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1
Kennedy, Dane. "Imperial history and post‐colonial theory." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 345–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086539608582983.
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2
Zachernuk, P. S. "African history and imperial culture in colonial Nigerian schools." Africa 68, no. 4 (October 1998): 484–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161163.
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Evaluations of colonial education policy tend to treat it as a tool for applying imperial ideology, which—among other things—denied the Africans their past. This study of the debate about history education in southern Nigeria in the 1930s suggests the need to re-evaluate this assessment. While some imperial pronouncements did deny African history, colonial administration also required historical knowledge. Further, many colonial educators thought it proper to provide African students with a sense of their past appropriate to colonial subjects. A few went much further, to actively promote pride in African history. In this ambivalent context African schoolteachers and graduates got on with the task of describing their past, often using colonial educational media, constrained but not silenced by their colonial situation. Recognising the fertile ambivalence of this aspect of imperial culture opens new and more fruitful approaches to colonial intellectual history in general.
3
Sutton, Christopher. "Britain, the Cold War, and ‘the importance of influencing the young’: a comparison of Cyprus and Hong Kong." Britain and the World 7, no. 1 (March 2014): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2014.0121.
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This article reasserts the significance of colonial youth and imperial ideology in the cultural Cold War. It explores Britain's perceptions of colonial youth – both as its most dangerous potential enemy and as the subgroup of colonials which required the most protection against communist indoctrination – and how these shaped policy, by comparing two case studies, Cyprus and Hong Kong. Britain's tactics revealed its general understanding of the Cold War as a true total war – against an enemy from within and out and through high politics, military action, and culture – and how to win it. In the colonies, this centred largely on the differences between negative and positive policy (the former prohibited undesirable action usually through repressive legislation, while the latter provided a pro-democratic and pro-British alternative). Moreover, Britain's Cold War battles cannot be separated from its imperial aims. Its policies regarding colonial youth aimed also at pro-British state formation. Lastly, while positive, pro-democratic policies were considered to be ideal, this article argues that Britain's reliance on repression in the Cold War ‘Youth Race’ reflected its declining imperial power.
4
Katz, Ethan B. "Jewish Citizens of an Imperial Nation-State." French Historical Studies 43, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7920464.
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Abstract This article draws on the work of recent years on Jews and Algeria to map a French-Algerian frame as a new approach to French Jewish history. The article thinks through the implications of two key ideas from the “new colonial history” for the history of Jews in France and Algeria and posits that Jews in French Algeria can profitably be understood as colonial citizens. After focusing briefly on the French-Algerian War and decolonization, a period for which recent scholarship has developed robustly in suggestive ways, the article turns to a case study from a different era: World War II and the Holocaust. It addresses the history of the majority-Jewish resistance movement in Algiers that paved the way for the success of Operation Torch. Finally, the article considers how this French-Algerian framework might reshape our thinking about certain basic issues in the field of French Jewish history. Cet article s'appuie sur les travaux des dernières années sur les juifs et l'Algérie pour tracer un modèle franco-algérien comme nouvelle approche de l'histoire des juifs en France. L'article examine les implications de deux idées clés de la « nouvelle histoire coloniale » pour l'histoire des juifs en France et en Algérie, et pose comme principe que les juifs de l'Algérie française peuvent à juste titre être compris comme des « citoyens coloniaux ». Cet article commence par aborder brièvement une période que l'historiographie récente a développé de manière suggestive—la guerre franco-algérienne et la décolonisation—avant de passer à l'étude d'une autre époque, la Deuxième Guerre mondiale et l'Holocauste. L'article analyse l'histoire du mouvement de résistance à majorité juive qui a ouvert la voie au succès de l'opération Torch. Enfin, l'article discute de la manière dont ce cadre franco-algérien pourrait modifier notre réflexion sur certaines questions fondamentales pour l'histoire des juifs en France.
5
Kharchenko, Artem. "THE COLONIAL PROJECT OF THE EMPIRE: THE ROMANOV STATE AND ITS JEWISH SUBJECTS." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 13 (December 21, 2023): 50–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112056.
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Abstract
Introduction. The rethinking of the imperial heritage in Ukraine has once again become relevant in light of the current Russian-Ukrainian war. Jewish studies are one of the areas of humanitarian knowledge that this process has embraced. The "Jewish question" formulated by the imperial establishment in the "long XIXth century" is considered as one of the colonial projects of the Russian Empire. The research aim is to present this project in its main characteristics, to compare its development with the context of socio-economic, cultural and political changes in society. An important aspect of the study is also to enlighten changes in historiography, paying attention to the authors who covered the relationship between the imperial authorities and Jewish subjects. The new approach of the study is the proposed methodological, the use of postcolonial theory and subaltern studies in the research of the Jewish population of the Russian Empire. The approach allows to outline the peculiarities of imperial policy in the Ukrainian lands, the south of the empire, and to emphasize the subjectivity of the Jewish population in its relations with the authorities. Conclusions. Nevertheless, it was a colonial project which ideology, practices, and language can be described as orientalist. In the "long XIXth century," two periods have been distinguished within the dialog between the empire and the Jews. For the first period, despite the empire's regional diversity, the assimilation of the Jewish population was declared. The ideological foundation for its practices was the traditional Judeophobia, supported by the Orthodox Church. In the second stage, a democratization of society and the emergence of civil institutions pushed the bureaucracy to a project of emancipation aimed at the Jews of the empire. At the same time, the political stage of nation-building processes in the south of the empire and the spread of modern anti-Semitism were contradictory factors on the path of Jewish emancipation.
6
Waits, Mira Rai. "Imperial Vision, Colonial Prisons:." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 77, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 146–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2018.77.2.146.
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Prison construction was among the most important infrastructural changes brought about by British rule in nineteenth-century India. Informed by the extension of liberal political philosophy into the colony, the development of the British colonial prison introduced India to a radically new system of punishment based on long-term incarceration. Unlike prisons in Europe and the United States, where moral reform was cited as the primary objective of incarceration, prisons in colonial India focused on confinement as a way of separating and classifying criminal types in order to stabilize colonial categories of difference. In Imperial Vision, Colonial Prisons: British Jails in Bengal, 1823–73, Mira Rai Waits explores nineteenth-century colonial jail plans from India's Bengal Presidency. Although colonial reformers eventually arrived at a model of prison architecture that resembled Euro-American precedents, the built form and functional arrangements of these places reflected a singularly colonial model of operation.
7
Blackler, Adam A. "From Boondoggle to Settlement Colony: Hendrik Witbooi and the Evolution of Germany's Imperial Project in Southwest Africa, 1884–1894." Central European History 50, no. 4 (December 2017): 449–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917000887.
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AbstractIn the span of ten years, what started as a minor commercial enterprise in a faraway African territory grew into an important extension of the German state. This article reorients our understanding of the relationship between theKaiserreichand its overseas empire, specifically with a focus on Captain Hendrik Witbooi and on how the Witbooi Namaqua he led influenced the evolution of German imperial rule in Southwest Africa between 1884 and 1894. Witbooi's refusal to accept imperial authority compelled colonial officials to confront their administrative limitations in the colony. When the façade of imperial fantasy gave way to colonial reality, German administrators expanded the size and scope of the imperial government to subdue the Namaqua. The article emphasizes the appointments ofLandeshauptmannCurt von François and Governor Theodor Leutwein as critical examples of Witbooi's impact on imperial policy, as well as the colonial administration's embrace of military violence to attain German supremacy in Southwest Africa. An emphasis on the Witbooi Namaqua illustrates the prominent role of Africans in German colonial history and exposes how peoples in distant places like Windhoek and Otjimbingwe manipulated official efforts to control and exploit the colony.
8
Kuzio, Taras. "History, Memory and Nation Building in the Post-Soviet Colonial Space." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 2 (June 2002): 241–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990220140649.
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The disintegration of the Soviet Union in December 1991 led to the de-colonization of the world's last remaining empire. Taking this into account, this article seeks to argue two points. Firstly, many of the imperial policies imposed by the imperial core in the Soviet empire were similar in nature to those imposed by imperial powers in Ireland, Africa, and Asia. Secondly, the nation and state building policies of the post-Soviet colonial states are therefore similar to those adopted in many other post-colonial states because they also seek to remove some—or all—of the inherited colonial legacies. A central aspect of overcoming this legacy is re-claiming the past from the framework imposed by the former imperial core and thereby creating, or reviving, a national historiography that helps to consolidate the new national state. All states, including those traditionally defined as lying in the “civic West,” have in the past—and continue to—use national historiography, myths, and legends as a component of their national identities.
9
Sharafi, Mitra. "The Marital Patchwork of Colonial South Asia: Forum Shopping from Britain to Baroda." Law and History Review 28, no. 4 (October 4, 2010): 979–1009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801000074x.
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The British Empire created channels for imperially intended movement. Commodities, bodies, and ideas flowed along axes structured by imperial law and technology. Unintended motion also occurred along these same planes. With every legal structure meant to promote one type of behavior came litigants devising strategies to achieve the opposite. Collusion, bribery, forgery, and perjury were favorite ways to manipulate imperial law. The more permissible strategy of forum shopping was another. Forum shopping is the attempt to push one's case into a jurisdiction promising an optimal result when there is ambiguity over the controlling jurisdiction. It reveals the perception among litigants that bottom-up—and sideways—mechanics exist within legal systems. Unlike work on resistance to state law through extralegal means, I here examine the ways parties tried to work strategically within the confines of the legal system to reconfigure their marital situations. Rather than documenting the success of these maneuvers, however, I note their more common failure. The colonial courts usually saw through unconvincing attempts to forum shop. The fact that litigants continued to try reflects the ingenuity, arguably, of the “legal lottery” mechanism at work in British imperial law. Colonial law, and therefore colonial rule, reinforced its hold on subjects by dangling before them the possibility of individual relief through rule-of-law proceduralism.
10
McGranahan, Carole. "Imperial but Not Colonial: Archival Truths, British India, and the Case of the “Naughty” Tibetans." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 1 (January 2017): 68–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417516000530.
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AbstractWhat truths are available in imperial archives for non-colonial subjects? Tibet was never colonized by the British, and yet was drawn into the British imperial domain in ways that impacted both political history and historiography. In the 1940s, Tibetan intellectual Rapga Pangdatsang based his Tibetan Improvement Party in Kalimpong, India where he soon ran afoul of colonial officials who thought he was a Chinese spy. By drawing on multiple archival, ethnographic, and historic sources, I show how the story of Rapga Pangdatsang and the first Tibetan political party enables a recalibrating of both Tibetan and British imperial history. It also opens up a consideration of empire beyond the colonial, and speaks more broadly to a consideration of the non-colonial as a thus-far overlooked aspect of empire.
11
Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine. "Colonial History and Decolonisation: The French Imperial Case." European Journal of Development Research 3, no. 2 (December 1991): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09578819108426550.
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12
Hopkins, Benjamin D. "The Frontier Crimes Regulation and Frontier Governmentality." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 2 (March 23, 2015): 369–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911815000030.
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From the invention of imperial authority along the North-West Frontier of British India, subjects were divided between the “civilized” inhabitants populating the cultivated plains and the “wild tribes” living in the hills. The problem of governing this latter group, the “independent tribes,” proved a vexed one for the British Raj. The mechanism developed by imperial administrators to manage the frontier inhabitants was the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR), first promulgated in 1872 and still in effect today. The FCR was designed to exclude the Frontier's inhabitants from the colonial judiciary, and more broadly the colonial sphere, encapsulating them in their own colonially sanctioned “tradition.” Exploring the use of the FCR as an instrument of governance from its first inception into the twentieth century, this article argues that it was key to shaping the nature of frontier rule, which in turn shaped the very nature of the colonial state itself.
13
Syriatou, Athena. "National, Imperial, Colonial and the Political: British Imperial Histories and their Descendants." Historein 12 (March 22, 2013): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.181.
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This paper discusses the pivotal moments of British imperial history from the eighties to today after a brief reference to the study of imperial history since the beginning of historical writing as a discilpline. It refers selectively to discussions as well as to books and attempts to exhibit in each period the works which characterise the general arguments, the perceptions of ideas by the academic environment and the historiographical issues examined.
14
Guidi, Andreas. "Italian history, Mediterranean history: New perspectives on an imperial and colonial past." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 303 (April 2024): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/icyearbook2022-2023-oa006.
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In recent years, historiographical research has increasingly focused on the link between Italy and the Mediterranean, taking into account the debate on new spatial categories in national, regional and global history, and showing a growing interest in imperial history. This article discusses the status quo and future research perspectives. Focusing on four recent Englishlanguage publications, it approaches the Mediterranean as a space that challenges mainstream Italian history by highlighting its imperial nature, including decolonisation processes and their legacies in the present. Based on these premises, the article engages in a dialogue with other geohistorical "areas" of the Mediterranean, examining sources written in different languages and paying particular attention to local experiences prior to the Italian occupation. 
15
Mirzekhanov, Velikhan. "Imperial Myth as a National Idea: Explicit and Hidden Meanings of the 1931 International Colonial Exhibition in Paris." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016273-9.
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The article presents an analysis of the colonial exhibition of 1931 in the context of the metamorphosis of the colonial idea in France. After the First World War, the difficulties in managing the colonies were increasingly felt in France. The French political class hoped to give new vitality to the national consciousness, which was threatened by various social-revolutionary and anti-colonial movements, through the reform of colonial policy. The colonial exhibition of 1931 became the apogee of imperial propaganda in the metropolis and a symbol of unity between the Third Republic with its colonies. Its success was associated with the extent to which the colonial idea penetrated French society and with the stabilization of the mother country's relations with her colonies between the two world wars. The colonial discourse of the 1931 exhibition was an apology for republican centrism expressed through the firm positioning of racial superiority, the demonstration of the validity of the ideals of progress inevitably brought about by colonization, and the dominance of French values. The author demonstrates that the new political situation that developed after the Great War contributed to the achievement of colonial consolidation, on the part of the majority of parties and, mainly, through the deployment of the state propaganda machine. The colonies and the colonial question marked the outlines, the brushstrokes, as it were, of a national union. This union between the national and the colonial, the nation and the empire, was twofold. Between the two world wars, national and colonial issues became logically interlinked and interdependent. The author concludes that the 1931 exhibition propagated the idea of the imperial order through the display and presentation of idealized indigenous cultures represented by a variety of artifacts, fine arts, and architecture. The 1931 exhibition became a general imperial holiday, and was intended to serve the unity between the imperial centre and the colonies. It became an important tool of imperial construction, a fairly effective means of broadcasting the official imperial ideology, and a metaphor for the colonial republic, which embodied the cultural, social, and mental characteristics of the imperial nation; its hidden meaning was directed against the growing ideas of colonial nationalism and resistance.
16
Bomholt Nielsen, Mads. "Restraining Sub-imperialism in Southern Rhodesia, 1889–1898." Britain and the World 16, no. 1 (March 2023): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2023.0401.
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This article examines the relations between the British government and the British South Africa Company through the 1890s. It aims to explore the ways in which the imperial government sought to restrain and control the BSAC as a sub-imperial actor with its own distinct agenda and interests. While sub-imperial actors were a useful way to claim colonial hinterlands before rival colonial powers, they could also land the government in difficult and unwanted situations. The 1895 Jameson raid scandal and the rebellions of the Ndebele and Shona in 1896–7 necessitated government intervention and limitation of company privileges. Yet, while such situations were on a whole unwanted by the government, they also proved vital pretexts to limit, control and convert sub-imperialism to the imperial and geopolitical interests of the government.
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Kal, Hong. "Modeling the West, Returning to Asia: Shifting Politics of Representation in Japanese Colonial Expositions in Korea." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 3 (July 2005): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750500023x.
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The world exposition stemmed from the specific context of nineteenth-century Europe, but by the end of that century, its practice had already spread to the colonies as the imperial powers organized a number of colonial expositions. The colonial exposition was meant to represent colonialism as fundamental to the progress of both the metropole and the colony. The ideas of “progress” and “modernity” were represented in such a way that colonial subjects would acknowledge the benevolent contribution of imperial rule to the development of the colony. This historical practice attracted not only nations that had already achieved imperial status, but also nations such as Japan that were aspiring to become an imperial power.
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Groten, Miel. "Een koloniale cultuur langs de Zaan : Rijstpellerijen en de verbeelding van een imperiale ruimte, ca. 1870-1914." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 132, no. 3 (November 1, 2019): 375–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2019.3.003.grot.
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Abstract A colonial culture along the Zaan. Rice mills and the imagination of an imperial space, c. 1870-1914This article argues that the extensive rice milling industry that thrived in the Zaan region around 1900 contributed to a Dutch colonial culture, by presenting itself as part of a natural division of labour between colony and metropole that rested on European colonial rule. Processing large amounts of Javanese and Burmese rice, the millers deliberately exploited the colonial origins and exotic associations of this commodity to present themselves and market their product, explicitly relating their factories to the Southeast-Asian production areas in advertisements and anniversaries. In doing so they propagated their role as meaningful places in a transnational trade network that constituted an imperial space.
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Greer, Kirsten A. "Placing Colonial Ornithology." Scientia Canadensis 31, no. 1-2 (January 23, 2009): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019756ar.
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Abstract This paper examines the emergence of colonial ornithology in Upper Canada, 1791-1841, to determine the impact of empire and local contexts on the natural history activity. I argue that colonial ornithology emerged as a by-product of British imperialism that helped to reinforce British, upper- and middle-class, gender-specific white identities through practices of sportsman-hunting, taxidermy, natural theology, and the romantic-aesthetic. However, as this paper reveals, British imperial practices and ideas of ornithology relied on the participation of First Nations and Métis peoples, whose knowledge and skills were instrumental to British naturalists. The First Nations and Métis peoples therefore exerted a real presence in colonial ornithology in Upper Canada—albeit a subservient one in the British ornithological texts—as they positioned themselves as part of the ornithological trade with the collection and trading of specimens. Furthermore, British military officers, settlers, and tourists tapped into American scientific networks and knowledge systems rather than focusing solely on Britain as an imperial centre of accumulation. British imperial ideas and practices of colonial ornithology in Upper Canada therefore remained ambiguous during the early nineteenth century.
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Fischer-Tine, H. "APARNA VAIDIK. Imperial Andamans: Colonial Encounter and Island History." American Historical Review 118, no. 4 (October 1, 2013): 1169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.4.1169.
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21
Pearson, Michael. "Aparna Vaidik, Imperial Andamans: Colonial Encounter and Island History." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 36, no. 1 (March 2013): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00856401.2013.800687.
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BECKER, TOBIAS. "ENTERTAINING THE EMPIRE: THEATRICAL TOURING COMPANIES AND AMATEUR DRAMATICS IN COLONIAL INDIA." Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 699–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000538.
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ABSTRACTThis article argues that theatre in colonial India – both in the form of touring companies and amateur dramatics – offered much more than mere entertainment: first, it was an important social space where the British diaspora constituted itself as a community. Secondly, it served as a lifeline to the home country. By watching theatrical performances either brought to them straight from London or which they performed themselves, colonial Britons felt in touch with their homeland. Finally, theatre not only allowed colonial audiences to participate in the metropolitan culture; it inadvertently helped to unify the British empire. Whether living in London, the provinces, or a colonial city, all British subjects consumed the same popular culture, forming in effect one big taste community. Theatre, therefore, lends itself to a discussion of central issues of imperial history, as, for example, the relationship between the metropolitan centre and the imperial periphery, the colonial public sphere, social and racial hierarchies, the perception of the ‘Other’, and processes of cross-cultural exchange and appropriation.
23
Cortez, Jonathan. "1898 and Its Aftermath: America’s Imperial Influence." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 20, no. 4 (October 2021): 550–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781421000438.
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Throughout the late nineteenth century, Cubans and Filipinos led calls for independence against Spanish colonial rule. In 1898 the United States entered the conflict under the guise of supporting liberty and democracy abroad, declaring war on Spain. The Treaty of Paris of 1898, which ended the war as well as Spanish colonial rule, resulted in the U.S. acquisition of territories off its coasts. This microsyllabus, 1898 and Its Aftermath: America’s Imperial Influence, collects articles that use the 1898 Spanish-Cuban-American War as a jumping-off point to understand how issues such as labor, citizenship, weather, and sports were impacted by America’s racism and white supremacy across the globe.
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ALDRICH, ROBERT. "IMPERIAL MISE EN VALEUR AND MISE EN SCÈNE: RECENT WORKS ON FRENCH COLONIALISM." Historical Journal 45, no. 4 (December 2002): 917–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0200273x.
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This review looks at English- and French-language books on nineteenth- and twentieth-century French colonial history published since 1995. It considers issues of ideology, imperial governance, the mise en valeur (development and ‘improvement’) of colonies (for instance, in health and education policy), the representation of empire in art and architecture, and decolonization. Special attention is paid to Indochina. Recent works have stressed the evolving nature of colonial policy and its adaptability to local circumstances. The review notes a certain divide between works emphasizing the discursive aspect of empire, and more ‘materialist’ treatments, but remarks on a general renewal of interest in colonial history. Contemporary scholars have also given colonial history a more prominent position in French national history than it previously held.
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PETLEY, CHRISTER. "NEW PERSPECTIVES ON SLAVERY AND EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH CARIBBEAN." Historical Journal 54, no. 3 (July 29, 2011): 855–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000264.
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ABSTRACTNew approaches to British imperial history and the rise of Atlantic history have had a strong influence on historians specializing in the history of the British-colonized Caribbean during the era of slavery. Caribbean scholars have always stressed the importance of transatlantic and colonial connections, but these new perspectives have encouraged historians to rethink the ways that Caribbean colonies and the imperial metropole shaped one another and to reconsider the place of the Caribbean region within wider Atlantic and global contexts. Attention to transatlantic links has become especially important in new work on abolition and emancipation. Scholars have also focused more of their attention on white colonizing elites, looking in particular at colonial identities and at strategies of control. Meanwhile, recent calls for pan-Caribbean approaches to the history of the region are congruent with pleas for more detailed and nuanced understandings of the development of slave and post-slave societies, focusing on specifically Caribbean themes while setting these in their wider imperial, Atlantic, and global contexts.
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Durmelat, Sylvie. "Introduction: Colonial culinary encounters and imperial leftovers." French Cultural Studies 26, no. 2 (April 14, 2015): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155815572572.
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ROSS, ROBERT. "The First Imperial Masters of Colonial South Africa." South African Historical Journal 25, no. 1 (November 1991): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479108671951.
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28
Kettler, Mark T. "What did Paul Rohrbach Actually Learn in Africa? The Influence of Colonial Experience on a Publicist’s Imperial Fantasies in Eastern Europe*." German History 38, no. 2 (March 10, 2020): 240–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa013.
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Abstract Paul Rohrbach was an influential publicist in Wilhelmine Germany. He also routinely used racial justifications to defend brutal policies for managing the indigenous populations of Germany’s African colonies. In recent years, scholars have interpreted Rohrbach’s promotion of colonialism as evidence that colonial ideas increasingly saturated German political and imperial discourse before and during the First World War. His work has thus been cited to support an emerging narrative of pathological continuity, which contends that Wilhelmine German imperialists reflexively drew upon colonial ideologies, experiences and models to inform increasingly repressive and violent plans to rule ethnically diverse space in Eastern Europe. This article argues that Paul Rohrbach has been misinterpreted. His career represents not the ease with which colonial ideas infiltrated German imperial discourse, but rather the severe reluctance of an ardent colonialist to employ colonial methods in European space. Drawing upon his writings on Africa and his discussions of German war aims in Eastern Europe during the First World War, this article demonstrates Rohrbach’s profound unwillingness to structure German imperial expansion in Russia’s Baltic provinces and Congress Poland according to colonial precedents. Differences in the perceived cultural and political sophistication of African, Baltic and Polish societies convinced Rohrbach that repressive and brutal colonial models of rule would be inefficient or counterproductive for achieving German objectives in Eastern Europe. Indeed, Rohrbach’s studies of colonialism actually reinforced his commitment to decentralization and respect for national diversity as essential instruments for governing politically sophisticated European societies. His experiences in Africa, in other words, steeled his confidence in multinational imperialism.
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Bokhodirov, Ikhtiyor. "SUPPRESSION OF NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENTS IN FERGANA REGION BY TURKESTAN MILITARY DISTRCT IN THE SECOND HALF OF XIX CENTURY." CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF HISTORY 02, no. 08 (August 31, 2021): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/history-crjh-02-08-09.
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Fergana region had a very high position in the colonial system of the Russian empire in Turkestan. The most population in Turkestan lived in Fergana and the empire got a lot of profit from this region. But the national liberation movement in Fergana region had always been a big problem for the Turkestan colonial administration. The imperial government used the troops of the Turkestan Military District to keep public order and supression the uprisings in the region.
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Stille, Max. "Conceptual History and South Asian History." Contributions to the History of Concepts 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2019.140205.
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This review article provides an overview of important, recent approaches to conceptual history from scholarship on South Asia. While conceptual history is not a consolidated field in South Asia, the colonial encounter has greatly stimulated interest in conceptual inquiries. Recent scholarship questions the uniformity even of well-researched concepts such as liberalism. It is methodologically innovative in thinking about the influence of economic structures for the development of concepts. Rethinking religious and secular languages, scholars have furthermore stressed the importance of smaller communicative units such as genre or hermeneutical practices to shape ideas e.g. of the political. As part of global and imperial formations, scholars are well aware of the link between power and colonial temporalities. Lastly, they have suggested new sources for conceptual history, such as literature, film, and sound.
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THOMAS, MARTIN. "FRENCH EMPIRE ELITES AND THE POLITICS OF ECONOMIC OBLIGATION IN THE INTERWAR YEARS." Historical Journal 52, no. 4 (November 6, 2009): 989–1016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990379.
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ABSTRACTThis article considers the changing ways in which French political elites understood imperial obligation in the interwar years. It suggests that the economics of imperial rule and disputes over what could and should be done to develop colonial economies provide the key to understanding both the failure of interwar colonial reforms and the irreversible decline in France's grip over its colonies. In making this case, the article investigates four related colonial policy debates, all variously linked to changing conceptualizations of economic obligation among France's law-makers. The first concerns Albert Sarraut's 1921 empire development plan. The second reviews discussions over the respective obligations of the state and private financiers in regenerating colonial economies during the depression years of the early 1930s. The third debate reassesses policymakers' disputes over colonial industrialization. Finally, the article revisits the apparent failure of the investigative studies of economic and labour reforms conceived by the left-leaning Popular Front in 1936–8. The point is to highlight the extent to which senior political figures clashed over concepts of ‘colonial obligation’ viewed less in the cultural terms of ‘civilizing mission’ than in the material sense of economic outlay.
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Danso, Augustine. "Reconstructing cinematic activities in the early twentieth century: Gold Coast (Ghana)." Journal of African Cinemas 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac_00051_1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the history of African cinema, there is a nexus between films and the colonial imperial project. That is, products of cinema and cinematic practices shaped the process of colonialism in the specific case of Africa. Predicated largely on archival documents, this study explores how cinema was regulated in the major towns and cities in the Gold Coast during the colonial era. Ghanaian cinema has a considerably long historical narrative, however, much of what is known about the history of cinema in Ghana, particularly, on film screening, censorship and exhibition practices, is rather little. Thus, it is with this gap that this study attempts to fill and make a useful contribution to Ghanaian film history. The colonial experience set the basis for cinematic houses, film production, censorship, distribution and ideological concerns in African cinema. This study is framed within the relationship between cinema and history, with a specific focus on Ghana. This article concludes that while film exhibition, censorship and licensing stimulated the growth of art, particularly cinema, they further inflated the colonial imperial agenda in the Gold Coast.
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Hammer, Ricarda. "Decolonizing the Civil Sphere: The Politics of Difference, Imperial Erasures, and Theorizing from History." Sociological Theory 38, no. 2 (May 15, 2020): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0735275120921215.
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This article rethinks sociological approaches to difference and inclusion. It argues that civil sphere theory replicates colonial dynamics through abstracting civil codes from their role in colonial governance. Through a case study of French colonial Algeria, the article illuminates the historical co-constitution of the French Republic and the colonial subject. This imperial history explains how civil codes came about through the same social process as the domination of the colonial other. Given these entangled histories, building solidarity requires we move beyond a process of civil repair that rests on incorporation to one of civil construction, which takes account of historical wrongs and the colonial layer of meaning embedded in categories of civil discourse. Theorizing from suppressed histories allows us to question the content of the civil sphere’s classificatory system and turn our attention to a resignification of the core group in the wake of colonial histories.
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MOTADEL, DAVID. "ISLAM AND THE EUROPEAN EMPIRES." Historical Journal 55, no. 3 (August 3, 2012): 831–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000325.
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ABSTRACTThis essay surveys literature on the engagement of different European empires, including the French, British, Dutch, Russian, and German, with Islam. While the history of Islam and empire has attracted the attention of scholars for decades, most of their studies have been written primarily as contributions to the historiography of a specific empire or a distinct geographic region and rarely refer to research on other imperial powers, even though the questions and themes raised are remarkably similar. The article brings together these studies, exploring the following topics: Islam and imperial rule and, in particular, the ways in which religious institutions were accommodated and controlled in the colonial state; Islam and anti-imperial resistance; and the relationship between Islam, information, and colonial knowledge. It assesses the dominant themes in the field and points to a number of questions that remain to be studied.
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Ryabchuk, Mykola. "The Ukrainian “Friday” and the Russian “Robinson”: The Uneasy Advent of Postcoloniality." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 44, no. 1-2 (2010): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023910x512778.
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AbstractThe paper addresses the problem of Russian-Ukrainian asymmetric relations as revealed in the struggle of two discourses—the discourse of imperial dominance and the discourse of national/nationalistic resistance and liberation. Critical discourse analysis is applied to deconstruct the imperial discourse as a major obstacle for the normalization of Russian-Ukrainian relations. Postcoloniality is suggested as a desirable condition for both Russian and Ukrainian cultures to achieve internal freedom and eliminate colonial stereotypes and anti-colonial mobilization, respectively.
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van Tol, Deanne. "The Women of Kenya Speak: Imperial Activism and Settler Society, c.1930." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 2 (April 2015): 433–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.5.
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AbstractThis article examines the politics of colonial voluntary work as an aspect of settler society and in relation to broader networks of imperial activism and reform. The East Africa Women's League, a predominant white women's organization in colonial Kenya, participated in settler politics during debates in 1930 concerning a Closer Union of British territories in East Africa. This involvement established connections between the voluntary welfare activities of settler women in Kenya and contemporary transimperial activist networks. Drawing on the private archives of the League, this article argues that the public lives of white women in colonial Kenya were entwined in the tensions of welfare in the twentieth-century British imperial project.
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Slobodkin, Yan. "State of Violence." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254607.
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AbstractThis article highlights a moment in the history of French West Africa when violence was both ubiquitous and forbidden. During the interwar period, French reformers pushed for the elimination of the routine use of violence by colonial administrators. The intervention of activist journalists and human rights groups put pressure on colonial policy makers to finally bring administrative practice in line with imperial rhetoric. Local administrators, however, felt that such meddling interfered with their ability to govern effectively. A case of torture and murder by French functionaries in the Ivory Coast village of Oguiédoumé shows how struggles over antiviolence reform played out from the ground up.Cet article souligne un moment dans l'histoire de l'Afrique-Occidentale Française où la violence a été à la fois omniprésente et interdite. Pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, des réformistes français ont lutté pour éliminer la violence quotidienne commise par les administrateurs coloniaux. L'intervention des journalistes militants et des organisations des droits de l'homme a poussé l'Etat colonial à réaliser les promesses de la mission civilisatrice. Par contre, les administrateurs locaux sentaient que ce discours contre la violence limitait leur capacité de gouverner avec efficacité. Une affaire de torture et de meurtre commis en 1933 par des fonctionnaires français dans le village d'Oguiédoumé en Côte-d'Ivoire montre comment la lutte contre la violence a influencé la situation coloniale sur place.
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Sai, Siew-Min. "Educating multicultural citizens: Colonial nationalism, imperial citizenship and education in late colonial Singapore." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, no. 1 (December 14, 2012): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463412000616.
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This article recounts the unusual history of a national idea in late colonial Singapore from the 1930s to the early 1950s before Singapore's attainment of partial self-government in 1955. Using two different concepts, namely ‘colonial nationalism’ and ‘imperial citizenship’, it offers a genealogy of nationalism in Singapore, one that calls into question the applicability of prevailing theories of anti-colonial nationalism to the Singapore-in-Malaya context. Focusing on colonial nationalism, the article provides a historical account of English-mediated official multiculturalism through tracking shifting British colonial priorities, ideologies of governance and challenges to its authority in Singapore. This account is rarely appreciated in Singapore today given official scripting of national history that abets particular amnesias with regards to its multicultural nationhood.
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Biggs, David. "Clearing, “Wasting,” and Regreening: An Environmental History of Bare Hills in Central Vietnam." Journal of Asian Studies 77, no. 4 (November 2018): 1037–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191181800089x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A recent trend of regreening formerly bare hills in central Vietnam is often described in the media as a form of recovery from 1960s wartime destruction. However, this modern framework of wartime “wasting” and regreening obscures a longer history of bare hills. Colonial explorers noted eroded slopes in 1877, and imperial land surveyors described stretches of “idle, fallow land” decades earlier. This article describes a longer history of a “wasteland” not only to challenge a presentist framing of environmental decline but also to recognize the historic roles people played in producing these spaces, often in response or resistance to state policies. Colonial engagements with land clearing and customary uses of “open” lands gave shape to colonial visions of “wasteland” and later spurred colonial environmentalist critiques, even calls for a new form of green colonialism via exotic tree plantations. Writing the history of such a “wasteland” is one way to decenter imperial, colonial, and nationalist teleologies that tend to emphasize the environmental “footprints” of state actions but not the reverse. This history of “bare hills” draws from a mix of historical sources to show how people produced this “wasteland” and why, at times, they maintained it despite state efforts at reclamation.
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Wright, Jonathan Jeffrey. "‘The Belfast Chameleon’: Ulster, Ceylon and the Imperial Life of Sir James Emerson Tennent." Britain and the World 6, no. 2 (September 2013): 192–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0096.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Using the varied life and career of the Belfast-born writer, parliamentarian and sometime colonial administrator James Emerson Tennent as a case study, this article explores the complexity of imperial lives and highlights some aspects of Ulster's connection to empire in the pre-Home Rule era. One of many Ulstermen active in imperial administration, Emerson Tennent served as colonial secretary in Ceylon between 1845 and 1850. Although short-lived and controversial, his career as a colonial administrator is nevertheless revealing, particularly insofar as it offers insights into the personal animosities and the networks of connection that existed in Ceylon's close-knit British community. More broadly, the article seeks to view the metropolitan and the colonial as a whole, arguing that while Emerson Tennent spent only a brief time in the Empire his imperial life was longer and more complex than this suggests. To this end, the imperial rhetoric he expressed as a parliamentarian in the 1830s and early 1840s is discussed, as are his later writing on Ceylon and his donations of scientific specimens and ethnographic artefacts to the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society. Through writing and donation, it is argued, Emerson Tennent continued his imperial career, mediating empire to metropolitan audiences, both local and national.
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KUMAR, PRAKASH. "Plantation science: improving natural indigo in colonial India, 1860–1913." British Journal for the History of Science 40, no. 4 (July 18, 2007): 537–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087407000027.
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AbstractThis paper explores the transition to synthetic dyestuffs through a principal focus on developments within the last major holdout of the natural-dye industry, the blue colourant indigo. It starts by looking closely at existing practices of cultivation and manufacture of the natural dye in colonial India in the second half of the nineteenth century. It also develops a case study based on targeted efforts scientifically to improve plant-derived indigo in laboratories and experiment stations in colonial India and imperial England. Experts attempted to increase yields and enhance the purity of the natural dye to meet the competition of the cheaper and purer synthetic indigo launched on the international market in 1897 by two German firms, BASF and Hoechst. The paper explains the patronage of science by European planters, the colonial state and the metropolitan government and analyses the nature of science that emerged in the colonial–imperial nexus.
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Henriet, Benoît. "Colonial law in the making." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 83, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2015): 202–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08312p10.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
From its creation to the present day, jurists and historians have perceived the Congo Free State (CFS) as a special example of political sovereignty. As a ‘colony without Metropolis’ whose territorial basis was obtained through disputed treaties made in the name of geographical and philanthropic societies with almost no legal existence, it stands out at first sight as an anomaly in nineteenth century colonial State building. Yet, the Free State’s legal existence is largely rooted in other imperial experiences, and shares multiple common features with its colonial rivals. This article intends to show how, from H.M. Stanley’s first expeditions in the mouth of the Congo River (1876) to the creation of Belgian colony (1908), international law and foreign imperial rules were used as the very matrix of the CFS’s legal existence as a sovereign State. The particular history of the CFS’s quest for sovereignty and the creation of its land legislation not only offers a unique example of colonial law making, it also provides interesting outputs on colonial legislative processes, as well as general observations on the West’s territorial expansion in the nineteenth century.
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BALLANTYNE, TONY. "THE CHANGING SHAPE OF THE MODERN BRITISH EMPIRE AND ITS HISTORIOGRAPHY." Historical Journal 53, no. 2 (April 27, 2010): 429–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000117.
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ABSTRACTThis historiographical review assesses recent studies of the development of the modern British empire. It appraises works that explore the transformation of the empire, its changing cultural pattern, and the forces that radically reshaped the empire during the twentieth century. I argue that within the clear shift towards cultural interpretations of the imperial past, three main areas of analytical concern have taken shape: the importance of information and knowledge in empire building, the centrality of cultural difference within imperial social formations, and the place of imperial networks and patterns of cross-cultural exchange in the operation of the empire. The review suggests that the relationships between the economic and cultural domains of empire require close examination and that historians of empire must remain attentive to the weight and significance of pre-colonial structures and mentalities in moulding the shape of colonial political and cultural terrains.
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MacKenzie, John M. "Lusaka: New Capital and the Imperial Garden City Movement." Britain and the World 16, no. 2 (September 2023): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2023.0404.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The colonial Garden City Movement represents the culmination of a whole sequence of relationships between botany and imperialism that had developed from the seventeenth century onwards, but particularly in the Victorian era. Botany was central to the transnationality of imperialism and botanical exploration while plant collecting fed into many Victorian phenomena in Britain which also had their colonial counterparts. These were intended to alleviate the social, environmental and medical evils of industrialism, providing a closer interaction between the rural and the urban. They included the creation of green belts, the founding of model villages, the emergence of municipal public parks and botanical gardens, and finally the garden city movement. By these means it was intended that industrial (and sometimes rural) workers should experience a healthier lifestyle, as well as a social uplift which would mitigate class conflict while also providing rational recreation. In the export of garden city ideas to the British Empire, there were additionally significant colonial precedents in street tree planting and in the beautification movement of the Victorian era and early twentieth century. This article specifically focuses upon the translation of aspects of this garden city movement and of these other influences into the creation of the new capital of Lusaka in Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) in the twentieth century and the manner in which a great diversity of both indigenous and exotic plants were used to express the idealistic characteristics of this urban development while also reflecting the social and racial norms inherent in the colonial relationship.
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GAILMARD, SEAN. "Imperial Politics, English Law, and the Strategic Foundations of Constitutional Review in America." American Political Science Review 113, no. 3 (April 10, 2019): 778–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000212.
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In the colonial period of American history, the British Crown reviewed, and sometimes nullified, acts of colonial assemblies for “repugnancy to the laws of England.” In this way, Crown review established external, legal constraints on American legislatures. I present a formal model to argue that Crown legislative review counteracted political pressure on imperial governors from colonial assemblies, to approve laws contrary to the empire’s interests. Optimal review in the model combines both legal and substantive considerations. This gives governors the strongest incentive to avoid royal reprisal by vetoing laws the Crown considered undesirable. Thus, review of legislation for consistency with higher law helped the Crown to grapple with agency problems in imperial governance, and ultimately achieve more (but still incomplete) centralized control over policy. I discuss the legacy of imperial legislative review for early American thinking about constitutional review of legislation by courts.
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Li, Yi. "Writing the British Imperial and Colonial History: A Global Perspective." Asian review of World Histories 2, no. 2 (July 31, 2014): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.12773/arwh.2014.2.2.249.
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Brückenhaus, Daniel. "Colonial Suspects: Suspicion, Imperial Rule, and Colonial Society in Interwar French West Africa." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 4 (March 2019): 699–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01370.
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Zou, David Vumlallian, and M. Satish Kumar. "Mapping a Colonial Borderland: Objectifying the Geo-Body of India's Northeast." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 1 (February 2011): 141–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911810002986.
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India's Northeast frontier is at the margins of three study areas: South Asia, Southeast Asia, and East Asia. This paper attempts a history of “mapping” in its broader sense as a cultural universal over a relatively long period. It is not a history of cartography, but focuses on the interface between cartography and cosmography, which were, in turn, shaped by imperial power and geographical knowledge. This approach offers a high-altitude view of this Asian borderland as the imperial frontier of both the Mughals and the British, and the national fringe of Republican India. The authors argue that imperial geographical discourses invested the colonial Northeast (British Assam) with a new kind of territorial identity. Surveyors and mapmakers objectified the “geo-body” of this borderland in a spatial fix and visualized it as a Northeast-on-the-map. Cartographic territoriality naturalized traditional frontiers into colonial borderlands, which, in turn, forged national boundaries.
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Rood, Daniel. "Herman Merivale’s black legend: rethinking the intellectual history of free trade imperialism." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2006): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002493.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Focusses on the lectures and theories of economist and colonial bureaucrat Herman Merivale on the imperial transition of British colonialism from slave labour to free labour, and toward free trade, in 1839. Author specifically shows how Merivale propagated the free trade imperialism of the reformed British Empire by using the "Black Legend" way of thinking, i.e. criticizing Spanish colonialism, to caricaturize the second British Empire, and thus justify imperial policy reforms. Author elaborates on this Black Legend tradition, going back to writings of Las Casas, and how it served as justification for "better" imperialisms of other colonial powers than Spain, and how Merivale's views followed this tradition. He shows how Merivale as part of this criticized the mismanagement, slavery, brutality, mercantilism, and the concentration of power and wealth in Cuba and other Spanish colonies, as negative examples contrasted to the British approach. Author points out, however, how Merivale's views were in part paradoxical and ambiguous, as he favoured a social hierarchy and an imperial authoritarianism limiting free labour.
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Rood, Daniel. "Herman Merivale’s black legend: rethinking the intellectual history of free trade imperialism." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 80, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002493.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Focusses on the lectures and theories of economist and colonial bureaucrat Herman Merivale on the imperial transition of British colonialism from slave labour to free labour, and toward free trade, in 1839. Author specifically shows how Merivale propagated the free trade imperialism of the reformed British Empire by using the "Black Legend" way of thinking, i.e. criticizing Spanish colonialism, to caricaturize the second British Empire, and thus justify imperial policy reforms. Author elaborates on this Black Legend tradition, going back to writings of Las Casas, and how it served as justification for "better" imperialisms of other colonial powers than Spain, and how Merivale's views followed this tradition. He shows how Merivale as part of this criticized the mismanagement, slavery, brutality, mercantilism, and the concentration of power and wealth in Cuba and other Spanish colonies, as negative examples contrasted to the British approach. Author points out, however, how Merivale's views were in part paradoxical and ambiguous, as he favoured a social hierarchy and an imperial authoritarianism limiting free labour.