Дисертації з теми "Coalition war"

Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2016.
Page 381 blank. Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
What accounts for variation in the military performance of coalitions and alliances on the battlefield? This dissertation presents and tests a realist-institutionalist theory of coalition military effectiveness, which accounts for both the process of capability aggregation within military coalitions and its implications for coalition fighting effectiveness. It posits that variation in the design of coalition institutions for political-military planning, command relationships and information exchanges significantly affects the ability of member nations to fight alongside each other on the battlefield. According to the theory, coalition military institutions provide the key mechanisms through which coalition members manage intra-alliance uncertainties and fears, thereby allowing for closer coordination of their war effort. The most effective military coalitions adopt joint political-military coalition planning, unity of command with an integrated command staff, and the fluid exchange of information among coalition nations. The study tests this theory through a mixed-methods approach, complimenting a medium-n statistical analysis with two detailed case studies of coalition wars fought under conditions chosen to provide maximum theoretical leverage. The medium-n statistical analysis examines all interstate coalition wars waged between 1816 and 2007 using the Correlates of War Inter-state War Data (version 4). Using primary documents, memoirs and battle histories, the study tests realist-institutionalist theory in two empirical cases: France and Britain in the First World War (1914-1918) and France and Britain in the Battle of France (May-June 1940). The main finding is that variation in the design of coalition military institutions accounts for differences in coalition battlefield effectiveness both across and within coalitions over time. The study makes three principal contributions. First, it offers the first serious treatment of coalition military effectiveness in the academic literature. Unlike other research, it expands beyond national military effectiveness to consider the coalition dimension. Second, the study contributes to a growing body of research suggesting the importance of non-material variables to explanations of military effectiveness, drawing attention to the critical importance of coalition military institutions for combat power. Finally, the study informs the public policy debate, suggesting whether the US and other allies could achieve battlefield success more quickly, with fewer casualties and at lower costs if it acted through ad-hoc military coalitions or institutionalized alliances.
by Kelly Ann Grieco.
Ph. D.

Master of Arts
Department of History
David A. Graff
On December 7, 1941 the Japanese Empire launched a surprise attack on the United States at the Pearl Harbor naval base in the territory of Hawaii. The following day President Franklin D. Roosevelt declared war on Japan, and America was suddenly an active participant in a global war that had already been underway for over five years. World War II pitted the Axis (Japan, Germany, and Italy) against a coalition of allied nations that were united primarily by fear of Axis totalitarianism. Typically referred to as the Allies, the alliance’s most powerful participants included the United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain. However, many other nations were involved on the Allied side. Smaller European countries such as Holland, Belgium, and Poland fought with armed forces and governments in exile located in London after their homelands had been overrun by the Germans in 1939 and 1940. China had been at war with Japan since 1937. After the United States entered the war, allied action resulted in the creation of different, localized military coalitions between 1941 and 1945. These coalitions presented Allied leaders with unique problems created by the political, geographic, military and logistical issues of fighting war on a global scale. The earliest coalition in which the United States was involved was known by the acronym ABDACOM, short for the American, British, Dutch, Australian Command. ABDACOM’s mission was the defense of the Malay Barrier, which stretched from the Malay Peninsula through the Dutch East Indies to New Guinea, and the protection of the Southwest Pacific Area from Japanese invasion. In its brief two-month existence the ADBA coalition in the Southwest Pacific Area failed to prevent the Japanese from taking the Malay Barrier, Singapore, Burma and the islands between Java and the Philippines. This was due not to one overriding problem, but to a combination of planning, command, and logistical problems, compounded by the distance of Allied production and training centers from the front lines. These problems can be traced from the late 1930s to the dissolution of ABDACOM at the end of February 1942. Historians have often overlooked the underlying causes of the United States’ first foray into coalition warfare in World War II. To better understand why the Allied forces succumbed to the Japanese onslaught so quickly, one must look at political, military and economic relations between the United States and its allies prior to the onset of hostilities in 1941. Domestic political realities combined with international diplomatic differences kept the United States from openly preparing for coalition action until the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. The ensuing military coalition suffered from numerous deficiencies in command structure and logistics. Though pre-war planning existed within each of the Allied governments, the lack of cooperative action gave the Japanese military an insurmountable military advantage over the members of the ABDA coalition. Given the limited scope of this paper the focus will be on American participation in ABDACOM. The other countries involved will be included insomuch as they help to fill out the story of the United States and its first coalition effort in World War II. The story of the ABDACOM coalition is one of perseverance, creative planning, and deep stoicism in the face of overwhelming odds. The short life of the coalition gave planners in Washington, D.C. and London time to sort out potential conflicts between the Allies.

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this thesis examines past U.S. approached to coalitions and efforts to forge alliances in peace and war in the 20th century. Specifically, it analyses the conflict between the executive and legislative branches with respect to coalition building and burden-sharing The thesis suggests that the amount of Congressional activism depends on the perception of an external threat among members of the legislative branch. Likewise, thesis highlights the tension between Congressional desires to impose the burden upon allies while retaining control over coalition policy and forces. The thesis concludes with a case study of Operation Desert Storm and burden-sharing. Finally, the author warns of dangerous precedent established by the shift in burden-sharing responsibilities in the recent past between the executive and legislative bodies.

The Austrian army played a crucial role in Napoleon's decisive defeat during the War of the Sixth Coalition. Often considered a staid, hidebound institution, the army showed considerable adaptation in a time that witnessed a revolution in the art of war. In particular, changes made after defeat in the War of the Fifth Coalition demonstrate the modernity of the army. It embraced the key features of the new revolutionary way of war, including mass mobilization, a strategy of annihilation, and tactics based on deep echelonment, mobility, and the flexible use of varied formations. While the Austrians did not achieve the compromise peace they desired in 1814, this represented a political failing rather than a military one. Nevertheless, the Austrian army was critical in securing the century of general European peace that lasted until the dawn of the Great War.

In 1793, the British government embarked on a war against Revolutionary France that few expected would last twenty-five years and engulf all of Europe. Radical French policies provided an opportunity for William Pitt, the British prime minister, to endeavor to cobble a European alliance, including a number of Mediterranean states. These efforts never progressed beyond theory and negotiations because of conflicted policy and tension between the British diplomatic corps and Royal Navy over the strategic goals in the region. With diplomats focused on coalition building and military commanders focused on national objectives, British efforts never congealed into a unified effort to defeat Revolutionary France.

This dissertation examines in detail, the organisation, training and operations of the 27 th and 30th American Divisions during the period of Summer 1917 to the announcement of an armistice in November 1918. Particular emphasis is placed on the two divisions after they were attached to the 11 American Corps. especiallý their experience with the British Expeditionary Force in 1918, and the training received under the supervision of British officers. The 11 American Corps was unique in that it spent its entire service in France in the British sector. Originally it was composed of 10 divisions, but eight of these were removed by the commander of the American Expeditionary Forces, Gen. John. J. Pershing. The divisions were transferred to the First American Army and operated entirely independent of 11 American Corps. The týýo American divisions that h, oth remained with the British, the 27t and -3 , relied heavily upon their coalition partners for advice in training, supplies, equipment, food and more importantly, tactical leadership. Although General Pershing forbade American divisions from being th -, oth amalgamated into Allied armies, in reality, the 27 and -) Divisions became part of the BEF, especially the Fourth Arrný during the final campaigns of the war. Despite its attachment to arguably the best fighting force on the Western Front in 1918, the 11 American Corps suffered heavý casualties during its limited operational experience and. in many ways. failed to take advantage of lessons learned by the British Army during its campaigns of 1916-1917. This dissertation concludes that the relationship between the two American divisions and their British ally was in the end result a success. By allowing the 27 th and 30'hDivisions to remain behind with the BEF, Pershing provided the British with more than 50,000 able American troops to use at the front. Thus the tNNo ,a llies became Brothers-in-Arms.

This dissertation examines in detail, the organisation, training and operations of the 27th and 30th American Divisions during the period of Summer 1917 to the announcement of an armistice in November 1918. Particular emphasis is placed on the two divisions after they were attached to the II American Corps, especially their experience with the British Expeditionary Force in 1918, and the training received under the supervision of British officers. The II American Corps was unique in that it spent its entire service in France in the British sector. Originally it was composed of 10 divisions, but eight of these were removed by the commander of the American Expeditionary Forces, Gen. John. J. Pershing. The divisions were transferred to the First American Army and operated entirely independent of II American Corps. The two American divisions that remained with the British, the 27th and 30th, relied heavily upon their coalition partners for advice in training, supplies, equipment, food and more importantly, tactical leadership. Although General Pershing forbade American divisions from being amalgamated into Allied armies, in reality, the 27th and 30th Divisions became part of the BEF, especially the Fourth Army during the final campaigns of the war. Despite its attachment to arguably the best fighting force on the Western Front in 1918, the II American Corps suffered heavy casualties during its limited operational experience and, in many ways, failed to take advantage of lessons learned by the British Army during its campaigns of 1916-1917. This dissertation concludes that the relationship between the two American divisions and their British ally was in the end result a success. By allowing the 27th and 30th Divisions to remain behind with the BEF, Pershing provided the British with more than 50,000 able American troops to use at the front. Thus the two allies became Brothers-in-Arms.

On 1 February 1793, the National Convention of Revolutionary France declared war on Great Britain and the Netherlands, expanding the list of France's enemies in the War of the First Coalition. Although British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger had predicted fifteen years of peace one year earlier, the French declaration of war initiated nearly a quarter century of war between Britain and France with only a brief respite during the Peace of Amiens. Britain entered the war amid both a nadir in British diplomacy and internal political divisions over the direction of British foreign policy. After becoming prime minister in 1783 in the aftermath of the War of American Independence, Pitt pursued financial and naval reform to recover British strength and cautious interventionism to end Britain's diplomatic isolation in Europe. He hoped to create a collective security system based on the principles of the territorial status quo, trade agreements, neutral rights, and resolution of diplomatic disputes through mediation - armed mediation if necessary. While his domestic measures largely met with success, Pitt's foreign policy suffered from a paucity of like-minded allies, contradictions between traditional hostility to France and emergent opposition to Russian expansion, Britain's limited ability to project power on the continent, and the even more limited will of Parliament to support such interventionism. Nevertheless, Pitt's collective security goal continued to shape British strategy in the War of the First Coalition, and the same challenges continued to plague the British war effort. This led to failure in the war and left the British fighting on alone after the Treaty of Campo Formio secured peace between France and its last continental foe, Austria, on 18 October 1797.

This thesis explores the Anglo-American supply relationship, 1939-1941, and the ability of these two nations to wage a coalition war immediately after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Organisationally, the first chapters of the thesis look at the impact of the Great War and the interwar period on this relationship. The remaining chapters are devoted to the evolution of the supply relationship between September 1939 and December 1941. The evidence found in British and American archives indicates that early supply discussions, conducted under the supervision of Arthur Purvis and Henry Morgenthau, established a common ground for Anglo-American co-operation during the early days of the Second World War. The fall of France prompted the British Government to seek much closer ties with the United States. However, in mid-1940 many senior US officials insisted that America should concentrate on its own defence against the Nazi threat because of the likelihood of Britain's defeat. By the end of 1940, the American defence planners were more confident of Britain's ability to survive, and therefore they were willing to consider the creation of Anglo-American defence plans. At the same time President Roosevelt requested Congressional approval for the Lend-Lease Act, to ensure the British Government could still acquire US war supplies even if it lacked the dollars to pay for them. Because of the inability of US industry to produce adequate war materiel for the British effort and American rearmament, representatives from the two countries were forced to work closely together to determine production and allocation priorities. Moreover, since these decisions influenced the fighting capability of British and American forces, war planners rather than civilians officials began to make these supply decisions. Subsequently, British and American officials determined that their efforts should be based on a joint strategy. Ultimately this realisation inspired the creation of the Victory Programme, which effectively acknowledged that supply needs, strategic considerations, and an overall commitment to defeat Germany and its allies were indistinguishable. Thus the supply relationship, 1939-1941, provided the foundation for the Anglo-American wartime coalition against Hitler.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-241). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

The last decade has witnessed a substantial increase in the use of military airpower for peace enforcement. Coalition airstrikes in the 1991 Gulf War, the use of NATO airpower against Bosnian-Serbs in 1995 and Yugoslavia in 1999, and the use on US-led airpower in the recent conflict in Afghanistan, are all examples of this trend.
The use of airpower presents important implications for the laws of armed conflict while having consequences for the internationally-sanctioned delivery of humanitarian relief to war victims. Has the use of airpower increasingly limited civilian casualties since the Gulf War? Are humanitarian operations possible doting coalition air campaigns?
While centered on Protocol I of the Geneva Conventions and the work of the International Committee of the Red Cross, this thesis will identify and examine legal gaps and humanitarian tensions. An evaluation will be conducted of the behavior and results of coalition airpower and of relief agency access.

In 1793, Great Britain embarked on a war against Revolutionary France to reestablish a balance of power in Europe. Traditional assessments among historians consider British war planning at the ministerial level during the First Coalition to be incompetent and haphazard. This work reassesses decision making of the leading strategists in the British Cabinet in the development of a theater in the Mediterranean by examining political, diplomatic, and military influences. William Pitt the Younger and his controlling ministers pursued a conservative strategy in the Mediterranean, reliant on Allies in the region to contain French armies and ideas inside the Alps and the Pyrenees. Dependent on British naval power, the Cabinet sought to weaken the French war effort by targeting trade in the region. Throughout the first half of 1793, the British government remained fixed on this conservative, traditional approach to France. However, with the fall of Toulon in August of 1793, decisions made by Admiral Samuel Hood in command of forces in the Mediterranean radicalized British policy towards the Revolution while undermining the construct of the Coalition. The inconsistencies in strategic thought political decisions created stagnation, wasting the opportunities gained by the Counter-revolutionary movements in southern France. As a result, reinvigorated French forces defeated Allied forces in detail in the fall of 1793.

The British entered the War of the First Coalition against Revolutionary France in 1793 diplomatically isolated and militarily unprepared for a major war. Nonetheless, a French attack on the Dutch Republic in February 1793 forced the British to dispatch a small expeditionary force to defend their ally. Throughout the Flanders campaign of 1793, the British expeditionary force served London as a tool to end British isolation and enlist Austrian commitment to securing British war objectives. The 1793 Flanders campaign and the Allied war effort in general have received little attention from historians, and they generally receive dismissive condemnation in general histories of the French Revolutionary Wars. This thesis examines the British participation in the 1793 Flanders campaign a broader diplomatic context through the published correspondence of relevant Allied military and political leaders. Traditional accounts of this campaign present a narrative of defeat and condemn the Allies for their failure to achieve in 1793 the accomplishments of the sixth coalition twenty years later. Such a perspective obscures a clear understanding of the reasons for Allied actions. This thesis seeks to correct this distortion by critically analyzing the relationship between British diplomacy within the Coalition and operations in Flanders. Unable to achieve victory on their own strength, the British used their expeditionary force in Flanders as diplomatic leverage to impose their objectives on the other powers at war with France.

After conquering Belgium and the Rhineland in 1794, the French Army of the Sambre and Meuse faced severe logistical, disciplinary, and morale problems that signaled the erosion of its capabilities. The army’s degeneration resulted from a revolution in French foreign policy designed to conquer the natural frontiers, a policy often falsely portrayed as a diplomatic tradition of the French monarchy. In fact, the natural frontiers policy – expansion to the Rhine, the Pyrenees, and the Alps – emerged only after the start of the War of the First Coalition in 1792. Moreover, the pursuit of natural frontiers caused more controversy than previously understood. No less a figure than Lazare Carnot – the Organizer of Victory – viewed French expansion to the Rhine as impractical and likely to perpetuate war. While the war of conquest provided the French state with the resources to survive, it entailed numerous unforeseen consequences. Most notably, the Revolutionary armies became isolated from the nation and displayed more loyalty to their commanders than to the civilian authorities. In 1797, the Sambre and Meuse Army became a political tool of General Lazare Hoche, who sought control over the Rhineland by supporting the creation of a Cisrhenan Republic. Ultimately, troops from Hoche’s army removed Carnot from the French Directory in the coup d’état of 18 fructidor, a crucial benchmark in the militarization of French politics two years before Napoleon Bonaparte’s seizure of power. Accordingly, the conquest of the Rhine frontier contributed to the erosion of democratic governance in Revolutionary France.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Document formatted into pages; contains xviii, 435 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 415-435). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 Aug. 19.

Yemen is amid in three threats at the moment, during a civil war with a pandemic hitting them during a humanitarian crisis. The aim of this work was to understand how has the civil war in Yemen shaped and impacted their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response. A literature review was used in this study which helped to analyze the work. As a theoretical framework, it was used Michael E. Brown’s concept of Causes and dimensions of internal actors and Mary Kaldor’s concept of New Wars, which helped to outline and analyze the elements of this conflict and what effects internal and external Actors have in the conflict.   Mason and Rychard´s conflict mapping tools were used as a method. Also, the inter-agency framework helped to analyze the structural causes and key actors in the conflict. These all helped answer the research question, how has the civil war in Yemen affected their humanitarian crisis and COVID-19 response?  One of the important points that this conflict in Yemen tells us is the importance of local humanitarian workers when the conflict actors deny access to the areas. Without them, the work of international aid workers would be almost impossible, as the war continued around. The two humanitarian actors benefit from each other and this brings joint benefit to the Yemeni civilians. The main findings are as the war prolongs for a long time and externals actors intervene in it, followed by a humanitarian crisis affecting innocent civilians. Such a country will then be vulnerable to various pandemics. This has happened in the conflict in Yemen, as the situation is terrible and the COVID-19 pandemic disaster is coming to light there. One can state as a conclusion of the study that further research on the effect of COVID-19 could be helpful for the future to understand the real catastrophic effects this absurd conflict has brought.

La présente recherche porte sur les conflits militaires romains dans le monde hellénistique, plus spécifiquement ceux survenus entre 229 et 194 avant J.-C., connus sous le nom des deux premières guerres illyriennes et des deux premières guerres de Macédoine. L'objectif de ce travail à consisté à répondre à une question plus complexe qu’il n’y paraît : réexaminer plus précisément le sens historique de ces affrontements afin de mieux comprendre l'expansionnisme de la République romaine au tournant des IIIe et IIe siècles avant J.-C. Grâce à une aproche à la fois théorique, méthodologique et historiographique, il a été possible de mettre en évidence le fait que cette période des trente-cinq premières années des guerres romaines en Orient constitue un moment crucial pour repenser la nature et la dynamique de l'expansion militaire romaine dans cette partie du monde méditerranéen. Cette étude formule ainsi l’hypothèse que ces guerres romaines en Grèce se sont définie et développée sur la base d'objectifs militaires stricts et circonscrits, avant d’évoluer tardivement, seulement à partir de la fin de l’année 198 avant J.-C., vers une dimension impérialiste, mais encore naissante et décousue: depuis la guerre de type expéditionnaire en Illyrie jusqu'à la guerre de coalition en Grèce sous Flamininus
This research delves into Roman military conflicts in the Hellenistic world, specifically those occurring between 229 and 194 BCE, known as the first two Illyrian Wars and the first two Macedonian Wars. primary objective of this study is to address a more nuanced question than initially apparent: to meticulously reassess the historical significance of these conflicts for a better comprehension of the Roman Republic's expansionism during the transition from the 3rd to the 2nd centuries BCE. Employing a theoretical, methodological, and historiographical critical approach, the research effectively highlights that the initial thirty-five years of Roman wars in the East represent a pivotal period demanding a reevaluation of the nature and dynamics of Roman military expansion in this segment of the Mediterranean world. The study posits the hypothesis that these Roman wars in Greece were initially defined and developed based on precise and delimited military objectives. However, they later evolved, starting only from the conclusion of the year 198 BCE, into an incipient and fragmented imperialistic dimension — progressing from expeditionary warfare in Illyria to the coalition war in Greece under Flamininus

Esta dissertação consiste na análise da evolução da política de segurança do governo colombiano entre 2008 e 2016 para lidar com as FARC, conjuntamente com a análise da evolução das preferências de atores políticos domésticos e internacionais que compuseram uma representação da sociedade colombiana e de suas relações internacionais em momentos-chave desta transição. As preferências destes atores foram agrupadas em tipos ideais: a favor da exclusividade do combate militar ou de negociações que, informalmente reunidas, formam coalizões multiníveis em prol de uma ou outra diretriz. O objetivo foi identificar qual sustentação política possibilitou uma ruptura na política de segurança colombiana antes exclusivamente voltada ao combate e que se direcionou para o início de negociações dado que, diferentemente das duas rupturas anteriores, esta não foi resultado de uma escolha direta da população nas eleições presidenciais. A hipótese sustentada na pesquisa é que mudanças contextuais ocorreram simultaneamente nos âmbitos doméstico e internacional e que ambas foram igualmente necessárias para o sucesso desta transição. Estas mudanças contextuais geraram também uma mudança de narrativa da promoção da imagem da Colômbia como um Estado frágil para a de um país em franco desenvolvimento. A contribuição a que esta pesquisa se propõe é romper a barreira de análise destes dois âmbitos tratados na literatura primordialmente de forma cindida, impondo um empecilho para a compreensão desta política que é simultaneamente doméstica e internacional, impedindo uma maior compreensão dos mecanismos causais da sua evolução. Esta análise simultânea permitiu identificar um descompasso entre o entusiasmo internacional com a negociação e um cenário doméstico polarizado com preferências conflitantes. Os elementos que a pesquisa encontra como determinantes para esta transição são que este conflito, que fora intensamente internacionalizado, ter passado por um processo de \"renacionalização\" e também de estagnação em um confronto de baixa intensidade, redistribuindo os custos e os pesos dos atores politicamente determinantes. Em relação aos atores políticos, a pesquisa identifica que foram necessários para a transição: o presidente colombiano e as FARC, o Congresso colombiano, EUA e Venezuela. O apoio direto da mídia, da opinião pública e da União Europeia não teriam sido necessários, mas são importantes para a consistência política e para o sucesso na implementação da negociação e do processo transicional.
This work is an analysis of how the Colombian security policy to deal with FARC evolved between 2008 and 2016 and an analysis of how evolved the preferences of domestic and international political actors that composed a representation of the Colombian society and its international relations around key moments of this transition. The preferences of those actors were grouped in two ideal types: in favor of the military combat versus those favoring negotiations. Informally united, those actors formed multilevel coalitions in favor of one of those preferences. The goal was to identify which was the political support that enabled a radical change in the Colombian security policy from the military combat to negotiation considering that, differently from the two preceding political changes, this was not the result of a direct popular choice through presidential elections. The hipotesis sustained in this research is that contextual changes happened both in the domestic and international spheres and that both were necessary to enable this policy transition. Those contextual evolutions also generated the change of the main Colombian political narrative, from the promotion of the Colombian image as a fragile State to the one of a country in full development. This work contributes to break the analytical barrier between the domestic and international spheres, treated mostly as separated parts in the academy, which constitutes a barrier to the comprehension of this policy that is simultaneously domestic and international, demanding a double level analysis to understand its causal mechanisms. This simultaneous analysis enabled the identification of a large imbalance among the constant international enthusiasm and many conflicting preferences at the polarized domestic sphere. The factors that the research finds as determinant to this transition were the fact that this conflict that was intensely internationalized passed by a process of \'renationalization\' and by a process of stagnation at a low intensety confrontation redistributing the operational and political costs and also the relative relevance of the intervening political actors. Regarding these political actors, the research identified that the Presidency, FARC, Colombian congress, USA and Venezuela were necessary to the policy transition. The direct support from the Colombian population, the media and the European Union were not necessary, but were important to the political consistency and will be crucial to the success of the transitional process.

Redécouverte à la fin du XIXe siècle, à la faveur de l’évolution des télécommunications, la cryptologie, ou science des écritures secrètes, connaît un intérêt croissant dans les milieux militaires et navals. Son développement accéléré en temps de guerre se traduit chez les Français et les Britanniques par la création ou l’élargissement de plusieurs services dits « du Chiffre », spécialisés dans la protection des communications nationales et alliées et dans l’attaque des codes ennemis. Une telle évolution illustre l’émergence d’une nouvelle branche du renseignement et de son reflet dans le contre-espionnage pendant la Première Guerre mondiale : le renseignement technique. La comparaison des Chiffres français et britanniques au sein des forces armées établit des temporalités certes différentes dans l’apparition de certaines missions, mais met en lumière les similitudes dans l’instauration de ces services, notamment dans le recrutement d’un personnel soumis au secret. Au sein de l’Entente cordiale, une coopération secrète, interarmes et interalliée, se noue entre les services du Chiffre français et britanniques. Cette alliance comprend autant la construction de codes secrets communs que le partage d’informations issues de l’interception et du décryptement des messages ennemis. Elle permet ainsi de souligner l’importance de la cryptologie pour l’alliance franco-britannique, mais aussi pour leurs autres alliés comme les Américains, dans la lutte contre les Empires centraux. L’ampleur que cette spécialité du renseignement prend dans la conduite de la guerre explique dès lors la forme prise par les Chiffres français et britanniques d’après-guerre
At the end of the 19th century, thanks to the evolution of telecommunications, military and naval circles rediscover cryptology, also known as “science of secret writing”, and become more and more interested by it. Its quick development in wartime can be depicted by the creation or expansion of several units, called “Cipher services”, in France and in the United Kingdom. These services have two missions: protecting the national and allied communications, and attacking the secret codes of the enemy. Their growth during the First World War illustrates the emergence of a brand new branch of intelligence and its reflection in counter-espionage: signals intelligence, or SIGINT. A comparison between the French and British Cipher services within their armed forces shows that there were similarities in the establishment of these services, particularly in recruiting personnel whom were subject to secrecy, although the temporalities of certain missions differed. Within the Entente Cordiale, a secret, joint and allied cooperation was established between the various French and British signals intelligence services. This alliance included the creation of shared codes, as well as the sharing of information resulting from the interception and decrypting of enemy communications. It thus highlights the importance of cryptology for the Franco-British alliance in the fight against the Central Empires, which can also be observed in their other alliances, such as the one with the Americans. It also sheds light on the extent to which this intelligence specialty took on in the conduct of the war, which explains the shape taken by the French and British Ciphers after the war

In tracing the history of the TIROS meteorological satellite system, this dissertation details the convergence of two communities: the DOD space scientists who established US capability to launch and operate these remote sensing systems and the US Weather Bureau meteorologists who would be the managers and users of satellite data. Between 1946 and 1964, these persons participated in successive coalitions. These coalitions were necessary in part because satellite systems were too big—geographically, fiscally, and technically—to be developed and operated within a single institution. Thus, TIROS technologies and people trace their roots to several research centers—institutions that the USWB and later NASA attempted to coordinate for US R&D. The gradual transfer of persons and hardware from the armed services to the non-military NASA sheds light on the US’s evolution as a Cold War global power, shaped from the “top-down” (by the executive and legislative branches) as well as the “bottom-up” (by military and non-military scientific communities). Through these successive coalitions, actor terms centered on “basic science” or the circulation of atmospheric data were used to help define bureaucratic places (the Upper Atmospheric Rocket Research Panel, International Geophysical Year, NASA, and the World Weather Watch) in which basic research would be supported by sustained and collaboration could take place with international partners.

This dissertation examines the emergence of revisionism in the foreign policies of the great powers: it is concerned with the rise of 'challenger' states. Current approaches to the rise of challengers (arguments from 'structure', 'prudence', and 'historical sociology') are if generally useful also incomplete, leaving the emergence of several great power challengers not fully explained. This dissertation offers a new explanation, not as a replacement but as a complement to these theories, and in doing so accomplishes two tasks: first, it explains cases previously unaccounted-for; and second, it does so in a fashion that acknowledges the co-determination of domestic and international politics. The new model suggests that the seeds of challenges to international orders are often found in the wartime experience itself, in social pacts between elites and societal groups struck to achieve mobilization requirements. Violation of these pacts in the postwar period can in turn generate powerful political movements for the overthrow of both the domestic and international postwar orders. The explanation offered by this model is then applied to five cases of great power behaviour after major wars. While imperfect in its ability to account for great power behaviour in all these cases and thus requiring refinement, the model obtains sufficient support to warrant further exploration of these and other cases in future studies.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2010.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Jun. 23, 2010). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

Thesis (M.S. in Information Technology Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Alex Bordetsky. Includes bibliographical references (p. 113-115). Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the department of Communication Studies." Discipline: Communication Studies; Department/School: Communication Studies.

This thesis will focus on the area of 802.20 wireless networking as a feasible "last mile" solution to wireless access in a tactical coalition environment and will be implemented into a series of experiments. Implementation will primarily utilize Flarion's FLASH OFDM (Fast, Low-Latency Access with Seamless Handoff Orthogonal Frequency Division Multiplexing). Current and future military and homeland security forces, conducting operations in a tactical environment, require instant access to data. Wireless data requires a reliable air-link resource anchored to a viable service platform. Flarion's FLASH-OFDM wireless air-link mimics the performance of a high-speed wireline environment. Through Flarion's Radio Router base station and mobile data terminal, a Radio Access Network is created. It connects directly to a standard IP Packet Data Network forming a wireless data network. Utilizing this network environment, this thesis intends to document the implementation of a limited objective experiment (LOE) in support of homeland security and the War on Terrorism (WOT), specifically, the testing of an IEEE 802.20 network enabling US and key foreign partners to integrate mobile wireless local area network (WLAN) technologies into a surveillance and target acquisition network program.

Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.

The Hybrid Warfare phenomena, which is the subject of the current research, has been framed by the work of Professor Agostino Bruzzone (University of Genoa) and Professor Erdal Cayirci (University of Stavanger), that in June 2016 created in order to inquiry the subject a dedicated Exploratory Team, which was endorsed by NATO Modelling & Simulation Group (a panel of the NATO Science & Technology organization) and established with the participation as well of the author. The author brought his personal contribution within the ET43 by introducing meaningful insights coming from the lecture of “Fight by the minutes: Time and the Art of War (1994)”, written by Lieutenant Colonel US Army (Rtd.) Robert Leonhard; in such work, Leonhard extensively developed the concept that “Time”, rather than geometry of the battlefield and/or firepower, is the critical factor to tackle in military operations and by extension in Hybrid Warfare. The critical reflection about the time - both in its quantitative and qualitative dimension - in a hybrid confrontation it is addressed and studied inside SIMCJOH, a software built around challenges that imposes literally to “Fight by the minutes”, echoing the core concept expressed in the eponymous work. Hybrid Warfare – which, by definition and purpose, aims to keep the military commitment of both aggressor and defender at the lowest - can gain enormous profit by employing a wide variety of non-military tools, turning them into a weapon, as in the case of the phenomena of “weaponization of mass migrations”, as it is examined in the “Dies Irae” simulation architecture. Currently, since migration it is a very sensitive and divisive issue among the public opinions of many European countries, cynically leveraging on a humanitarian emergency caused by an exogenous, inducted migration, could result in a high level of political and social destabilization, which indeed favours the concurrent actions carried on by other hybrid tools. Other kind of disruption however, are already available in the arsenal of Hybrid Warfare, such cyber threats, information campaigns lead by troll factories for the diffusion of fake/altered news, etc. From this perspective the author examines how the TREX (Threat network simulation for REactive eXperience) simulator is able to offer insights about a hybrid scenario characterized by an intense level of social disruption, brought by cyber-attacks and systemic faking of news. Furthermore, the rising discipline of “Strategic Engineering”, as envisaged by Professor Agostino Bruzzone, when matched with the operational requirements to fulfil in order to counter Hybrid Threats, it brings another innovative, as much as powerful tool, into the professional luggage of the military and the civilian employed in Defence and Homeland security sectors. Hybrid is not the New War. What is new is brought by globalization paired with the transition to the information age and rising geopolitical tensions, which have put new emphasis on hybrid hostilities that manifest themselves in a contemporary way. Hybrid Warfare is a deliberate choice of an aggressor. While militarily weak nations can resort to it in order to re-balance the odds, instead military strong nations appreciate its inherent effectiveness coupled with the denial of direct responsibility, thus circumventing the rules of the International Community (IC). In order to be successful, Hybrid Warfare should consist of a highly coordinated, sapient mix of diverse and dynamic combination of regular forces, irregular forces (even criminal elements), cyber disruption etc. all in order to achieve effects across the entire DIMEFIL/PMESII_PT spectrum. However, the owner of the strategy, i.e. the aggressor, by keeping the threshold of impunity as high as possible and decreasing the willingness of the defender, can maintain his Hybrid Warfare at a diplomatically feasible level; so the model of the capacity, willingness and threshold, as proposed by Cayirci, Bruzzone and Gunneriusson (2016), remains critical to comprehend Hybrid Warfare. Its dynamicity is able to capture the evanescent, blurring line between Hybrid Warfare and Conventional Warfare. In such contest time is the critical factor: this because it is hard to foreseen for the aggressor how long he can keep up with such strategy without risking either the retaliation from the International Community or the depletion of resources across its own DIMEFIL/PMESII_PT spectrum. Similar discourse affects the defender: if he isn’t able to cope with Hybrid Threats (i.e. taking no action), time works against him; if he is, he can start to develop counter narrative and address physical countermeasures. However, this can lead, in the medium long period, to an unforeseen (both for the attacker and the defender) escalation into a large, conventional, armed conflict. The performance of operations that required more than kinetic effects drove the development of DIMEFIL/PMESII_PT models and in turn this drive the development of Human Social Culture Behavior Modelling (HCSB), which should stand at the core of the Hybrid Warfare modelling and simulation efforts. Multi Layers models are fundamental to evaluate Strategies and Support Decisions: currently there are favourable conditions to implement models of Hybrid Warfare, such as Dies Irae, SIMCJOH and TREX, in order to further develop tools and war-games for studying new tactics, execute collective training and to support decisions making and analysis planning. The proposed approach is based on the idea to create a mosaic made by HLA interoperable simulators able to be combined as tiles to cover an extensive part of the Hybrid Warfare, giving the users an interactive and intuitive environment based on the “Modelling interoperable Simulation and Serious Game” (MS2G) approach. From this point of view, the impressive capabilities achieved by IA-CGF in human behavior modeling to support population simulation as well as their native HLA structure, suggests to adopt them as core engine in this application field. However, it necessary to highlight that, when modelling DIMEFIL/PMESII_PT domains, the researcher has to be aware of the bias introduced by the fact that especially Political and Social “science” are accompanied and built around value judgement. From this perspective, the models proposed by Cayirci, Bruzzone, Guinnarson (2016) and by Balaban & Mileniczek (2018) are indeed a courageous tentative to import, into the domain of particularly poorly understood phenomena (social, politics, and to a lesser degree economics - Hartley, 2016), the mathematical and statistical instruments and the methodologies employed by the pure, hard sciences. Nevertheless, just using the instruments and the methodology of the hard sciences it is not enough to obtain the objectivity, and is such aspect the representations of Hybrid Warfare mechanics could meet their limit: this is posed by the fact that they use, as input for the equations that represents Hybrid Warfare, not physical data observed during a scientific experiment, but rather observation of the reality that assumes implicitly and explicitly a value judgment, which could lead to a biased output. Such value judgement it is subjective, and not objective like the mathematical and physical sciences; when this is not well understood and managed by the academic and the researcher, it can introduce distortions - which are unacceptable for the purpose of the Science - which could be used as well to enforce a narrative mainstream that contains a so called “truth”, which lies inside the boundary of politics rather than Science. Those observations around subjectivity of social sciences vs objectivity of pure sciences, being nothing new, suggest however the need to examine the problem under a new perspective, less philosophical and more leaned toward the practical application. The suggestion that the author want make here is that the Verification and Validation process, in particular the methodology used by Professor Bruzzone in doing V&V for SIMCJOH (2016) and the one described in the Modelling & Simulation User Risk Methodology (MURM) developed by Pandolfini, Youngblood et all (2018), could be applied to evaluate if there is a bias and the extent of the it, or at least making clear the value judgment adopted in developing the DIMEFIL/PMESII_PT models. Such V&V research is however outside the scope of the present work, even though it is an offspring of it, and for such reason the author would like to make further inquiries on this particular subject in the future. Then, the theoretical discourse around Hybrid Warfare has been completed addressing the need to establish a new discipline, Strategic Engineering, very much necessary because of the current a political and economic environment which allocates diminishing resources to Defense and Homeland Security (at least in Europe). However, Strategic Engineering can successfully address its challenges when coupled with the understanding and the management of the fourth dimension of military and hybrid operations, Time. For the reasons above, and as elaborated by Leonhard and extensively discussed in the present work, addressing the concern posed by Time dimension is necessary for the success of any military or Hybrid confrontation. The SIMCJOH project, examined under the above perspective, proved that the simulator has the ability to address the fourth dimension of military and non-military confrontation. In operations, Time is the most critical factor during execution, and this was successfully transferred inside the simulator; as such, SIMCJOH can be viewed as a training tool and as well a dynamic generator of events for the MEL/MIL execution during any exercise. In conclusion, SIMCJOH Project successfully faces new challenging aspects, allowed to study and develop new simulation models in order to support decision makers, Commanders and their Staff. Finally, the question posed by Leonhard in terms of recognition of the importance of time management of military operations - nowadays Hybrid Conflict - has not been answered yet; however, the author believes that Modelling and Simulation tools and techniques can represent the safe “tank” where innovative and advanced scientific solutions can be tested, exploiting the advantage of doing it in a synthetic environment.

Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) is a significant feature of the contemporary world and it is a particular challenge to the armed forces of many states which are involved is such conflict, or are likely to become so. This thesis is not concerned with how such difficult conflict situations arise. Rather it is concerned with how, from the point of view of the state, they may be contained and ultimately brought to a satisfactory resolution. The work is thus concerned with the practicalities of ending LIC. More specifically, the purpose of this research is to establish a framework of doctrinal and military principles applicable to the prevention and resolution of LIC. The principles of this thesis are based in numerous historical examples of LIC and six in depth case studies. These distilled principles are analysed in two central chapters, and are then applied in two latter defence force chapters so as to ensure there practicality and resilience. Numerous defence academics and military practitioners have been consulted in the production of this thesis; their contribution has further reinforced the functionality of the principles examined in this research. The research illustrates the criticality of a holistic approach to LIC. The function of this approach is to guarantee the stability of the sovereign state, by unifying civil, police, intelligence and military services. The effectiveness of the military elements must also be ensured, as military force is central to the suppression of LIC. Consequently, the research makes strategic and operational prescriptions, so as to improve the capability of defence forces that are concerned with preventing or resolving LIC.

In 1986 the United States launched an attack against Libya in which the Italian government denied their airspace, ports and political-military support. Moreover, Rome warned Tripoli of the air inbound airstrikes, a move that saved Colonel Qadhafi’s life. Twenty-five years later, the US led a second, larger, air campaign against Italy’s former colony. In this engagement Italy not only offered its bases and airspace, but its military also participated in the attacks and even lead the naval contingent. The striking reversal of positions over such a short period begs a whole series of questions, principle among them: What motivated Italy to turn its back on its southern neighbor and support the United States and coalition forces? By examining four key conflicts –Libya 1986, the first Gulf War, Operation Allied Force in Kosovo and the Libya campaign in 2011– this dissertation explains the closing of US-Italian ranks and the transformation of Italy from passive ally to one of the US’s key partners, both geographically and military. By applying the findings of this research, leaders in both Rome and

博士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
89
The popular press and books often convey an image of Japanese politics in which bureaucrats dominate or where harmony and consensus prevail. Some analysts even say, Japanese policy-making is little more than a process of collusion among LDP, the bureaucracy, and the big-business community. This doctoral dissertation also conveys the harmony of triangular form of LDP, the bureaucracy, and the big-business community. But, after the ouster of the LDP from government and its replacement by a seven-party coalition, the evolutions of Japanese politics shook Japan from a stable foundation of LDP dominant. A bitter factional struggle within the largest faction in the LDP, triggered the sequence of events that led to the end of one-party dominance. Political corruption is an old story in Japan. The repeated scandals in the 1980s-90s give the rise to the demand for political reform. The rise of coalition governments came into office having made a commitment to political reform, especially to reform the electoral system and policy-making system. Japan is likely to survive the current difficult period to remain a powerful economy and a strong democracy. However, it will put an enormous amount of pressure on political leaders to do what is needed to convince voters that political reform and leadership are doing a competent job.

碩士
義守大學
公共政策與管理學系
106
In early July 2013, the National Army killed a corporal murderer Hong Zhongqi. The subsequent “citizen’s 1985 Action Coalition” launched an online protest against Internet villagers to gather in front of the Ministry of National Defense. A total of 30,000 people gathered on July 20. The protest report issued by the Ministry of National Defense on July 15 deceived the public. Half a month later, the "Citizens 1985 Action Alliance" gathered again, and this time, up to 250,000 people dressed in white shirts, peaceful and orderly sit-in protests, from a height, like a large white cross. Within two and a half months, the two mass campaigns using the Internet''s call have increased from 30,000 to 250,000. After the campaign ended, many discussions on the “quality change” of Taiwan’s social movements were initiated. This article takes the relationship between the Hong Zhongqi case and the new media from July to October 2013 as the research scope, trying to understand that in a modern era, the new media is the core system of ideology and the control of the mass movement over the public domain. How to interact, compete and conflict. In terms of research methods, this paper analyzes the media framework in an attempt to clarify the interaction between the “mass movement” and the “media organization”, that is, how an “active” media organization interacts with a “positive” movement in order to discover the mass battle and the new The development and progress of the media.

Cette thèse étudie la stabilité et l’instabilité politique des régimes hybrides. Elle pose la question suivante : dans quelles conditions l’autorité des élites au pouvoir est-elle reconnue ou contestée? Notre réponse s’articule en lien avec le caractère inclusif ou exclusif de la coalition dirigeante : c’est-à-dire, l’alliance stratégique des élites dirigeantes avec les groupes sociaux dominants. L’inclusion de ces derniers favorise le consentement et la stabilité; leur exclusion entraîne l’affrontement et l’instabilité politique. Sa composition dépend (i) du degré de violence organisée extra-légale et (ii) du degré de pénétration de l’État sur le territoire et dans l’économie. La première variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (militaires) ou du régime (partis d’opposition) est dominant et influence les formes de communication politique avec les élites dirigeantes. La deuxième variable permet d’identifier quel groupe social au sein de l’État (fonctionnaires) ou de la société (chefs locaux) est dominant et oriente les rapports entre les régions et le pouvoir central. L’apport de la recherche est d’approfondir notre compréhension des institutions politiques dans les régimes hybrides en mettant l’accent sur l’identité des groupes sociaux dominants dans un contexte donné. La thèse propose un modèle simple, flexible et original permettant d’appréhender des relations causales autrement contre-intuitives. En ce sens, la stabilité politique est également possible dans un pays où l’État est faible et/ou aux prises avec des mouvements de rébellion; et l’instabilité dans un contexte inverse. Tout dépend de la composition de la coalition dirigeante. Afin d’illustrer les liens logiques formulés et d’exposer les nuances de notre théorie, nous employons une analyse historique comparative de la coalition dirigeante en Malaisie (1957-2010), en Indonésie (1945-1998), au Sénégal (1960-2010) et au Paraguay (1945-2008). La principale conclusion est que les deux variables sont incontournables. L’une sans l’autre offre nécessairement une explication incomplète des alliances politiques qui forgent les conditions de stabilité et d'instabilité dans les régimes hybrides.
The thesis studies stability and instability in hybrid regimes. The research question is: under which conditions the authority of the elites in power is recognized or contested? Our answer rests on the inclusive or exclusive dimension of the ruling coalition: that is, the strategic alliance between the ruling elites and dominant social groups. Inclusion favors consent and stability whereas exclusion favors contention and instability. The composition of the ruling coalition depends on (i) the degree of extra-legal organized violence and (ii) the degree of state penetration over the territory and in the economy. The first variable identifies which social group in the state (military officers) or in the regime (opposition parties) is dominant and influences the forms of political communication with the ruling elites. The second variable identifies which social group in the state (bureaucrats) or in society (local leaders) is dominant and shapes the relation between regions and the center. The thesis contribution is to deepen our understanding of political institutions in hybrid regimes by focusing on the identity of dominant social groups according to a given context. It offers a simple, flexible and original model that allow us to grasp causal relations that would otherwise be counter-intuitive. Hence, political stability is also possible in a country where the state is weak and/or rebellion movements exist; and instability in the opposite context. It all comes down to the composition of the ruling coalition. In order to illustrate the line of reasoning and unfold the richness of our framework, a comparative historical analysis of the ruling coalition in Malaysia (1957-2010), Indonesia (1945-1998), Senegal (1960-2010) and Paraguay (1945-2008) is used. The main conclusion is that the two variables are key. One without the other necessarily amounts to an incomplete explanation of political alliances at stake when dealing with conditions of stability and instability in hybrid regimes.

碩士
淡江大學
歐洲研究所
92
Due to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, it comes to an era of globalization in the international politics. The issues of the international politics are focused on multilateral cooperation and “ low-politics”, namely the so-called “soft power”, such as economy, technology, human right and peacekeeping. On the account of the strong emphasis on peaceful foreign policy, Germany participates in military operations more actively in the post-Cold War. Nonetheless, there are more and more people suspicious of German non-military foreign policy, in particular taking part in Kosovo Conflict. Thus, it induces me to have more research interest in finding out the motivation of which Schroeder’s coalition government decided to participate in the military operation against Kosovo. After German reunification, German national power is getting stronger. In the meanwhile,the vital geographical location makes Germany have its own mission to keep the world peace, that is, to take part in the international peacekeeping operation. As a consequence, a lot of people wonder German hegemonic politics. As for my research goal is to find out the reasons of German participation in out-of-area military operation and the contradictions of between German non-military peaceful foreign policy and participation in the military operations. Basically, this thesis will be focused on the issue of German participation in Kosovo Conflict. And it will be written by the methodology of historical research and documental analysis.

Student Number : 0420292V - MA research report - School of International Relations - Faculty of Humanities
The transformation of the political economy after the Cold War, and particularly the introduction of the knowledge economy and the successful liberation of a group of developing countries, has made a considerable impact on the trading patterns in the global economy. It has also revolutionised the processes of manufacturing, production and consumption. These economic changes have had significant consequences for the countries of the developing world, making the possibility of coalition-building between the countries of the Southern core more feasible, and in this way bringing about fundamental alterations in the political economy of the international system. However, the economic co-operation that takes place in the South is uneven and advances the interests of semi-peripheral states such as India, South Africa and Brazil, giving rise to new patterns of collaboration.

碩士
國立中興大學
電機工程學系所
102
A game-theoretic approach to find the stable partition in a multi-node two- way relay cooperative network is proposed in this work. In the two-way relaying system, since the direct link between two nodes in any pair does not exist, help is needed from other nodes to forward signals exchanged between these two nodes. In this work, the coalition formation game is adopted to partition pairs of nodes in a multi-node two-way relay cooperative network with the goal of maximizing overall capacity in the system. To form the partitions, the K-mean clustering is utilized to obtain the initial partitions followed by the well-known merge-and-split algorithm. However, this approach is centralized, which makes it less attractive in a distributed environment. Thus, a decentralized way of partitioning is proposed in this work as well. The simulation results show that the performance gaps between the centralized approach and the distributed one are small in terms of the overall farewell. Both approaches attain similar farewell to that of the optimal partition.

This diploma thesis studies in depth the progress and endings of both Napoleon's reigns in 1814 and 1815. The first chapter deals with belligerent campaigns in the beginning of 1814, with the first Napoleon's abdication and his deportation to Elba. His exile there is examined in the second chapter which shows his living on a small island in the Mediterranean sea. The third chapter takes place on the Continent again and describes Bonaparte's escape and his sequential armament within France including the view on Allies' forces and problems in Naples. The fourth chapter is genuinely military for it examines number of forces on both sides and mentions all three important battles. The last, fifth, chapter looks at the second Napoleon's abdication, at interlude since his departure for the South, entrance of Allies into Francie and return of Louis XVIII until Bonaparte's final embarking on a British vessel and his deportation to the island of Saint Helena. Key words: Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor, abdication, Elba island, The Congress of Vienna, Quatre Bras, Ligny, Waterloo, Gebhard von Blücher, Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington, Joseph Fouché, Louis XVIII

This thesis deals with European policy of the SPD, the oldest and biggest German left-wing political party. The main focus is on time period from 1998 to 2005, when Gerhard Schröder's government was in power. The aim of this thesis is to describe the social democratic change in approach to European policy. The study also examines three SPD internal debates about "Neue Mitte", European finality and first eastern enlargement of the European Union. The European policy of the German Social Democrats has undergone a significant change since 1998. The party became more assertive, pragmatic and realistic.