The research illuminates the historical emergence of electricity as a dominant power source in the tin-mining industry of Colonial Malaya, a topic that has received minimal attention in Malaysian historiography. Sana Simou, Khadija Baba, and Abderrahman Nounah's research represents a profound call to action amidst the urgent need to safeguard Morocco's cultural heritage, notably exemplified by the Marinid Madrasa within the Chellah archaeological site in Rabat. This research intricately weaves advanced technologies with a profound appreciation for the historical, social, and cultural significance of these sites. It charts a course that not only conserves architectural brilliance but also honors the profound stories encapsulated across epochs. Ultimately, it emerges as a blueprint for harmonizing the past with the present, ensuring the preservation of cultural heritage while embracing the imperatives of progress. In his article, Oleh Strelko shows that the history of bridge construction is an important part of historical knowledge. Developments in bridge construction technology reflect not only engineering advances, but also social, economic and cultural aspects of society. Engineers and scientists faced unique challenges when designing and building bridges depending on the technological level of the era, available materials and the needs of society. This process may reflect technological progress, changes in transportation needs, and cultural and social changes. The purpose of this article is to briefly review key moments and stages in the history of metal bridge construction using welding technology in the 20th century. We invite you on this exciting journey with our authors exploring the history of science, technology, and cultural heritage. May this issue broaden your knowledge and inspire new research endeavors!

AbstractInspired by E. P. Thompson's modelling of class as the contingent outcome of historical processes, this paper explores how autochthony and descent came to inform the boundaries of industrial workforces in the Indian steel towns of Jamshedpur and Rourkela. We suggest that if class is a historical object, then it relates to other forms of power and identity in ways that question the use of rigid analytic typologies. In the private sector Tata company town of Jamshedpur, an industrial working class was constructed during the late colonial period from labour migrants, whose employment became heritable within families. In the public sector Rourkela Steel Plant, founded in the mid-twentieth century, the politics of ethno regionalism coincided with state development policy to inform employment reservation for autochthons. Through a historical analysis of urbanization, migration and employment policy, we consider how elite workforces that bound themselves according to the principles of autochthony and descent were formed in the social laboratories of India's steel towns. We suggest that such processes demand a class concept that engages more subtly with the work of E. P. Thompson.

Urban industrial sites in Algeria constitute a colonial heritage that often undergoes a process of degradation and abandonment, leading to ruptures in the urban fabric. The question of their preservation is conditioned by their integration into a contemporaneity useful to the community to which they represent the heritage. Therefore, their future cannot be dissociated from the physical and social context they are part of, emphasizing the relationship between the object and the subject. Engaged in their epistemic posi-tions, this article proposes expertise on the heritage potential of Halle Volta, one of the industrial architectural structures from the late 19th and early 20th centuries in Algiers. This expertise makes it possible to understand the appreciations and perceptions engaged by a community towards this relic of the past, with the perspective of its management and transformation. This approach highlights the connection between the social and urban dimensions that can be raised by a heritage requalification project. The knowledge gained from this aims to address the issue of the requalification of Halle Volta, and, to a larger extent, the future of urban industrial heritage in Algeria.

PurposeThe protection of industrial heritage emerged as a major concern when those buildings and installations representative of the industry, became at risk. North Africa, considered the geographical gateway to European countries, experienced enormous industrial activity during the French colonial era. Industrial buildings such as the flour mills, were built during this era of colonial rule. Today, a lack of legislation concerning industrial heritage has left this type of buildings with no protection, leading this paper to a preservation process. The aim of this paper is to locate and identify the flour mills of the 19th and 20th centuries in Algeria.Design/methodology/approachThis research consists of cross-referencing data from archived documents against the geographical location.FindingsThe results obtained are the first step in the process of preservation. The success of this research can be summarized as follows: identification of 88.46% of the flour mills in Algeria by means of the inventory data collected, and their location, with the use of a crisp logic, the remaining 9.62% with the use of fuzzy logic by the attribution of a “fuzzy radius” with a total localization and identification of 98.08%.Originality/valueThe use of both crisp (Boolean) and fuzzy logic as part of the geographical localization method.

AbstractIn China, the northeastern region has preserved many valuable modern built heritage buildings, which are undergoing difficult exploratory protection during the industrial and urbanisation process. Taking Dalian city as a case study, this article retraces the history of Dalian’s opening up and colonial management from the perspective of urban planning and historic district protection and management systems. This article sorts out the influence of national and local institutional policies on Dalian’s urban construction and development to analyse the past evolution, current problems and internal causes of the renovation and protection of Dalian’s typical historic districts. This influence is mainly reflected in the lack of protection and damage done to unofficial heritage, the disconnection between historic districts and the surrounding environments and urban textures, and the Chinese-style transformation and economic decline of exotic areas. This paper calls for attention to and the rapid clarification of the built heritage list, the improvement of planning and protection systems and related supporting policies, and a focus on the protection of the authenticity of colonial heritage. This paper provides strategic guidance for improving the protection of historic districts in Dalian in Northeast China and hopes to serve as a reference for the protection of built heritage in other nonfamous historic and cultural cities.

AbstractThis article offers a different way to understand the heritage of extractive industries by exploring the material afterlives of what has been termed the “ancillary impacts of resource development”—a variety of quarries, forest cuts, transportation corridors, and power lines that surround industrial operations, especially those created in areas distant from established industrial population centers. To study this, the article expands upon the concept of “vestige” to explore the landscapes around two single-industry mining towns in Kola Peninsula, Russia, and in Labrador, Canada, by specifically focusing on two abandoned quarries located in each. The results highlight the need to explore developments that trail behind industrial settlement of colonial hinterlands. By focusing specifically on the afterlives of such developments, the article demonstrates how chronological and geographical boundaries of resource extraction are blurred over time, creating a deep, unruly, self-perpetuating set of legacies.

Studying buildings can be a rich entry point into emerging cultural geographies. The archipelago of Chiloé in southern Chile is experiencing rapid change since the country’s extreme turn toward neoliberal governance in the 1970s. Once a rural, communal, and sea-faring region, it has been transformed by industrial aquaculture in recent decades which has driven a new urban landscapes and consumer-oriented lifestyles. This paper offers findings from an ethnographic study of changing consumption geographies, from iconic tourist sites linked to the region’s rich heritage geographies, to the new corporate retailers and shopping malls. Specifically, the new shopping mall clashes with the heritage and tourist landscape of colonial era churches and other unique heritage architectures that have captured the attention of tourists and investors. We glimpse a dynamic architectural geography in flux, as an array of buildings pulls the population in multiple directions at once, making it an ideal case study of the competing forces of what Deleuze and Guattari called de- and re-territorialization, an appropriate analytic for understanding the powerful forces of commodification.

ABSTRACT Women of the Sea: performative practices as a critique of Brazilian patriarchal co-lonial myths – The text analyses the Mulheres do Mar (Women of the Sea) project, conducted with elderly women from the Serviluz community in Fortaleza (CE). Through performance workshops, the colonial myth Iracema, by José de Alencar, was challenged. Feminist analyses in conjunction with Diana Taylor’s approach to archives and repertoires underpin the critique of the novel. Next, aspects of the methodological approach to creation are shared, with an emphasis on cartographies of the self. It reflects on how the collective development of a counter-narrative to the patriarchal heritage summarised in Iracema contributes to the debate on decolonial artistic-pedagogical practices.

This paper examines the intersection and synergy between Alter/Native criticism and the New Historicism in the context of second-generation Nigerian poets. Alter/ Native criticism focuses on indigenous literary traditions, cultural contexts, and oral histories, while New Historicism explores the interplay between literature and historical conditions. By applying these critical approaches to the works of second-generation Nigerian poets and novelists, such as Niyi Osundare, Chinua Achebe, and Wole Soyinka, this study aims to shed light on how these poets and novelists enrich our understanding of Nigerian literature by examining the cultural and historical contexts in which their works are produced. Drawing from indigenous literary traditions, the second-generation Nigerian poets employ AlterNative criticism to explore themes of identity, cultural heritage, and the preservation of indigenous voices. Their works incorporate elements of folklore, proverbs, and cultural symbols, reflecting a deep engagement with Nigerian cultural heritage. Additionally, the New Historicism provides insights into how the historical conditions of Nigeria, including colonization, independence struggles, and post-colonial challenges, influence the themes and styles of the poets' works. Through the application of the New Historicism, we can examine how these poets engage with and respond to historical events, power dynamics, and social realities. By examining the poems and critical perspectives of second-generation Nigerian poets, this paper showcases the synergies and mutual enrichment between Native criticism and New Historicism. The combination of these approaches enhances our understanding of the cultural and historical dimensions of the poets' works, providing deeper insights into the complexities of Nigerian literature. This study contributes to the broader field of Nigerian literary scholarship and offers a comprehensive understanding of the contributions made by second-generation Nigerian poets to the Nigerian literary canon.

The aim of the article is to improve technology in the context of globalization. Analysis of the approaches used in the theory and practice of comparative state studies has shown that it is most advisable to develop a technology that includes a comparison (analogy) method, as well as normative, and design methods. It is established that the emergence of federal states is associated only with the industrial era. At that, in the context of the industrial revolution, in the public consciousness, the federal states were predominantly of experimental nature. It is revealed that greater confidence in this form of government in both public and public figures arose only with the beginning of industrialization, which caused the demand for complex management decisions. It is mentioned that federalization processes develop wavelike. This aspect engendered the phenomenon of post-colonial federalism. It is noted that the new states had to overcome ethnic and religious contradictions and heritage. It is proved that the era of post-modernization, which started after structural and cyclical crises, creates new challenges, which can be solved by federalist technologies, among other tools. At the same time, the start for federalization is caused by the emerging interest in it on the part of various social groups, which must be supported ideologically at the level of professional and mass consciousness.

Introduction: Cities as Open-Ended Place-Making Events The shaping and development of cities can be understood as a “place-making” process. Through the assemblage of diverse human and non-human elements—including various social and natural elements—abstract space gains meaning and is transformed into the more concrete form of place (Jaffe and Koning). Indeed, people, nature, arts, and architecture can all contribute to constituting a city, and depending on how these elements engage with each other, each city can be shaped differently, which makes cities “inherently dynamic and heterogeneous” (Jaffe and Koning 24). Furthermore, as these various elements and their meanings can accumulate, be changed, or even diminish over time, place boundaries can also be constantly renegotiated or rebuilt. In other words, place can be characterised as its “throwntogetherness” (Massey 283), which represents temporal and spatial shifts accumulated and woven together in a place, and place-making can be understood as an open-ended event that involves various acts of “territorial meaning-making” (Jaffe and Koning 23). In line with this understanding of place-making as a dynamic, ongoing process, by investigating changes in the ways that local communities engage with cultural heritage, the study reported here explores how cultural heritage can contribute to the development of a city. Among many other meaning-making elements that may constitute a city, a cultural heritage itself may represent or enfold the dynamics and heterogeneity of a place. The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) defines heritage as “our legacy from the past, what we live with today, and what we pass on to future generations. Our cultural and natural heritage are both irreplaceable sources of life and inspiration” (UNESCO). This definition suggests that heritage embodies history imbued with value and meaning for today and for the future. Cultural heritage may mobilise or recollect emotions, memories, and experiences, which may generate new cultures and values (Chung and Lee). Cultural heritage is not only a primary means of creating and nurturing a collective identity (Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge). It can also be refashioned and commodified as a marketable and consumable product. In other words, cultural heritage may contribute to the shaping of regional identities and the development of cultural products that may affect local communities socially and economically. Against this backdrop, this article examines how, as a constitutive element of a city, cultural heritage can add different kinds of values and meanings in accordance with the ways that the local communities perceive and engage with cultural heritage. To this end, this research presents a case study of the South Korean city of Andong, recognised as a cultural city with abundant tangible and intangible cultural heritages. Specifically, by adopting a qualitative approach that combines archival research, fieldwork, and observation, we trace Andong’s regional history and the changes in its cultural policies from the 1950s to the 2000s. We discuss Andong’s regional development with regard to using and refashioning cultural heritage. In so doing, we argue that conserving cultural heritage and facilitating heritage tourism—agendas seemingly in competition with each other—can complement sustainable regional development. We suggest that reconceptualising cities by drawing on the convergence of virtual and actual spaces, which involves the digitisation of cultural heritage, may open up new possibilities for extending the value and meaning of cultural heritage, as well as reconciling competing agendas and achieving sustainable regional development. Andong, the Capital of Korean Spirit Korea and other East Asian countries have accumulated heritages from regional folk culture, Buddhism, and Confucianism. Andong has abundance of both tangible and intangible heritages related to Korean folk culture, Buddhism, and Confucianism, some of which are listed as UNESCO World Heritage Sites (e.g. the Hahoe Folk Village, the Bongjeongsa Buddhist temple, and the Dosanseowon and Byeongsanseowon Confucian academies). Even though Andong is not in a metropolitan area and has a small population compared to many other Korean cities, its abundant and diverse heritage has made it a recognised cultural city. As of 2021, the number of cultural assets designated in Andong, according to the Korean Cultural Heritage Protection Act, is 333. This number is the second largest in the country, after Gyeongju, the capital of the Silla Kingdom (57 BC–935 AD). Andong is the origin of a traditional Korean folk religion called “Seongjusinang”. Practitioners of this religion worship household spirits who protect a house. Andong has also inherited various folk games and performances, such as Chajeonnori (fig. 1) and Notdaribalgi (fig. 2). In addition, Buseoksa, a Buddhist temple located in Yeongju in the greater Andong area, led the development of Buddhist culture during the Three Kingdoms period (57 BC–668 AD) and the Goryeo period (918–1392). During the Joseon Dynasty, Confucianism also flourished through the initiative of Toegye Yi Hwang and Seoae Ryu Seong-ryong, both of whom were well-recognised Korean Confucian scholars. In fact, Andong has a particularly solid Confucian tradition with its twenty-six private Confucian educational institutions, called “Seowon” (fig. 3), and other villages and buildings representing Confucian philosophy, rituals, and customs. Fig. 1: Chajeonnori: a folk game involving team battles. Fig. 2: Notdaribalgi: a female folk performance that involves making a human bridge. Fig. 3: Dosanseowon Confucian Academy (listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2019). Preserving these diverse cultural artefacts and traditions is one of the main reasons that Andong claims to be the capital of Korean moral and spiritual culture (Steinmetz; K.I. Lee). Andong has been using and spreading the slogan “The Capital of Korean Spirit” since 2003, when former mayor Kim Hwi Dong started using the slogan for the first time to shape and develop the city's identity to share Andong's spiritual culture. The slogan officially became a registered brand at the Korean Intellectual Property Office in 2006. Cultural Heritage and Authenticity As briefly outlined in the previous section, Andong has diverse tangible and intangible heritages, and they are at the heart of the city’s identity. In contrast to other elements that constitute a city, cultural heritage is often regarded as an object of protection and preservation. Indeed, a cultural heritage has a fundamental, inherent value, as it manifests history, which may significantly influence how people form individual and collective identities and consolidate a sense of community. Therefore, preservation and restoration have often served as the primary approaches to cultural heritage. Particularly in the Korean context—as discussed in detail in the next section—conservation used to be prioritised in heritage management. However, in more recent times, cultural heritage has been recognised as an asset or resource for urban development; accordingly, many cities, including Andong, have become increasingly interested in heritage tourism as a means of promoting their city’s brand and boosting the local economy. The emergence of the concept of “existential authenticity” may be relevant to the paradigm shift in approaches to cultural heritage. In fact, “authenticity” is an elusive concept that can be interpreted in different ways. In the field of tourism, it conventionally has been considered related to toured objects. For example, “objective authenticity”, which is characterised as identifiable and measurable, is gauged in terms of whether a toured object is genuine or fake (Wang). Another type of object-related authenticity is “constructive authenticity”, which denotes authenticity as a negotiable quality constructed by perspectives, beliefs, expectations, or ideologies, rather than an inherent property (Wang; see also Boonzaaier and Wels). From this perspective, origins or traditions can be understood as a projection of images, preferences, or expectations; thus, copies or reproductions may also be considered authentic. Even though these two approaches are significantly different, both notions are oriented to “experiences of the authentic” (Moore et al.). By contrast, “existential authenticity” involves tourists’ experiences, that is, “personal or intersubjective feelings activated by the liminal process of tourist activities”, whereby people feel “more authentic and more freely self-expressed than in everyday life” (Wang 351–352). In other words, conservation may not be the only method for protecting cultural heritage and preserving its authenticity. Rather, heritage tourism, which provides tourists with authentic experiences, can be a way of adding new meanings and values to cultural heritage. This also suggests that not only cultural heritage as authentic objects, but also experiences of cultural heritage, can contribute to the territorial meaning-making process and constitute a city. In line with this understanding of different types of authenticity, the next section examines how Andong’s approaches to cultural heritage have changed over time. The Evolution of Cultural Policies: The Conservation of Cultural Heritage vs. Regional Development The development of Korean cultural policies needs to be understood in relation to the idiosyncrasy of Korean historical and societal contexts. After the Japanese colonial rule (1910–1945) and the Korean War (1950–1953), one of the primary concerns of the Korean government was to reconstruct the country and restore national pride by building and developing a Korean cultural identity. Against this background, Korean cultural policies until the 1980s were mainly oriented towards repairing, restoring, and preserving traditional culture rather than fostering tourism and leisure to pursue a nationalistic agenda (H.S. Kim; Min). In this regard, it is worth noting that the first Korean Folk Art Festival, as part of the national policy, was hosted to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the establishment of the Korean government in 1958, when Korea was still going through the aftermath of the Korean War, which ended up with the destruction of cultural and natural heritage in Korea. The festival was a kind of competition where regions presented their representative intangible cultural heritages, particularly folk performances. The Gyeongsangbuk-do province, led by Andong, participated in this competition by restoring Hahoebyeolsinguttallori (mask dance play originating from Hahoe Village [fig. 4], hereafter Hahoe Mask Dance [fig. 5]) and Notdaribalgi (female folk play [fig. 2]) with the support of Andong City, and the province won the presidential prize. Fig. 4: Hahoe Village: the origin of the Hahoe Mask Dance. Fig. 5: Performers in the Hahoe Mask Dance. Initially, the Korean Folk Art Festival was planned as a one-off kind of event. However, it became a recurring annual event to propagate and promote the national culture with governmental support under the Park Jung Hee regime (1963–1979) that pursued a nationalistic agenda (H.S. Kim). Afterwards, this event was developed in complementary relations with the Cultural Properties Protection Law established in 1962 as part of the legislation of heritage management and other regional folk festivals, which provided regional governments and local communities with a motivation for the discovery and restoration of cultural heritage. Traditional cultural heritages dispersed in many regions started to be discovered and restored with the massive administrative support of regional governments to take part in the Korean Folk Art Festival. Once a cultural heritage presented at the festival was awarded, the heritage was customarily designated as a national cultural property by the Cultural Properties Protection Law. This designation helps cultural heritage gain social authority and receive public attention (H.-D. Yoo). Furthermore, a heritage designated as a national cultural property was required to be reintroduced to the public, often through local events such as regional folk festivals, which reinforced local communities’ pride in their regional culture. In this scenario, Andong actively participated in the Korean Folk Art Festival. Indeed, a number of cultural performances have been officially designated as national and regional intangible cultural properties, including the Hahoe Mask Dance mentioned above, which have become representative of Andong’s regional culture, offering a foundation for its development as a cultural city. Cultural policies, however, were still limited to preservation and restoration pursuing objective authenticity until the 1980s. It appeared to lack an awareness that cultural heritage could be used for the regeneration or development of cities in the 1980s (Kim and Kim). The conservation of cultural heritage and regional development have often been regarded as competing agendas, because cultural heritage is normally considered to be different from other tourism resources. Indeed, authenticity is a fundamental value sought in cultural heritage. Therefore, preservation and restoration often used to be primary approaches to cultural heritage. However, as discussed in the previous section, authenticity is not merely a binary concept that differentiates between the real and the fake in terms of the accurate representation of the past, but it can be a generative value that can be constituted or negotiated based on various perspectives, beliefs, and experiences (see Wang; K.-H. Kim; Waitt). Furthermore, the commodification of cultural heritage does not necessarily violate the intrinsic meaning and authenticity of heritage; rather, it may produce new meanings and values (Cohen). In this context, it is worth noting that the first Andong Mask Dance Festival hosted in 1997 paved the way for the development of tourism resources using cultural heritage in Andong and the globalisation of its regional culture. In fact, in the mid-1990s, Korea was going through interesting political events that significantly affected its culture and society. “Globalisation” was declared a national vision by former president Kim Young-sam in 1995, and the local self-governance of municipalities was reimplemented in the same year. In other words, Korean cultural policies were oriented towards “globalisation” and “localisation” during this period (see also Park). Against this background, Andong organised and hosted an international festival for the first time ever in 1997—the Andong Mask Dance Festival—by refashioning a traditional mask dance—the Hahoe Mask Dance. The Hahoe Mask Dance was a festive drama performance in Hahoe Village, but its inheritance was interrupted during the Japanese colonial period. Afterwards, as mentioned earlier, it was restored after the establishment of the Korean government and designated as a national cultural property. It then became the main theme of an annual festival, which attracts one million tourists to the city every year. In other words, the Hahoe Mask Dance is not only one of the most representative, well-known cultural heritages of Andong, but it also has an emblematic significance in the sense that it embodies the history of Andong’s cultural development. In particular, the Andong Mask Dance Festival immensely contributed to enhancing the awareness of cultural heritage as a tourism resource that may foster cultural economy in the local community and influenced the paradigm shift of approaches to cultural heritage from traditional artefacts or customs to be preserved to tourism resources. Most of the cultural events that took place in Andong after the first Andong Mask Dance Festival aimed to boost tourism. Indeed, the Andong Mask Dance Festival brought about important changes to Andong’s cultural development in the 2000s. Festivals that refashioned cultural heritage and tourists’ experiences began to be important elements of Andong’s character as a city. In accordance with the emergence of tourism as a means for cultural development, Andong experienced another remarkable change in its cultural development during the 2000s: increased interest in tangible cultural heritage as a local resource for tourism and place marketing. From the establishment of the Cultural Properties Protection Law until the 2000s, the preservation and utilisation of cultural heritage in Andong was primarily focussed on intangible cultural properties. This was mainly because the legal ownership of cultural heritage was clearly stated in the law, and thus Andong was able to manage architectural conservation without many challenges; thus, tangible cultural heritage tended to be relatively neglected in favour of the preservation and management of intangible cultural properties. However, in 2000, the Korean national government invested 470 billion KRW (approximately US$382 million) into the restoration and renovation of cultural heritage sites in eleven regions, including Andong. Even though this project did not produce immediate, significant touristic effects, many architectural heritage sites and traditional villages in Andong were renovated as part of the project. This provided the local community with an opportunity to see how tangible cultural heritage could act as an asset for place marketing and tourism. Furthermore, there was another event that motivated the use of architectural heritage to promote tourism in the early 2000s: the Tourism Promotion Act, which permits the use of architectural heritages for the purpose of accommodating commercial businesses, led to the addition of “Traditional Korean housing experiencing business” in the list of tourism business categories. This change also accelerated the utilisation of tangible cultural heritage as a tourism resource. In this context, place marketing combining tangible and intangible cultural assets has increased since the 2000s. In fact, before the 2000s, many cultural events lacked a coherent link between tangible and intangible cultural properties. For example, even though the Hahoe Mask Dance originated in Hahoe Village, the dance performance was often performed as an independent event outside Hahoe Village. However, since tangible cultural heritage—particularly architectural heritage—emerged as a local tourism resource, Andong has been developing cultural and artistic events relevant to heritage sites and the interesting narratives and storytelling that connect various heritages and make tourists develop emotional attachments to Andong and its cultural heritage (see D.Y. Lee). This shows that Andong’s approaches to cultural heritage began to seek the existential authenticity in tourism that may provide tourists with meaningful experiences. Future Directions: Redefining the City As has already been discussed, not only cultural heritage itself, but also national and regional policies, perspectives, experiences, meanings, and values have all contributed to making Andong a recognised cultural city. Notably, Andong’s development can be summarised as the adoption of diverse approaches to cultural heritage along with changes in social agendas and cultural policies. Even though the conservation of cultural heritage and regional development have at times been regarded as competing interests, for Andong—a city that has a large number of tangible heritages that come with enormous costs related to preservation and maintenance—the commodification of cultural heritage might be unavoidable. Indeed, the conservation of its heritage as well as regional development through the use of its heritage as a tourism resource are the two goals that Andong should achieve to ensure that it experiences sustainable future development. Doing so would allow it to fulfil the local community’s need and desire to take pride in its identity as a cultural city and boost its cultural economy. In this regard, we suggest that digitising cultural heritage and incorporating virtual spaces (e.g. the metaverse) into actual places may offer new possibilities for reconciling the conservation of cultural heritage with the need for regional development by allowing us to preserve and manage cultural heritage efficiently while enriching our cultural experience and enabling us to experience various kinds of authenticity. In the first place, digitisation represents an alternative way to preserve and maintain cultural heritage. Digital technologies can accurately scan and measure cultural heritages and readily reproduce a perfect replica of those cultural heritages, whether actual or virtual, which can serve to protect genuine cultural heritages from unwanted or inevitable damage. Once the data on a cultural artefact have been digitised, it is theoretically possible to preserve the digitised heritage forever without deterioration (Koshizuka and Sakamura; D. Hwan Yoo). Moreover, even though digitised artefacts are not objectively authentic, replicas and reproductions created from them may provide tourists with authentic, meaningful experiences in a constructive or existential sense. Furthermore, virtual space may offer a site in which past and present cultures can freely encounter and resonate with each other by facilitating the deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation of people and heritage, which may also lead us to an immersive and creative cultural experience. Indeed, various technologies—such as 3D animation, virtual reality, augmented reality, stereoscopic presentation, and 4K ultra high-definition immersive presentation—can create diverse kinds of virtual environment in which tourists can enjoy immersive interactivity and realistically experience heritage objects (Park, Muhammad, and Ahn). Indeed, as illustrated in a case study (D. Hwan Yoo), the digital restoration of Andong’s historical sites (i.e. using digital data collection and archiving as well as 2D and 3D modelling technologies, which reproduce landscapes and architecture in a virtual environment for museum content) may provide a novel cultural experience that fosters existential authenticity across actual and virtual spaces. To sum up, territorial meaning-making may involve the mobilisation of memories, experiences, and imaginations that are attached not only to actual heritage at actual heritage sites, but also to digitised heritage in virtual spaces, and the place that emerges from such a meaning-making process may be the contemporary city we live in. Acknowledgments This work was supported by the School of Languages and Cultures, University of Queensland, under the 2021 ECR Research Support Scheme, and the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2021S1A6A3A01097826). Sources The figures used in this article are public works by the Cultural Heritage Administration of the Republic of Korea (https://www.heritage.go.kr), and the figures are used according to the Korea Open Government Licence. The data sources are as follows: 1: Chajeonnori — https://bit.ly/3Mn1Q9X 2: Notdaribalgi — https://bit.ly/3uVsn8k 3: Dosanseowon — https://bit.ly/3JUAplX 4: The Hahoe Village — https://bit.ly/3rzTlQz 5: The Hahoe Mask Dance — https://bit.ly/3uXg2jR References Boonzaaier, Chris, and Harry Wels. “Authenticity Lost? The Significance of Cultural Villages in the Conservation of Heritage in South Africa.” Journal of Heritage Tourism 13.2 (2018): 181–193. Chung, Hokyung, and Jongoh Lee. “A Study on Cultural Urban Regeneration Using Modern Industrial Resources: Focusing on the Site-Specific Cultural Places of Gunsan, South Korea.” Land 10.11 (2021): 1184. Cohen, Erik. “Authenticity and Commoditization in Tourism.” Annals of Tourism Research 15 (1988): 371–386. 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I argue that mainstream sociology has long denied the existence of hatred in society. Apart from Georg Simmel, the classics of sociology paid very little attention to hatred, even though, as recent developments in the sociology of emotions show, they paid considerable attention to emotions. The trend was continued with the spread of Parsonian sociology to Europe, Scandinavia and Asia after the Second World War. As the opening pages show, even today mainstream sociological discourses and surveys tend to skirt the matter. It is only on the margins, in research on discrimination and in gender, racism or post-colonial studies that we might find references to hatred, although even these seek legitimacy by analysing structures and institutions rather than hate discourses and hateful minds. This is in part due to the sociological heritage, also known as the cult of ancestors: a quick overview of well-known classical texts shows that Emile Durkheim implied or mentioned hatred when addressing revenge in simpler societies and hatred between the working and the capitalist classes in more complex, industrial societies. Max Weber underscored the role of fear and loyalty in sustaining the relations of domination. He also noticed Calvin’s hatred of all kinds of emotionality, especially one he attributed to Lutheranism. But it was Georg Simmel who defined hatred and related it to envy, jealousy, resentment and other emotions. In contrast to the intellectual trends of his time, he pinpointed positive effects of hatred, effects such as promoting individual and societal articulation, and, if regulated, advancing healthy competition and innovation.

At the beginning of the 19th century began a new phase in the history of Azerbaijan. The conquest of this region solved the balance of power in the traditionally Russian-Turkish-Iranian standoff. Began a planned takeover and the Division of the historical territories of Azerbaijani lands along the Araz river resulting in the Northern Khanate was annexed to Russia, and southern remained a part of the Shah’s Iran. Since this period, the administrative structure, as well as the architecture and culture of separated territories, inhabited by a people gets a different development. In the first quarter of the 19th century in Northern Azerbaijan military authorities began topographic fixing of the existing settlements on the ground. The main architectural and construction activities were carried out by military engineers directly engaged in construction of fortifications and their preparations for defense. Thus arose Zagatala, Gakh, Gusar fortresses on the basis of which were later established the towns. To strengthen borders the Tsarist Government resettled here Christian peoples who created new settlements and characteristic itself cultural environment, which in turn was reflected in the regional architecture of 19th and beginning of 20th centuries. Important for the future development of settlements was the activity engineers, architects, scientists, historians, artists coming from Russia who had studied the situation of historical cities and buildings of the region. Self-made urbanistic plans, measurements of monuments, articles, recordings and drawings became important sources for further research in this area. It should be noted that during this period clearly manifest themselves formed for centuries and enriched with new technology traditions of architectural heritage. Original constructive schemes, design patterns, shapes and architectural and decorative elements of buildings, developed over the centuries due to the mined out experience skillfully preserved and applied in the construction of various character of buildings in the regions of Azerbaijan. National architectural trends had been clearly reflected in the works of the prominent Azerbaijani architects, architects and craftsmen who left deep traces in our heritage. Despite annexation of Azerbaijani lands and rigid colonial policies of Tsarism, the process of acceding of North Azerbaijan to Russia and also played historically progressive role in its development. The continuous internecine wars between khans ended and began abolished feudal division establishing of new economic and cultural development began. This period in the development of architecture and construction of the country, despite the difficult political circumstances, was the underlying cause for further economic growth and urban development of modern Azerbaijan. In the new socio-economic conditions broke the old principles of urban planning, new techniques for urban development, and new types of public, civil, industrial, and religious buildings revealed. With the growth and changing composition of the population there has been interference with traditional and new imported Western culture. The historical heritage of the period of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries, has today a great importance in the forming of architecture of the cities of modern Azerbaijan.

The vision of education is to inculcate life skills and employability skills among students. In the holistic approach to education, the emphasis is given to making future cosmopolitan citizens. Global citizenship is nothing but a collective approach to addressing all the problems that our Earth is now facing. Preserving natural heritage is now a prime concern to make human civilization sustainable in this world. Indigenous knowledge system flourishes based on a particular territory comprising all elements of that particular place through age-old practices, whereas the Western Education system establishes ignoring the local fragrance, Worldview of original habitats. Indigenous value system gives emphasis on the mutual co-existence of every species. The present education system based on Western culture and values fails to provide sustainable consistency to civilization. Greediness, the self-centred approach, materialistic behaviour, material culture, and ego-centric approach is the gift of Euro-centric pedagogy. Reckless and break-less development using natural resources indiscriminately is nothing but a mere projection of colonial industrial philosophy. Where the ideology of Education talks about turning humans into resources, their Euro-centric pedagogy makes them mere copy-paste of Frankenstein who destroys the very genre of life within the blink of an eye. Sustainable Development Goals ask for Quality Education, with which other goals of sustainable development are interlinked. Either alone the employability skills nor life skills cannot serve the purpose of the enrichment of humanity. The intermingling of both is a basic requirement of the Modern Education system. In this very context where the Euro-centric pedagogy fails to address the values of humanity in the Education system, the indigenous values of tribes are the preserver, protector, and builder of humanity. Indigenous values give due emphasis to communitarian resource management, the wise use of resources and their conservation. Where in our civilized society, we fight with our counterparts to snatch their rights, those indigenous counterparts fight unitedly with each other for their survival. In an advanced society, where we rush behind self-identity, there tribes settle with belongingness with every stakeholder of nature, be it living or non-living, be it with animals or plants. The goal of present education lies in achieving the aims of Sustainable Development Goals where indigenous value systems are necessary to incorporate to achieve desired success. Employability skills also should not be confined to those skills about how to use them, rather, it is now necessary to incorporate indigenous values in the mere concept of using by extending them to use and sustain them for the future. When employability skills of progressed World induce the concept of Superiority among us, the indigenous value system respects the omnipotence of Nature for our survival. The present paper will analyse the importance of indigenous values and how they should be incorporated into the modern education system to make it a holistic one in a real sense and to inculcate a sense of cosmopolitanism.

IntroductionThere are two types of Africa. The first is a place where people and cultures live. The second is the image of Africa that has been invented through colonial knowledge and power. The colonial image of Africa, as the Other of Europe, a land “enveloped in the dark mantle of night” was supported by western states as it justified their colonial practices (Hegel 91). Any evidence that challenged the myth of the Dark Continent was destroyed, removed or ignored. While the looting of African natural resources has been studied, the looting of African knowledges hasn’t received as much attention, partly based on the assumption that Africans did not produce knowledge that could be stolen. This article invalidates this myth by examining the legacy of Ethiopia’s indigenous Ge’ez literature, and its looting and abduction by powerful western agents. The article argues that this has resulted in epistemic violence, where students of the Ethiopian indigenous education system do not have access to their books, while European orientalists use them to interpret Ethiopian history and philosophy using a foreign lens. The analysis is based on interviews with teachers and students of ten Ge’ez schools in Ethiopia, and trips to the Ethiopian manuscript collections in The British Library, The Princeton Library, the Institute of Ethiopian Studies and The National Archives in Addis Ababa.The Context of Ethiopian Indigenous KnowledgesGe’ez is one of the ancient languages of Africa. According to Professor Ephraim Isaac, “about 10,000 years ago, one single nation or community of a single linguistic group existed in Ethiopia, Eritrea, and the Horn of Africa” (The Habesha). The language of this group is known as Proto-Afroasiatic or Afrasian languages. It is the ancestor of the Semitic, Cushitic, Nilotic, Omotic and other languages that are currently spoken in Ethiopia by its 80 ethnic groups, and the neighbouring countries (Diakonoff). Ethiopians developed the Ge’ez language as their lingua franca with its own writing system some 2000 years ago. Currently, Ge’ez is the language of academic scholarship, studied through the traditional education system (Isaac, The Ethiopian). Since the fourth century, an estimated 1 million Ge’ez manuscripts have been written, covering religious, historical, mathematical, medicinal, and philosophical texts.One of the most famous Ge’ez manuscripts is the Kebra Nagast, a foundational text that embodied the indigenous conception of nationhood in Ethiopia. The philosophical, political and religious themes in this book, which craft Ethiopia as God’s country and the home of the Ark of the Covenant, contributed to the country’s success in defending itself from European colonialism. The production of books like the Kebra Nagast went hand in hand with a robust indigenous education system that trained poets, scribes, judges, artists, administrators and priests. Achieving the highest stages of learning requires about 30 years after which the scholar would be given the rare title Arat-Ayina, which means “four eyed”, a person with the ability to see the past as well as the future. Today, there are around 50,000 Ge’ez schools across the country, most of which are in rural villages and churches.Ge’ez manuscripts are important textbooks and reference materials for students. They are carefully prepared from vellum “to make them last forever” (interview, 3 Oct. 2019). Some of the religious books are regarded as “holy persons who breathe wisdom that gives light and food to the human soul”. Other manuscripts, often prepared as scrolls are used for medicinal purposes. Each manuscript is uniquely prepared reflecting inherited wisdom on contemporary lives using the method called Tirguamme, the act of giving meaning to sacred texts. Preparation of books is costly. Smaller manuscript require the skins of 50-70 goats/sheep and large manuscript needed 100-120 goats/sheep (Tefera).The Loss of Ethiopian ManuscriptsSince the 18th century, a large quantity of these manuscripts have been stolen, looted, or smuggled out of the country by travellers who came to the country as explorers, diplomats and scientists. The total number of Ethiopian manuscripts taken is still unknown. Amsalu Tefera counted 6928 Ethiopian manuscripts currently held in foreign libraries and museums. This figure does not include privately held or unofficial collections (41).Looting and smuggling were sponsored by western governments, institutions, and notable individuals. For example, in 1868, The British Museum Acting Director Richard Holms joined the British army which was sent to ‘rescue’ British hostages at Maqdala, the capital of Emperor Tewodros. Holms’ mission was to bring treasures for the Museum. Before the battle, Tewodros had established the Medhanialem library with more than 1000 manuscripts as part of Ethiopia’s “industrial revolution”. When Tewodros lost the war and committed suicide, British soldiers looted the capital, including the treasury and the library. They needed 200 mules and 15 elephants to transport the loot and “set fire to all buildings so that no trace was left of the edifices which once housed the manuscripts” (Rita Pankhurst 224). Richard Holmes collected 356 manuscripts for the Museum. A wealthy British woman called Lady Meux acquired some of the most illuminated manuscripts. In her will, she bequeathed them to be returned to Ethiopia. However, her will was reversed by court due to a campaign from the British press (Richard Pankhurst). In 2018, the V&A Museum in London displayed some of the treasures by incorporating Maqdala into the imperial narrative of Britain (Woldeyes, Reflections).Britain is by no means the only country to seek Ethiopian manuscripts for their collections. Smuggling occurred in the name of science, an act of collecting manuscripts for study. Looting involved local collaborators and powerful foreign sponsors from places like France, Germany and the Vatican. Like Maqdala, this was often sponsored by governments or powerful financers. For example, the French government sponsored the Dakar-Djibouti Mission led by Marcel Griaule, which “brought back about 350 manuscripts and scrolls from Gondar” (Wion 2). It was often claimed that these manuscripts were purchased, rather than looted. Johannes Flemming of Germany was said to have purchased 70 manuscripts and ten scrolls for the Royal Library of Berlin in 1905. However, there was no local market for buying manuscripts. Ge’ez manuscripts were, and still are, written to serve spiritual and secular life in Ethiopia, not for buying and selling. There are countless other examples, but space limits how many can be provided in this article. What is important to note is that museums and libraries have accrued impressive collections without emphasising how those collections were first obtained. The loss of the intellectual heritage of Ethiopians to western collectors has had an enormous impact on the country.Knowledge Grabbing: The Denial of Access to KnowledgeWith so many manuscripts lost, European collectors became the narrators of Ethiopian knowledge and history. Edward Ullendorff, a known orientalist in Ethiopian studies, refers to James Bruce as “the explorer of Abyssinia” (114). Ullendorff commented on the significance of Bruce’s travel to Ethiopia asperhaps the most important aspect of Bruce’s travels was the collection of Ethiopic manuscripts… . They opened up entirely new vistas for the study of Ethiopian languages and placed this branch of Oriental scholarship on a much more secure basis. It is not known how many MSS. reached Europe through his endeavours, but the present writer is aware of at least twenty-seven, all of which are exquisite examples of Ethiopian manuscript art. (133)This quote encompasses three major ways in which epistemic violence occurs: denial of access to knowledge, Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts, and the handling of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts from the past. These will be discussed below.Western ‘travellers’, such as Bruce, did not fully disclose how many manuscripts they took or how they acquired them. The abundance of Ethiopian manuscripts in western institutions can be compared to the scarcity of such materials among traditional schools in Ethiopia. In this research, I have visited ten indigenous schools in Wollo (Lalibela, Neakutoleab, Asheten, Wadla), in Gondar (Bahita, Kuskwam, Menbere Mengist), and Gojam (Bahirdar, Selam Argiew Maryam, Giorgis). In all of the schools, there is lack of Ge’ez manuscripts. Students often come from rural villages and do not receive any government support. The scarcity of Ge’ez manuscripts, and the lack of funding which might allow for the purchasing of books, means the students depend mainly on memorising Ge’ez texts told to them from the mouth of their teacher. Although this method of learning is not new, it currently is the only way for passing indigenous knowledges across generations.The absence of manuscripts is most strongly felt in the advanced schools. For instance, in the school of Qene, poetic literature is created through an in-depth study of the vocabulary and grammar of Ge’ez. A Qene student is required to develop a deep knowledge of Ge’ez in order to understand ancient and medieval Ge’ez texts which are used to produce poetry with multiple meanings. Without Ge’ez manuscripts, students cannot draw their creative works from the broad intellectual tradition of their ancestors. When asked how students gain access to textbooks, one student commented:we don’t have access to Birana books (Ge’ez manuscripts written on vellum). We cannot learn the ancient wisdom of painting, writing, and computing developed by our ancestors. We simply buy paper books such as Dawit (Psalms), Sewasew (grammar) or Degwa (book of songs with notations) and depend on our teachers to teach us the rest. We also lend these books to each other as many students cannot afford to buy them. Without textbooks, we expect to spend double the amount of time it would take if we had textbooks. (Interview, 3 Sep. 2019)Many students interrupt their studies and work as labourers to save up and buy paper textbooks, but they still don’t have access to the finest works taken to Europe. Most Ge’ez manuscripts remaining in Ethiopia are locked away in monasteries, church stores or other places to prevent further looting. The manuscripts in Addis Ababa University and the National Archives are available for researchers but not to the students of the indigenous system, creating a condition of internal knowledge grabbing.While the absence of Ge’ez manuscripts denied, and continues to deny, Ethiopians the chance to enrich their indigenous education, it benefited western orientalists to garner intellectual authority on the field of Ethiopian studies. In 1981, British Museum Director John Wilson said, “our Abyssinian holdings are more important than our Indian collection” (Bell 231). In reaction, Richard Pankhurst, the Director of Ethiopian Studies in Addis Ababa, responded that the collection was acquired through plunder. Defending the retaining of Maqdala manuscripts in Europe, Ullendorff wrote:neither Dr. Pankhurst nor the Ethiopian and western scholars who have worked on this collection (and indeed on others in Europe) could have contributed so significantly to the elucidation of Ethiopian history without the rich resources available in this country. Had they remained insitu, none of this would have been possible. (Qtd. in Bell 234)The manuscripts are therefore valued based on their contribution to western scholarship only. This is a continuation of epistemic violence whereby local knowledges are used as raw materials to produce Eurocentric knowledge, which in turn is used to teach Africans as though they had no prior knowledge. Scholars are defined as those western educated persons who can speak European languages and can travel to modern institutions to access the manuscripts. Knowledge grabbing regards previous owners as inexistent or irrelevant for the use of the grabbed knowledges.Knowledge grabbing also means indigenous scholars are deprived of critical resources to produce new knowledge based on their intellectual heritage. A Qene teacher commented: our students could not devote their time and energy to produce new knowledges in the same way our ancestors did. We have the tradition of Madeladel, Kimera, Kuteta, Mielad, Qene and tirguamme where students develop their own system of remembering, reinterpreting, practicing, and rewriting previous manuscripts and current ones. Without access to older manuscripts, we increasingly depend on preserving what is being taught orally by elders. (Interview, 4 Sep. 2019)This point is important as it relates to the common myth that indigenous knowledges are artefacts belonging to the past, not the present. There are millions of people who still use these knowledges, but the conditions necessary for their reproduction and improvement is denied through knowledge grabbing. The view of Ge’ez manuscripts as artefacts dismisses the Ethiopian view that Birana manuscripts are living persons. As a scholar told me in Gondar, “they are creations of Egziabher (God), like all of us. Keeping them in institutions is like keeping living bodies in graveyards” (interview, 5 Oct. 2019).Recently, the collection of Ethiopian manuscripts by western institutions has also been conducted digitally. Thousands of manuscripts have been microfilmed or digitised. For example, the EU funded Ethio-SPaRe project resulted in the digital collection of 2000 Ethiopian manuscripts (Nosnitsin). While digitisation promises better access for people who may not be able to visit institutions to see physical copies, online manuscripts are not accessible to indigenous school students in Ethiopia. They simply do not have computer or internet access and the manuscripts are catalogued in European languages. Both physical and digital knowledge grabbing results in the robbing of Ethiopian intellectual heritage, and denies the possibility of such manuscripts being used to inform local scholarship. Epistemic Violence: The European as ExpertWhen considered in relation to stolen or appropriated manuscripts, epistemic violence is the way in which local knowledge is interpreted using a foreign epistemology and gained dominance over indigenous worldviews. European scholars have monopolised the field of Ethiopian Studies by producing books, encyclopaedias and digital archives based on Ethiopian manuscripts, almost exclusively in European languages. The contributions of their work for western scholarship is undeniable. However, Kebede argues that one of the detrimental effects of this orientalist literature is the thesis of Semiticisation, the designation of the origin of Ethiopian civilisation to the arrival of Middle Eastern colonisers rather than indigenous sources.The thesis is invented to make the history of Ethiopia consistent with the Hegelian western view that Africa is a Dark Continent devoid of a civilisation of its own. “In light of the dominant belief that black peoples are incapable of great achievements, the existence of an early and highly advanced civilization constitutes a serious anomaly in the Eurocentric construction of the world” (Kebede 4). To address this anomaly, orientalists like Ludolph attributed the origin of Ethiopia’s writing system, agriculture, literature, and civilisation to the arrival of South Arabian settlers. For example, in his translation of the Kebra Nagast, Budge wrote: “the SEMITES found them [indigenous Ethiopians] negro savages, and taught them civilization and culture and the whole scriptures on which their whole literature is based” (x).In line with the above thesis, Dillman wrote that “the Abyssinians borrowed their Numerical Signs from the Greeks” (33). The views of these orientalist scholars have been challenged. For instance, leading scholar of Semitic languages Professor Ephraim Isaac considers the thesis of the Arabian origin of Ethiopian civilization “a Hegelian Eurocentric philosophical perspective of history” (2). Isaac shows that there is historical, archaeological, and linguistic evidence that suggest Ethiopia to be more advanced than South Arabia from pre-historic times. Various Ethiopian sources including the Kebra Nagast, the works of historian Asres Yenesew, and Ethiopian linguist Girma Demeke provide evidence for the indigenous origin of Ethiopian civilisation and languages.The epistemic violence of the Semeticisation thesis lies in how this Eurocentric ideological construction is the dominant narrative in the field of Ethiopian history and the education system. Unlike the indigenous view, the orientalist view is backed by strong institutional power both in Ethiopia and abroad. The orientalists control the field of Ethiopian studies and have access to Ge’ez manuscripts. Their publications are the only references for Ethiopian students. Due to Native Colonialism, a system of power run by native elites through the use of colonial ideas and practices (Woldeyes), the education system is the imitation of western curricula, including English as a medium of instruction from high school onwards. Students study the west more than Ethiopia. Indigenous sources are generally excluded as unscientific. Only the Eurocentric interpretation of Ethiopian manuscripts is regarded as scientific and objective.ConclusionEthiopia is the only African country never to be colonised. In its history it produced a large quantity of manuscripts in the Ge’ez language through an indigenous education system that involves the study of these manuscripts. Since the 19th century, there has been an ongoing loss of these manuscripts. European travellers who came to Ethiopia as discoverers, missionaries and scholars took a large number of manuscripts. The Battle of Maqdala involved the looting of the intellectual products of Ethiopia that were collected at the capital. With the introduction of western education and use of English as a medium of instruction, the state disregarded indigenous schools whose students have little access to the manuscripts. This article brings the issue of knowledge grapping, a situation whereby European institutions and scholars accumulate Ethiopia manuscripts without providing the students in Ethiopia to have access to those collections.Items such as manuscripts that are held in western institutions are not dead artefacts of the past to be preserved for prosperity. They are living sources of knowledge that should be put to use in their intended contexts. Local Ethiopian scholars cannot study ancient and medieval Ethiopia without travelling and gaining access to western institutions. This lack of access and resources has made European Ethiopianists almost the sole producers of knowledge about Ethiopian history and culture. For example, indigenous sources and critical research that challenge the Semeticisation thesis are rarely available to Ethiopian students. Here we see epistemic violence in action. Western control over knowledge production has the detrimental effect of inventing new identities, subjectivities and histories that translate into material effects in the lives of African people. In this way, Ethiopians and people all over Africa internalise western understandings of themselves and their history as primitive and in need of development or outside intervention. African’s intellectual and cultural heritage, these living bodies locked away in graveyards, must be put back into the hands of Africans.AcknowledgementThe author acknowledges the support of the Australian Academy of the Humanities' 2019 Humanities Travelling Fellowship Award in conducting this research.ReferencesBell, Stephen. “Cultural Treasures Looted from Maqdala: A Summary of Correspondence in British National Newspapers since 1981.” Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 231-246.Budge, Wallis. A History of Ethiopia, Nubia and Abyssinia. London: Methuen and Co, 1982.Demeke, Girma Awgichew. The Origin of Amharic. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2013.Diakonoff, Igor M. Afrasian Languages. Moscow: Nauka, 1988.Dillmann, August. Ethiopic Grammar. Eugene: Wipf & Stock, 2005.Hegel, Georg W.F. The Philosophy of History. New York: Dover, 1956.Isaac, Ephraim. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church. New Jersey: Red Sea Press, 2013.———. “An Open Letter to an Inquisitive Ethiopian Sister.” The Habesha, 2013. 1 Feb. 2020 <http://www.zehabesha.com/an-open-letter-to-an-inquisitive-young-ethiopian-sister-ethiopian-history-is-not-three-thousand-years/>.Kebra Nagast. "The Queen of Sheba and Her Only Son Menyelik I." Trans. Wallis Budge. London: Oxford UP, 1932.Pankhurst, Richard. "The Napier Expedition and the Loot Form Maqdala." Presence Africaine 133-4 (1985): 233-40.Pankhurst, Rita. "The Maqdala Library of Tewodros." Kasa and Kasa. Eds. Tadesse Beyene, Richard Pankhurst, and Shifereraw Bekele. Addis Ababa: Ababa University Book Centre, 1990. 223-230.Tefera, Amsalu. ነቅዐ መጻህፍት ከ መቶ በላይ በግዕዝ የተጻፉ የእኢትዮጵያ መጻህፍት ዝርዝር ከማብራሪያ ጋር።. Addis Ababa: Jajaw, 2019.Nosnitsin, Denis. "Ethio-Spare Cultural Heritage of Christian Ethiopia: Salvation, Preservation and Research." 2010. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://www.aai.uni-hamburg.de/en/ethiostudies/research/ethiospare/missions/pdf/report2010-1.pdf>. Ullendorff, Edward. "James Bruce of Kinnaird." The Scottish Historical Review 32.114, part 2 (1953): 128-43.Wion, Anaïs. "Collecting Manuscripts and Scrolls in Ethiopia: The Missions of Johannes Flemming (1905) and Enno Littmann (1906)." 2012. 5 Jan. 2019 <https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00524382/document>. Woldeyes, Yirga Gelaw. Native Colonialism: Education and the Economy of Violence against Traditions in Ethiopia. Trenton: Red Sea Press, 2017.———. “Reflections on Ethiopia’s Stolen Treasures on Display in a London Museum.” The Conversation. 2018. 5 June 2018 <https://theconversation.com/reflections-on-ethiopias-stolen-treasures-on-display-in-a-london-museum-97346>.Yenesew, Asres. ትቤ፡አክሱም፡መኑ፡ አንተ? Addis Ababa: Nigid Printing House, 1959 [1951 EC].

In 2013, the Capricornia Arts Mob (CAM), an Indigenous collective of artists situated in Rockhampton, central Queensland, Australia, successfully tendered for one of three public art projects that were grouped under the title Flood Markers (Roberts; Roberts and Mackay; Robinson and Mackay). Commissioned as part of the Queensland Government's Community Development and Engagement Initiative, Flood Markers aims to increase awareness of Rockhampton’s history, with particular focus on the Fitzroy River and the phenomena of flooding. Honouring Land Connections is CAM’s contribution to the project and consists of several “memory poles” that stand alongside the Fitzroy River in Toonooba Park. Rockhampton lies on Dharumbal Country with Toonooba being the Dharumbal name for the Fitzroy River and the inspiration for the work due to its cultural significance to the Aboriginal people of that region. The name Toonooba, as well as other images and icons including boomerangs, spears, nets, water lily, and frogs, amongst others, are carved, burnt, painted and embedded into the large ironbark poles. These stand with the river on one side and the colonial infrastructure of Rockhampton on the other (see fig. 1, 2 and 3).Figure 1 Figure 2Figure 3Within this article, we discuss Honouring Land Connections as having two main functions which contribute to its significance as Indigenous cultural expression and identity affirmation. Firstly, the memory poles (as well as the process of sourcing materials and producing the final product) are a manifestation of Country and a representation of its stories and lived memories. Honouring Land Connections provides a means for Aboriginal people to revel in Country and maintain connections to a vital component of their being as Indigenous. Secondly, by revealing Indigenous stories, experiences, and memories, Honouring Land Connections emphasises Indigenous voices and perspectives within a place dominated by Eurocentric outlooks and knowledges. Toonooba provides the backdrop on which the complexities of cultural and identity formation within settler-colonial spaces are highlighted whilst revelling in continuous Indigenous presence.Flood Markers as ArtArtists throughout the world have used flood markers as a means of visual expression through which to explore and reveal local histories, events, environments, and socio-cultural understandings of the relationships between persons, places, and the phenomena of flooding. Geertz describes art as a social text embedded within wider socio-cultural systems; providing insight into cultural, social, political, economic, gendered, religious, ethnic, environmental, and biographical contexts. Flood markers are not merely metric tools used for measuring the height of a river, but rather serve as culture artefacts or indexes (Gell Art and Agency; Gell "Technology of Enchantment") that are products and producers of socio-culture contexts and the memories and experiences embedded within them. Through different methods, mediums, and images, artists have created experiential and intellectual spaces where those who encounter their work are encouraged to engage their surroundings in thought provoking and often-new ways.In some cases, flood markers have brought attention to the “character and natural history” of a particular place, where artists such as Louise Lavarack have sought to provoke consciousness of the movement of water across flood plains (Lavarack). In other works, flood markers have served as memorials to individuals such as Gilbert White whose daughter honoured his life and research through installing a glass spire at Boulder Creek, Colorado in 2011 (White). Tragedies such as Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans in 2005 have also been commemorated through flood markers. Artist Christopher Saucedo carved 1,836 waves into a freestanding granite block; each wave representing a life lost (University of New Orleans). The weight of the granite symbolises the endurance and resilience of those who faced, and will continue to face, similar forces of nature. The Pillar of Courage erected in 2011 in Ipswich, Queensland, similarly contains the words “resilience, community, strength, heroes, caring and unity” with each word printed on six separate sections of the pillar, representing the six major floods that have hit the region (Chudleigh).Whilst these flood markers provide valuable insights into local histories, specific to each environmental and socio-cultural context, works such as the Pillar of Courage fail to address Indigenous relationships to Country. By framing flooding as a “natural disaster” to be overcome, rather than an expression of Country to be listened to and understood, Euro and human-centric perspectives are prioritised over Indigenous ways of knowing and being. Indigenous knowledges however encourages a reorientation of Eurocentric responses and relationships to Country, and in doing so challenge compartmentalised views of “nature” where flooding is separated from land and Country (Ingold Perception; Seton and Bradley; Singer). Honouring Land Connections symbolises the voice and eternal presence of Toonooba and counters presentations of flooding that depict it as historian Heather Goodall (36) once saw “as unusual events of disorder in which the river leaves its proper place with catastrophic results.”Country To understand flooding from Indigenous perspectives it is first necessary to discuss Country and apprehend what it means for Indigenous peoples. Country refers to the physical, cosmological, geographical, relational, and emotional setting upon which Indigenous identities and connections to place and kin are embedded. Far from a passive geographic location upon which interactions take place, Country is an active and responsive agent that shapes and contextualises social interactions between and amongst all living beings. Bob Morgan writes of how “Country is more than issues of land and geography; it is about spirituality and identity, knowing who we are and who we are connected to; and it helps us understand how all living things are connected.” Country is also an epistemological frame that is filled with knowledge that may be known and familiarised whilst being knowledge itself (Langton "Sacred"; Rose Dingo; Yunupingu).Central to understanding Country is the fact that it refers to a living being’s spiritual homeland which is the ontological place where relationships are formed and maintained (Yunupingu). As Country nurtures and provides the necessities for survival and prosperity, Indigenous people (but also non-Indigenous populations) have moral obligations to care for Country as kin (Rose Nourishing Terrains). Country is epistemic, relational, and ontological and refers to both physical locations as well as modes of “being” (Heidegger), meaning it is carried from place to place as an embodiment within a person’s consciousness. Sally Morgan (263) describes how “our country is alive, and no matter where we go, our country never leaves us.” Country therefore is fluid and mobile for it is ontologically inseparable to one’s personhood, reflected through phrases such as “I am country” (B. Morgan 204).Country is in continuous dialogue with its surroundings and provides the setting upon which human and non-human beings; topographical features such as mountains and rivers; ancestral beings and spirits such as the Rainbow Snake; and ecological phenomena such as winds, tides, and floods, interact and mutually inform each other’s existence (Rose Nourishing Terrains). For Aboriginal people, understanding Country requires “deep listening” (Atkinson; Ungunmerr), a responsive awareness that moves beyond monological and human-centric understandings of the world and calls for deeper understandings of the mutual and co-dependant relationships that exist within it. The awareness of such mutuality has been discussed through terms such as “kincentrism” (Salmón), “meshworks” (Ingold Lines), “webs of connection” (Hokari), “nesting” (Malpas), and “native science” (Cajete). Such concepts are ways of theorising “place” as relational, physical, and mental locations made up of numerous smaller interactions, each of which contribute to the identity and meaning of place. Whilst each individual agent or object retains its own autonomy, such autonomy is dependent on its wider relation to others, meaning that place is a location where “objectivity, subjectivity and inter-subjectivity converge” (Malpas 35) and where the very essence of place is revealed.Flooding as DialogueWhen positioned within Indigenous frameworks, flooding is both an agent and expression of Toonooba and Country. For the phenomenon to occur however, numerous elements come into play such as the fall of rain; the layout of the surrounding terrain; human interference through built weirs and dams; and the actions and intervention of ancestral beings and spirits. Furthermore, flooding has a direct impact on Country and all life within it. This is highlighted by Dharumbal Elder Uncle Billy Mann (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann") who speaks of the importance of flooding in bringing water to inland lagoons which provide food sources for Dharumbal people, especially at times when the water in Toonooba is low. Such lagoons remain important places for fishing, hunting, recreational activities, and cultural practices but are reliant on the flow of water caused by the flowing, and at times flooding river, which Uncle Mann describes as the “lifeblood” of Dharumbal people and Country (Fitzroy Basin Association "Billy Mann"). Through her research in the Murray-Darling region of New South Wales, Weir writes of how flooding sustains life though cycles that contribute to ecological balance, providing nourishment and food sources for all beings (see also Cullen and Cullen 98). Water’s movement across land provokes the movement of animals such as mice and lizards, providing food for snakes. Frogs emerge from dry clay plains, finding newly made waterholes. Small aquatic organisms flourish and provide food sources for birds. Golden and silver perch spawn, and receding waters promote germination and growth. Aboriginal artist Ron Hurley depicts a similar cycle in a screen-print titled Waterlily–Darambal Totem. In this work Hurley shows floodwaters washing away old water lily roots that have been cooked in ant bed ovens as part of Dharumbal ceremonies (UQ Anthropology Museum). The cooking of the water lily exposes new seeds, which rains carry to nearby creeks and lagoons. The seeds take root and provide food sources for the following year. Cooking water lily during Dharumbal ceremonies contributes to securing and maintaining a sustainable food source as well as being part of Dharumbal cultural practice. Culture, ecological management, and everyday activity are mutually connected, along with being revealed and revelled in. Aboriginal Elder and ranger Uncle Fred Conway explains how Country teaches Aboriginal people to live in balance with their surroundings (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). As Country is in constant communication, numerous signifiers can be observed on land and waterscapes, indicating the most productive and sustainable time to pursue certain actions, source particular foods, or move to particular locations. The best time for fishing in central Queensland for example is when Wattles are in bloom, indicating a time when fish are “fatter and sweeter” (Fitzroy Basin Association "Fred Conway"). In this case, the Wattle is 1) autonomous, having its own life cycle; 2) mutually dependant, coming into being because of seasonal weather patterns; and 3) an agent of Country that teaches those with awareness how to respond and benefit from its lessons.Dialogue with Country As Country is sentient and responsive, it is vital that a person remains contextually aware of their actions on and towards their surroundings. Indigenous peoples seek familiarity with Country but also ensure that they themselves are known and familiarised by it (Rose Dingo). In a practice likened to “baptism”, Langton ("Earth") describes how Aboriginal Elders in Cape York pour water over the head of newcomers as a way of introducing them to Country, and ensuring that Country knows those who walk upon it. These introductions are done out of respect for Country and are a way of protecting outsiders from the potentially harmful powers of ancestral beings. Toussaint et al. similarly note how during mortuary rites, parents of the deceased take water from rivers and spit it back into the land, symbolising the spirit’s return to Country.Dharumbal man Robin Hatfield demonstrates the importance of not interfering with the dialogue of Country through recalling being told as a child not to disturb Barraru or green frogs. Memmott (78) writes that frogs share a relationship with the rain and flooding caused by Munda-gadda, the Rainbow Snake. Uncle Dougie Hatfield explains the significance of Munda-gadda to his Country stating how “our Aboriginal culture tells us that all the waterways, lagoons, creeks, rivers etc. and many landforms were created by and still are protected by the Moonda-Ngutta, what white people call the Rainbow Snake” (Memmott 79).In the case of Robin Hatfield, to interfere with Barraru’s “business” is to threaten its dialogue with Munda-gadda and in turn the dialogue of Country in form of rain. In addition to disrupting the relational balance between the frog and Munda-gadda, such actions potentially have far-reaching social and cosmological consequences. The rain’s disruption affects the flood plains, which has direct consequences for local flora and transportation and germination of water lily seeds; fauna, affecting the spawning of fish and their movement into lagoons; and ancestral beings such as Munda-gadda who continue to reside within Toonooba.Honouring Land Connections provided artists with a means to enter their own dialogue with Country and explore, discuss, engage, negotiate, and affirm aspects of their indigeneity. The artists wanted the artwork to remain organic to demonstrate honour and respect for Dharumbal connections with Country (Roberts). This meant that materials were sourced from the surrounding Country and the poles placed in a wave-like pattern resembling Munda-gadda. Alongside the designs and symbols painted and carved into the poles, fish skins, birds, nests, and frogs are embalmed within cavities that are cut into the wood, acting as windows that allow viewers to witness components of Country that are often overlooked (see fig. 4). Country therefore is an equal participant within the artwork’s creation and continuing memories and stories. More than a representation of Country, Honouring Land Connections is a literal manifestation of it.Figure 4Opening Dialogue with Non-Indigenous AustraliaHonouring Land Connections is an artistic and cultural expression that revels in Indigenous understandings of place. The installation however remains positioned within a contested “hybrid” setting that is informed by both Indigenous and settler-colonial outlooks (Bhabha). The installation for example is separated from the other two artworks of Flood Markers that explore Rockhampton’s colonial and industrial history. Whilst these are positioned within a landscaped area, Honouring Land Connections is placed where the grass is dying, seating is lacking, and is situated next to a dilapidated coast guard building. It is a location that is as quickly left behind as it is encountered. Its separation from the other two works is further emphasised through its depiction in the project brief as a representation of Rockhampton’s pre-colonial history. Presenting it in such a way has the effect of bookending Aboriginal culture in relation to European settlement, suggesting that its themes belong to a time past rather than an immediate present. Almost as if it is a revelation in and of itself. Within settler-colonial settings, place is heavily politicised and often contested. In what can be seen as an ongoing form of colonialism, Eurocentric epistemologies and understandings of place continue to dominate public thought, rhetoric, and action in ways that legitimise White positionality whilst questioning and/or subjugating other ways of knowing, being, and doing (K. Martin; Moreton-Robinson; Wolfe). This turns places such as Toonooba into agonistic locations of contrasting and competing interests (Bradfield). For many Aboriginal peoples, the memories and emotions attached to a particular place can render it as either comfortable and culturally safe, or as unsafe, unsuitable, unwelcoming, and exclusionary (Fredericks). Honouring Land Connections is one way of publicly asserting and recognising Toonooba as a culturally safe, welcoming, and deeply meaningful place for Indigenous peoples. Whilst the themes explored in Honouring Land Connections are not overtly political, its presence on colonised/invaded land unsettles Eurocentric falsities and colonial amnesia (B. Martin) of an uncontested place and history in which Indigenous voices and knowledges are silenced. The artwork is a physical reminder that encourages awareness—particularly for non-Indigenous populations—of Indigenous voices that are continuously demanding recognition of Aboriginal place within Country. Similar to the boomerangs carved into the poles representing flooding as a natural expression of Country that will return (see fig. 5), Indigenous peoples continue to demand that the wider non-Indigenous population acknowledge, respect, and morally responded to Aboriginal cultures and knowledges.Figure 5Conclusion Far from a historic account of the past, the artists of CAM have created an artwork that promotes awareness of an immediate and emerging Indigenous presence on Country. It creates a space that is welcoming to Indigenous people, allowing them to engage with and affirm aspects of their living histories and cultural identities. Through sharing stories and providing “windows” into Aboriginal culture, Country, and lived experiences (which like the frogs of Toonooba are so often overlooked), the memory poles invite and welcome an open dialogue with non-Indigenous Australians where all may consider their shared presence and mutual dependence on each other and their surroundings.The memory poles are mediatory agents that stand on Country, revealing and bearing witness to the survival, resistance, tenacity, and continuity of Aboriginal peoples within the Rockhampton region and along Toonooba. Honouring Land Connections is not simply a means of reclaiming the river as an Indigenous space, for reclamation signifies something regained after it has been lost. What the memory poles signify is something eternally present, i.e. Toonooba is and forever will be embedded in Aboriginal Country in which we all, Indigenous and non-Indigenous, human and non-human, share. The memory poles serve as lasting reminders of whose Country Rockhampton is on and describes the life ways of that Country, including times of flood. Through celebrating and revelling in the presence of Country, the artists of CAM are revealing the deep connection they have to Country to the wider non-Indigenous community.ReferencesAtkinson, Judy. Trauma Trails, Recreating Song Lines: The Transgenerational Effects of Trauma in Indigenous Australia. Spinifex Press, 2002.Bhabha, Homi, K. The Location of Culture. Taylor and Francis, 2012.Bradfield, Abraham. "Decolonizing the Intercultural: A Call for Decolonizing Consciousness in Settler-Colonial Australia." Religions 10.8 (2019): 469.Cajete, Gregory. Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence. 1st ed. Clear Light Publishers, 2000.Chudleigh, Jane. "Flood Memorial Called 'Pillar of Courage' Unveiled in Goodna to Mark the Anniversary of the Natural Disaster." The Courier Mail 2012. 16 Jan. 2020 <http://www.couriermail.com.au/questnews/flood-memorial-called-pillar-of-courage-unveiled-in-goodna-to-mark-the-anniversary-of-the-natural-disaster/news-story/575b1a8c44cdd6863da72d64f9e96f2d>.Cullen, Peter, and Vicky Cullen. This Land, Our Water: Water Challenges for the 21st Century. ATF P, 2011.Fitzroy Basin Association. "Carnarvon Gorge with Fred Conway." 8 Dec. 2010 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RbOP60JOfYo>.———. "The Fitzroy River with Billy Mann." 8 Dec. 2019 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=00ELbpIUa_Y>.Fredericks, Bronwyn. "Understanding and Living Respectfully within Indigenous Places." Indigenous Places: World Indigenous Nations Higher Education Consortium Journal 4 (2008): 43-49.Geertz, Clifford. "Art as a Cultural System." MLN 91.6 (1976): 1473-99.Gell, Alfred. Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory. Clarendon P, 1998.———. "The Technology of Enchantment and the Enchantment of Technology." Anthropology, Art, and Aesthetics, eds. J. Coote and A. Shelton. Clarendon P, 1992. 40-63.Goodall, Heather. "The River Runs Backwards." Words for Country: Landscape & Language in Australia, eds. Tim Bonyhady and Tom Griffiths. U of New South Wales P, 2002. 30-51.Heidegger, Martin. Being and Time. 1st English ed. SCM P, 1962.Hokari, Minoru. Gurindji Journey: A Japanese Historian in the Outback. U of New South Wales P, 2011.Ingold, Tim. Lines: A Brief History. Routledge, 2007.———. The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling & Skill. Routledge, 2000.Langton, Marcia. "Earth, Wind, Fire and Water: The Social and Spiritual Construction of Water in Aboriginal Societies." Social Archaeology of Australian Indigenous Societies, eds. Bruno David et al. Aboriginal Studies P, 2006. 139-60.———. "The Edge of the Sacred, the Edge of Death: Sensual Inscriptions." Inscribed Landscapes: Marking and Making Place, eds. Bruno David and M. Wilson. U of Hawaii P, 2002. 253-69.Lavarack, Louise. "Threshold." 17 Jan. 2019 <http://www.louiselavarack.com.au/>.Malpas, Jeff. Place and Experience: A Philosophical Topography. Cambridge UP, 1999.Martin, Brian. "Immaterial Land." Carnal Knowledge: Towards a 'New Materialism' through the Arts, eds. E. Barret and B. Bolt. Tauris, 2013. 185-04.Martin, Karen Lillian. Please Knock before You Enter: Aboriginal Regulation of Outsiders and the Implications for Researchers. Post Pressed, 2008.Memmott, Paul. "Research Report 10: Aboriginal Social History and Land Affiliation in the Rockhampton-Shoalwater Bay Region." Commonwealth Commission of Inquiry, Shoalwater Bay Capricornia Coast, Queensland: Research Reports, ed. John T. Woodward. A.G.P.S., 1994. 1-107.Moreton-Robinson, Aileen. The White Possessive: Property, Power, and Indigenous Sovereignty. U of Minnesota P, 2015.Morgan, Bob. "Country – a Journey to Cultural and Spiritual Healing." Heartsick for Country: Stories of Love, Spirit and Creation, eds. S. Morgan et al. Freemantle P, 2008: 201-20.Roberts, Alice. "Flood Markers Unveiled on Fitzroy." ABC News 5 Mar. 2014. 10 Mar. 2014 <https://www.abc.net.au/local/photos/2014/03/05/3957151.htm>.Roberts, Alice, and Jacquie Mackay. "Flood Artworks Revealed on Fitzroy Riverbank." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 20104 <http://www.abc.net.au/local/stories/2013/10/29/3879048.htm?site=capricornia>.Robinson, Paul, and Jacquie Mackay. "Artwork Portray Flood Impact." ABC Capricornia 29 Oct. 2013. 5 Jan. 2014 <http://www.abc.net.au/lnews/2013-10-29/artworks-portray-flood-impact/5051856>.Rose, Deborah Bird. Dingo Makes Us Human: Life and Land in an Aboriginal Australian Culture. Cambridge UP, 1992.———. Nourishing Terrains: Australian Aboriginal Views of Landscape and Wilderness. Australian Heritage Commission, 1996.Salmón, Enrique. "Kincentric Ecology: Indigenous Perceptions of the Human-Nature Relationship." Ecological Applications 10.5 (2000): 1327-32.Seton, Kathryn A., and John J. Bradley. "'When You Have No Law You Are Nothing': Cane Toads, Social Consequences and Management Issues." The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 5.3 (2004): 205-25.Singer, Peter. Practical Ethics. 3rd ed. Cambridge UP, 2011.Toussaint, Sandy, et al. "Water Ways in Aboriginal Australia: An Interconnected Analysis." Anthropological Forum 15.1 (2005): 61-74.Ungunmerr, Miriam-Rose. "To Be Listened To in Her Teaching: Dadirri: Inner Deep Listening and Quiet Still Awareness." EarthSong Journal: Perspectives in Ecology, Spirituality and Education 3.4 (2017): 14-15.University of New Orleans. "Fine Arts at the University of New Orleans: Christopher Saucedo." 31 Aug. 2013 <http://finearts.uno.edu/christophersaucedofaculty.html>.UQ Anthropology Museum. "UQ Anthropology Museum: Online Catalogue." 6 Dec. 2019 <https://catalogue.anthropologymuseum.uq.edu.au/item/26030>.Weir, Jessica. Murray River Country: An Ecological Dialogue with Traditional Owners. Aboriginal Studies Press, 2009.White, Mary Bayard. "Boulder Creek Flood Level Marker Projects." WEAD: Women Eco Artists Dialog. 15 Jan. 2020 <https://directory.weadartists.org/colorado-marking-floods>.Wolfe, Patrick. "Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native." Journal of Genocide Research 8.4 (2006): 387-409.Yunupingu, Galarrwuy. Our Land Is Our Life: Land Rights – Past, Present and Future. University of Queensland Press, 1997.

The term “coffee palace” was primarily used in Australia to describe the temperance hotels that were built in the last decades of the 19th century, although there are references to the term also being used to a lesser extent in the United Kingdom (Denby 174). Built in response to the worldwide temperance movement, which reached its pinnacle in the 1880s in Australia, coffee palaces were hotels that did not serve alcohol. This was a unique time in Australia’s architectural development as the economic boom fuelled by the gold rush in the 1850s, and the demand for ostentatious display that gathered momentum during the following years, afforded the use of richly ornamental High Victorian architecture and resulted in very majestic structures; hence the term “palace” (Freeland 121). The often multi-storied coffee palaces were found in every capital city as well as regional areas such as Geelong and Broken Hill, and locales as remote as Maria Island on the east coast of Tasmania. Presented as upholding family values and discouraging drunkenness, the coffee palaces were most popular in seaside resorts such as Barwon Heads in Victoria, where they catered to families. Coffee palaces were also constructed on a grand scale to provide accommodation for international and interstate visitors attending the international exhibitions held in Sydney (1879) and Melbourne (1880 and 1888). While the temperance movement lasted well over 100 years, the life of coffee palaces was relatively short-lived. Nevertheless, coffee palaces were very much part of Australia’s cultural landscape. In this article, I examine the rise and demise of coffee palaces associated with the temperance movement and argue that coffee palaces established in the name of abstinence were modelled on the coffee houses that spread throughout Europe and North America in the 17th and 18th centuries during the Enlightenment—a time when the human mind could be said to have been liberated from inebriation and the dogmatic state of ignorance. The Temperance Movement At a time when newspapers are full of lurid stories about binge-drinking and the alleged ill-effects of the liberalisation of licensing laws, as well as concerns over the growing trend of marketing easy-to-drink products (such as the so-called “alcopops”) to teenagers, it is difficult to think of a period when the total suppression of the alcohol trade was seriously debated in Australia. The cause of temperance has almost completely vanished from view, yet for well over a century—from 1830 to the outbreak of the Second World War—the control or even total abolition of the liquor trade was a major political issue—one that split the country, brought thousands onto the streets in demonstrations, and influenced the outcome of elections. Between 1911 and 1925 referenda to either limit or prohibit the sale of alcohol were held in most States. While moves to bring about abolition failed, Fitzgerald notes that almost one in three Australian voters expressed their support for prohibition of alcohol in their State (145). Today, the temperance movement’s platform has largely been forgotten, killed off by the practical example of the United States, where prohibition of the legal sale of alcohol served only to hand control of the liquor traffic to organised crime. Coffee Houses and the Enlightenment Although tea has long been considered the beverage of sobriety, it was coffee that came to be regarded as the very antithesis of alcohol. When the first coffee house opened in London in the early 1650s, customers were bewildered by this strange new drink from the Middle East—hot, bitter, and black as soot. But those who tried coffee were, reports Ellis, soon won over, and coffee houses were opened across London, Oxford, and Cambridge and, in the following decades, Europe and North America. Tea, equally exotic, entered the English market slightly later than coffee (in 1664), but was more expensive and remained a rarity long after coffee had become ubiquitous in London (Ellis 123-24). The impact of the introduction of coffee into Europe during the seventeenth century was particularly noticeable since the most common beverages of the time, even at breakfast, were weak “small beer” and wine. Both were safer to drink than water, which was liable to be contaminated. Coffee, like beer, was made using boiled water and, therefore, provided a new and safe alternative to alcoholic drinks. There was also the added benefit that those who drank coffee instead of alcohol began the day alert rather than mildly inebriated (Standage 135). It was also thought that coffee had a stimulating effect upon the “nervous system,” so much so that the French called coffee une boisson intellectuelle (an intellectual beverage), because of its stimulating effect on the brain (Muskett 71). In Oxford, the British called their coffee houses “penny universities,” a penny then being the price of a cup of coffee (Standage 158). Coffee houses were, moreover, more than places that sold coffee. Unlike other institutions of the period, rank and birth had no place (Ellis 59). The coffee house became the centre of urban life, creating a distinctive social culture by treating all customers as equals. Egalitarianism, however, did not extend to women—at least not in London. Around its egalitarian (but male) tables, merchants discussed and conducted business, writers and poets held discussions, scientists demonstrated experiments, and philosophers deliberated ideas and reforms. For the price of a cup (or “dish” as it was then known) of coffee, a man could read the latest pamphlets and newsletters, chat with other patrons, strike business deals, keep up with the latest political gossip, find out what other people thought of a new book, or take part in literary or philosophical discussions. Like today’s Internet, Twitter, and Facebook, Europe’s coffee houses functioned as an information network where ideas circulated and spread from coffee house to coffee house. In this way, drinking coffee in the coffee house became a metaphor for people getting together to share ideas in a sober environment, a concept that remains today. According to Standage, this information network fuelled the Enlightenment (133), prompting an explosion of creativity. Coffee houses provided an entirely new environment for political, financial, scientific, and literary change, as people gathered, discussed, and debated issues within their walls. Entrepreneurs and scientists teamed up to form companies to exploit new inventions and discoveries in manufacturing and mining, paving the way for the Industrial Revolution (Standage 163). The stock market and insurance companies also had their birth in the coffee house. As a result, coffee was seen to be the epitome of modernity and progress and, as such, was the ideal beverage for the Age of Reason. By the 19th century, however, the era of coffee houses had passed. Most of them had evolved into exclusive men’s clubs, each geared towards a certain segment of society. Tea was now more affordable and fashionable, and teahouses, which drew clientele from both sexes, began to grow in popularity. Tea, however, had always been Australia’s most popular non-alcoholic drink. Tea (and coffee) along with other alien plants had been part of the cargo unloaded onto Australian shores with the First Fleet in 1788. Coffee, mainly from Brazil and Jamaica, remained a constant import but was taxed more heavily than tea and was, therefore, more expensive. Furthermore, tea was much easier to make than coffee. To brew tea, all that is needed is to add boiling water, coffee, in contrast, required roasting, grinding and brewing. According to Symons, until the 1930s, Australians were the largest consumers of tea in the world (19). In spite of this, and as coffee, since its introduction into Europe, was regarded as the antidote to alcohol, the temperance movement established coffee palaces. In the early 1870s in Britain, the temperance movement had revived the coffee house to provide an alternative to the gin taverns that were so attractive to the working classes of the Industrial Age (Clarke 5). Unlike the earlier coffee house, this revived incarnation provided accommodation and was open to men, women and children. “Cheap and wholesome food,” was available as well as reading rooms supplied with newspapers and periodicals, and games and smoking rooms (Clarke 20). In Australia, coffee palaces did not seek the working classes, as clientele: at least in the cities they were largely for the nouveau riche. Coffee Palaces The discovery of gold in 1851 changed the direction of the Australian economy. An investment boom followed, with an influx of foreign funds and English banks lending freely to colonial speculators. By the 1880s, the manufacturing and construction sectors of the economy boomed and land prices were highly inflated. Governments shared in the wealth and ploughed money into urban infrastructure, particularly railways. Spurred on by these positive economic conditions and the newly extended inter-colonial rail network, international exhibitions were held in both Sydney and Melbourne. To celebrate modern technology and design in an industrial age, international exhibitions were phenomena that had spread throughout Europe and much of the world from the mid-19th century. According to Davison, exhibitions were “integral to the culture of nineteenth century industrialising societies” (158). In particular, these exhibitions provided the colonies with an opportunity to demonstrate to the world their economic power and achievements in the sciences, the arts and education, as well as to promote their commerce and industry. Massive purpose-built buildings were constructed to house the exhibition halls. In Sydney, the Garden Palace was erected in the Botanic Gardens for the 1879 Exhibition (it burnt down in 1882). In Melbourne, the Royal Exhibition Building, now a World Heritage site, was built in the Carlton Gardens for the 1880 Exhibition and extended for the 1888 Centennial Exhibition. Accommodation was required for the some one million interstate and international visitors who were to pass through the gates of the Garden Palace in Sydney. To meet this need, the temperance movement, keen to provide alternative accommodation to licensed hotels, backed the establishment of Sydney’s coffee palaces. The Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company was formed in 1878 to operate and manage a number of coffee palaces constructed during the 1870s. These were designed to compete with hotels by “offering all the ordinary advantages of those establishments without the allurements of the drink” (Murdoch). Coffee palaces were much more than ordinary hotels—they were often multi-purpose or mixed-use buildings that included a large number of rooms for accommodation as well as ballrooms and other leisure facilities to attract people away from pubs. As the Australian Town and Country Journal reveals, their services included the supply of affordable, wholesome food, either in the form of regular meals or occasional refreshments, cooked in kitchens fitted with the latest in culinary accoutrements. These “culinary temples” also provided smoking rooms, chess and billiard rooms, and rooms where people could read books, periodicals and all the local and national papers for free (121). Similar to the coffee houses of the Enlightenment, the coffee palaces brought businessmen, artists, writers, engineers, and scientists attending the exhibitions together to eat and drink (non-alcoholic), socialise and conduct business. The Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace located in York Street in Sydney produced a practical guide for potential investors and businessmen titled International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney. It included information on the location of government departments, educational institutions, hospitals, charitable organisations, and embassies, as well as a list of the tariffs on goods from food to opium (1–17). Women, particularly the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) were a formidable force in the temperance movement (intemperance was generally regarded as a male problem and, more specifically, a husband problem). Murdoch argues, however, that much of the success of the push to establish coffee palaces was due to male politicians with business interests, such as the one-time Victorian premiere James Munro. Considered a stern, moral church-going leader, Munro expanded the temperance movement into a fanatical force with extraordinary power, which is perhaps why the temperance movement had its greatest following in Victoria (Murdoch). Several prestigious hotels were constructed to provide accommodation for visitors to the international exhibitions in Melbourne. Munro was responsible for building many of the city’s coffee palaces, including the Victoria (1880) and the Federal Coffee Palace (1888) in Collins Street. After establishing the Grand Coffee Palace Company, Munro took over the Grand Hotel (now the Windsor) in 1886. Munro expanded the hotel to accommodate some of the two million visitors who were to attend the Centenary Exhibition, renamed it the Grand Coffee Palace, and ceremoniously burnt its liquor licence at the official opening (Murdoch). By 1888 there were more than 50 coffee palaces in the city of Melbourne alone and Munro held thousands of shares in coffee palaces, including those in Geelong and Broken Hill. With its opening planned to commemorate the centenary of the founding of Australia and the 1888 International Exhibition, the construction of the Federal Coffee Palace, one of the largest hotels in Australia, was perhaps the greatest monument to the temperance movement. Designed in the French Renaissance style, the façade was embellished with statues, griffins and Venus in a chariot drawn by four seahorses. The building was crowned with an iron-framed domed tower. New passenger elevators—first demonstrated at the Sydney Exhibition—allowed the building to soar to seven storeys. According to the Federal Coffee Palace Visitor’s Guide, which was presented to every visitor, there were three lifts for passengers and others for luggage. Bedrooms were located on the top five floors, while the stately ground and first floors contained majestic dining, lounge, sitting, smoking, writing, and billiard rooms. There were electric service bells, gaslights, and kitchens “fitted with the most approved inventions for aiding proficients [sic] in the culinary arts,” while the luxury brand Pears soap was used in the lavatories and bathrooms (16–17). In 1891, a spectacular financial crash brought the economic boom to an abrupt end. The British economy was in crisis and to meet the predicament, English banks withdrew their funds in Australia. There was a wholesale collapse of building companies, mortgage banks and other financial institutions during 1891 and 1892 and much of the banking system was halted during 1893 (Attard). Meanwhile, however, while the eastern States were in the economic doldrums, gold was discovered in 1892 at Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie in Western Australia and, within two years, the west of the continent was transformed. As gold poured back to the capital city of Perth, the long dormant settlement hurriedly caught up and began to emulate the rest of Australia, including the construction of ornately detailed coffee palaces (Freeman 130). By 1904, Perth had 20 coffee palaces. When the No. 2 Coffee Palace opened in Pitt Street, Sydney, in 1880, the Australian Town and Country Journal reported that coffee palaces were “not only fashionable, but appear to have acquired a permanent footing in Sydney” (121). The coffee palace era, however, was relatively short-lived. Driven more by reformist and economic zeal than by good business sense, many were in financial trouble when the 1890’s Depression hit. Leading figures in the temperance movement were also involved in land speculation and building societies and when these schemes collapsed, many, including Munro, were financially ruined. Many of the palaces closed or were forced to apply for liquor licences in order to stay afloat. Others developed another life after the temperance movement’s influence waned and the coffee palace fad faded, and many were later demolished to make way for more modern buildings. The Federal was licensed in 1923 and traded as the Federal Hotel until its demolition in 1973. The Victoria, however, did not succumb to a liquor licence until 1967. The Sydney Coffee Palace in Woolloomooloo became the Sydney Eye Hospital and, more recently, smart apartments. Some fine examples still survive as reminders of Australia’s social and cultural heritage. The Windsor in Melbourne’s Spring Street and the Broken Hill Hotel, a massive three-story iconic pub in the outback now called simply “The Palace,” are some examples. Tea remained the beverage of choice in Australia until the 1950s when the lifting of government controls on the importation of coffee and the influence of American foodways coincided with the arrival of espresso-loving immigrants. As Australians were introduced to the espresso machine, the short black, the cappuccino, and the café latte and (reminiscent of the Enlightenment), the post-war malaise was shed in favour of the energy and vigour of modernist thought and creativity, fuelled in at least a small part by caffeine and the emergent café culture (Teffer). Although the temperance movement’s attempt to provide an alternative to the ubiquitous pubs failed, coffee has now outstripped the consumption of tea and today’s café culture ensures that wherever coffee is consumed, there is the possibility of a continuation of the Enlightenment’s lively discussions, exchange of news, and dissemination of ideas and information in a sober environment. References Attard, Bernard. “The Economic History of Australia from 1788: An Introduction.” EH.net Encyclopedia. 5 Feb. (2012) ‹http://eh.net/encyclopedia/article/attard.australia›. Blainey, Anna. “The Prohibition and Total Abstinence Movement in Australia 1880–1910.” Food, Power and Community: Essays in the History of Food and Drink. Ed. Robert Dare. Adelaide: Wakefield Press, 1999. 142–52. Boyce, Francis Bertie. “Shall I Vote for No License?” An address delivered at the Convention of the Parramatta Branch of New South Wales Alliance, 3 September 1906. 3rd ed. Parramatta: New South Wales Alliance, 1907. Clarke, James Freeman. Coffee Houses and Coffee Palaces in England. Boston: George H. Ellis, 1882. “Coffee Palace, No. 2.” Australian Town and Country Journal. 17 Jul. 1880: 121. Davison, Graeme. “Festivals of Nationhood: The International Exhibitions.” Australian Cultural History. Eds. S. L. Goldberg and F. B. Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1989. 158–77. Denby, Elaine. Grand Hotels: Reality and Illusion. London: Reaktion Books, 2002. Ellis, Markman. The Coffee House: A Cultural History. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2004. Federal Coffee Palace. The Federal Coffee Palace Visitors’ Guide to Melbourne, Its Suburbs, and Other Parts of the Colony of Victoria: Views of the Principal Public and Commercial Buildings in Melbourne, With a Bird’s Eye View of the City; and History of the Melbourne International Exhibition of 1880, etc. Melbourne: Federal Coffee House Company, 1888. Fitzgerald, Ross, and Trevor Jordan. Under the Influence: A History of Alcohol in Australia. Sydney: Harper Collins, 2009. Freeland, John. The Australian Pub. Melbourne: Sun Books, 1977. Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace. International Exhibition Visitors Pocket Guide to Sydney, Restaurant and Temperance Hotel. Sydney: Johnson’s Temperance Coffee Palace, 1879. Mitchell, Ann M. “Munro, James (1832–1908).” Australian Dictionary of Biography. Canberra: National Centre of Biography, Australian National U, 2006-12. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/munro-james-4271/text6905›. Murdoch, Sally. “Coffee Palaces.” Encyclopaedia of Melbourne. Eds. Andrew Brown-May and Shurlee Swain. 5 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.emelbourne.net.au/biogs/EM00371b.htm›. Muskett, Philip E. The Art of Living in Australia. New South Wales: Kangaroo Press, 1987. Standage, Tom. A History of the World in 6 Glasses. New York: Walker & Company, 2005. Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company Limited. Memorandum of Association of the Sydney Coffee Palace Hotel Company, Ltd. Sydney: Samuel Edward Lees, 1879. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic: A Gastronomic History of Australia. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2007. Teffer, Nicola. Coffee Customs. Exhibition Catalogue. Sydney: Customs House, 2005.

In George Orwell’s Animal Farm, the pigs infamously changed the law to read: “some animals are more equal than others” (108). From Charlotte’s Web to Babe, there are a plethora of contemporary cultural references, as well as expressions of their intelligence and worth, which would seem to support the pigs’ cause. However, simultaneously, the term “pig” is also synonymous with negative attributes—greed, dirtiness, disarray, brutality and chauvinism. Pigs are also used to name those out of favour, including police officers, the obese, capitalists and male chauvinists. Yet, the animal’s name is also used to express the most extraordinary and unlikely events as in “pigs might fly”. On the one hand, pigs are praised and represented as intelligent and useful, but then they are derided as unclean and slovenly. We are similarly paradoxical in our relationship with then, ranging from using them as a food source to keeping them as pets, and from seeing them as a valuable farm animal/resource or dangerous feral pest depending on which side of the farm gate they are on. Pigs also give a voice to many aspects of popular culture and feature in novels, fairytales, cartoons, comics and movies. As food, pigs are both for feasts and forbidden, their meat the site of both desire and disgust. They are smoked, roasted, fried, stewed and braised, and farmed in the worst of industrial food producing factories. They are also leading the charge in an eating revolution which is calling for heritage, free-range, organic and cruelty-free farming. Snuck into dishes during the Inquisition to expose false conversos, pigs are today seen by some as unclean, inedible and/or fattening and, yet, they provide the symbolic heart of tip-to-tail eating and some of the most expensive and desired of foodie products: heritage Spanish hams, for instance. In an age where to be slender is the goal of many, pigs have been bred and farmed to provide pork which is ever leaner, and yet, their fat—at its most unctuous and melting—is providing a space where the most celebrated of chefs revel. When more and more people are disconnected from what they eat, snout-to-tail eaters are dining on recognisable pigs’ ears, pig’s head filled pies and braised trotters. For many, pigs are the other white meat.Those of us who grew up with television muppet, Miss Piggy, are familiar with the mixed feelings that pigs can evoke. As the contributions to this issue attest, the idea of “pig” can evoke a similarly wide range of responses from scholars working in a variety of disciplines. While as editors we approached the idea of “pig” from an interdisciplinary food studies approach, the symbolic, and even iconic, significance of the pig is a central concern of all of the papers. As Claude Lévi-Strauss put it so elegantly “food has to be good to think as well as to eat” (1963: 128). A number of the authors in this issue have responded with a regional or country-specific focus, and include perspectives from, or about, places and cultures as diverse as Ireland, Tonga, New Zealand, the Soviet Union, the USA and China. “The Pig in Irish Cuisine and Culture”, the title and subject of Máirtín Mac Con Iomaire’s historical analysis, opens with the fact that more pork is eaten per capita than any other meat in Ireland but pigs themselves are almost invisible. Various themes confirm the importance of pigs in Irish culture—literature, folklore, the domestication of the animal and their value in household economics, their role in feasts and how they are raised, killed, prepared and consumed. How the history of the pig in Ireland complements that of the potato—the food item more widely recognised as a major contributor to Irish cuisine—is also included, as are an indication of the new interpretations of Irish pork and bacon dishes by contemporary chefs. In Tonga, conversely, pigs are killed to mark a special event, and are not eaten as everyday food by most people, although they are very significant in Tongan life and culture precisely because of this ceremonial importance. In “Pu‘aka Tonga,” ex-resident of Tonga Mandy Treagus, explains that this is one of the few things about the Tongan diet that has not changed since Cook visited the area and named it the “Friendly Islands”. Treagus also critiques the ways in which the Tongan diet has changed, and how food in Tonga is a neo-colonial issue with pervasive and, sometimes, negative ramifications for Tongans.Jeremy Fisher’s memoir “Tusk” similarly weaves personal and cultural history together, this time in New Zealand. “Tusk” orients the life story of the narrator’s father around the watershed moment he experienced when he killed a boar at 16. The tusks he took from the killing were mounted on gold and accompanied him throughout his life, as well as acting as a reminder to others of his act. The tusks thus function as a physical reminder of the night he spent out in the bush and killed the boar, but also a remembrance of both change and continuity over time. Jenny Smith moves us spatially, and temporally, to the Soviet Union in her “Tushonka: Cultivating Soviet Postwar Taste”. During the Second World War, the USA sent meat, cheese and butter overseas to help feed the Red Army. However, after receiving several shipments of SPAM, a more familiar canned pork product, Russian tushonka, was requested. Smith uses the example of tuskonka to trace how this pig-based product not only kept soldiers alive during the war, but how later the requirements for its manufacture re-prioritised muscle over fat and influenced pig breeding programs. Smith asserts that this had a significant influence on faming and food processing in the Soviet Union, as well as the relationship between the pig and the consumer.Pigs are at the centre of debates that have arisen from the growth of a number of social movements that are becoming increasingly mainstream, reminding us that they are also alive, and beings in their own right. These movements include environmentalism, vegetarianism and other alternative food movements advocating ethical eating. Thus, in his analysis of alien creatures with pig and human features in the science fiction series Dr Who, “Those Pig-Men Things”, Brett Mills explores our reactions to these characters and their fates. Discussing why pig-human representations are capable of being both “shocking and horrific”, but also of arousing our empathy, Mills’s analysis suggests the possibility of more complex notions of human/non-human interaction. It also assists in working towards, as he states, “helpfully destabilis[ing our] simplistic ideas of the superiority of the human race.” The deepest form of human-animal interaction underlies Peta S. Cook and Nicholas Osbaldiston’s “Pigs Hearts and Human Bodies: A Cultural Approach to Xenotransplantation”. Cook and Osbaldiston discuss how our categorisation of animals as a lower species has enabled their exploitation, arguing how, in the contemporary West, we largely attribute “a sacred high value to human bodies, and a low, profane quality to animal bodies.” The authors provide a compelling account of the social and cultural ramifications of the use of pigs in xenotransplantation (animal-to-human transplantation), a process in which the current “choice” animal source is pigs. The line dividing human and animal can at other times be a tenuous one, demonstrated by the anxiety generated over eating practices exposed in fears of eating “like a pig”. In her article, “Sugar Pigs: Children’s Consumption of Confectionery”, Toni Risson explains how rules about eating and concealing food in the mouth remind us that eating is an animal act that instruction is required to modify and control. Children’s lolly-eating rituals—sharing half-eaten food, monitoring the progress of its consumption and change, and using fingers to inspect this change or pull stuck lollies off teeth—can evoke disgust in adults, but can also create friendship networks, intimacy and a sense of belonging for children as they transgress the rules of civilised eating. As Risson puts it, as “the antithesis of civilisation, the pig is the means by which we understand ourselves as civilised beings, but the child with a lolly is an ever-present reminder that we may be animals after all”.Feminism can be added to this list of social movements, with Arhlene Ann Flowers drawing attention to the power of language in her article “Swine Semantics in U.S. Politics: Who Put Lipstick on the Pig?”. Flowers chronicles the linguistic battle between the presidential candidates in the US 2008 campaign over the colloquialism “lipstick on a pig”, used in a speech by then Democratic presidential candidate, Barack Obama. Flowers traces the history of this phrase, as well as the use of other porcine terms in political language including “pork barrelling” and “male chauvinist pig.”In her article about New York’s first gastrobpub, The Spotted Pig, one of the co-editors of this issue, Donna Lee Brien, has constructed a brief restaurant biography for the eatery famous for founding chef April Bloomfield’s nose-to-tail, locally sourced pork dishes. In this, Brien reflects upon the pig’s place in contemporary dining, whether as “raw foodstuff, fashionable comestible, brand, symbol or marketing tool.” In Lillian Ng’s novel, Swallowing Clouds, references to pigs are similarly closely related to food, but in her article, Spanish author Catalina Ribas Segura argues these references to flesh and meat evoke the concepts of freedom, transgression and desire. In “Pigs and Desire in Lillian Ng´s Swallowing Clouds”, Segura focuses on pork and the pig and what these reveal about the two main characters’ relationship. One of these, Zhu Zhiyee, is a butcher, which means that pigs and pork are recurrent topics throughout the novel, but other porcine expressions appear throughout. Pig-related terminology in the novel provides a means for Segura to consider the relationship between food and sex, and sex and literature, and includes a discussion about the connotations of pigs in Chinese culture, where pork is used in a variety of dishes. Lee McGowan’s “Piggery and Predictability: An Exploration of the Hog in Football’s Limelight” focuses in more closely on one of the uses to which we have put pigs, discussing how far “the beautiful game” of football (soccer) has come from the days when an inflated pigs bladder was used as the ball.Reversing this focus from use back to how we, as humans, relate to animals, can show that how we conceive of pigs in our human history reveals our own prejudices. It is known that pigs and humans have interacted for some 10,000 years. The history of that interaction and their own adaptability mean that pigs have a broad range of possible relationships with humans, wider and more complex than either that of many other species or our contemporary treatment of them would attest. The other co-editor of this issue, Adele Wessell, takes a historical perspective to restore pigs to the centre of the narrative in “Making a Pig of the Humanities.” Drawing on a growing body of work on nonhuman animals, Wessell is interested in what a history of pigs and our relationship with them reveals about humans more generally. She argues that all the significant themes in modern history—production, religion, the body, science, power, the national state, colonialism, gender, consumption, migration, memory—can be understood through a history of our relationships with pigs. Jim Hearn is a chef, a researcher and writer. Hearn’s article “Percy” is the story of a pig who, as the only pig in the farmyard, longs to “escape the burden of allegory”. All Percy wanted was to belong, but his pig-ness caused offence to all the other animals in the farm. Percy’s story is about belonging and identity, body-image and representation, told from a pig’s point of view. Percy is burdened with the layers of meaning that have built up around pigs and longs to escape, and this fable provides a fitting ending to this issue.Together, we hope the articles in this collection indicate the wide significance and large number of meanings of “pig” that are possible for different cultures and across historical periods, and the place that pigs inhabit in our national, popular and food cultures. They reveal how pigs are used and misused, as well as how they are understood and misunderstood. These interesting and diverse articles also show how pigs are both material and allegorical; how they are paradoxical in how they are revered, avoided and derided; and, commonly, how they are eaten. ReferencesOrwell, George. Animal Farm. Fairfield, IA: 1st World Library—Library Society, 2004.Lévi-Strauss, Claude. Totemism. Boston, Beacon Press, 1963.