Готові списки джерел за темами / Clitic licensing

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Clitic licensing"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 6 вересня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Clitic licensing"

Cabré, Teresa, and Antonio Fábregas. "3rd person clitic combinations across Catalan varieties: Consequences of the nature of the dative clitic." Linguistic Review 36, no. 2 (May 26, 2019): 151–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2018-2010.

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Abstract This article argues that variation in how 3rd person clitic combinations are solved across Catalan varieties depends on the internal morphosyntactic shape of the dative clitic in each variety. We argue that the dative clitic in Valencian Catalan is an inherently case-marked pronominal form (KP), while non Valencian Catalan varieties, that contain a locative clitic, build the dative as a definite locative pronominal which receives structural case. This allows Valencian Catalan to license each clitic in a different area, while non Valencian Catalan is forced to license a sequence of clitics in the same area, with the result that the two forms compete with each other for the licensing by the same head, leading to surface impoverishment of the sequence. Our analysis provides an explanation of these impoverishments as simple syntactic competition for licensing by the same set of heads, making OCP effects in morphology or syntax unnecessary as analytical devices for such cases.

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Rubin, Edward J. "Obligatory dative clitic-doubling of type III experiencers in Bulgnais." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2018): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4299.

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The correlation between the position of the Dative experiencer of a type III psych-verb relative to the verb itself and the obligatory vs. optional nature of an associated Dative clitic has seldom been noted in the literature, and it has never previously been explained. This paper presents relevant new data from Bulgnais (Bologna, Italy), and it proposes that these verbs, in the languages that require the Dative clitic with the preverbal Dative experiencer, have an additional strong lexical property beyond inherent Case licensing. Like Case licensing, this property requires feature checking, which is satisfied alternately by the clitic (unmarked word-order) or by the experiencer phrase. Only when the clitic checks the lexically required feature can the full experiencer move to the preverbal position, because otherwise, it is frozen in a postverbal position by its role in checking the mentioned strong lexical feature, which occurs lower in the verbal domain.

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Crousaz, Isabelle De, and Ur Shlonsky. "The Distribution of a Subject Clitic Pronoun in a Franco-Provençal Dialect and the Licensing of Pro." Linguistic Inquiry 34, no. 3 (July 2003): 413–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438903322247542.

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We study the distribution of null subjects in one Franco-Provençal variety. These are possible in root declaratives, obligatory in embedded subject position, and impossible in root wh-questions as well as in the company of weather predicates. We approach null subjects indirectly, by investigating the distribution of one subject clitic, arguing that its optionality in some contexts is due to the possibility of moving pro to a peripheral topic position, where formal licensing is not required. We also discuss the circumstances in which an overt complementizer and a robustly inflected verb license pro, rendering the clitic redundant. The comparative interest of this dialect is that it reveals synchronically the three mechanisms of pro licensing available in Romance diachronically. These are (a) association with rich verbal inflection, (b) government by a complementizer, and (c) doubling by a clitic. We contend that the syntax is sensitive to the formal relationship between an XP and a head that these three mechanisms instantiate.

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Ausin, Adolfo, and Francisco J. Fernández-Rubiera. "Decomposing Spanish dative clitics." Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 265–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/1.10.2.6217.

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In Spanish, dative clitics have standardly been analyzed differently from accusative ones. The apparent different constraints that regulate each of these clitic doubling constructions have been at the base of the differing analyses. In this paper, we will argue that in spite of the alleged differences, clitic doubling in Spanish (both accusative and dative) has more in common than meets the eye. In light of a generally neglected structure in which Spanish dative clitics may not show agreement with their plural double (a.k.a. le-for-les), we will argue for a decompositional analysis of Spanish dative clitics. For us, dative clitics instantiate an applicative (Cuervo 2003, a.o.) morpheme which may be combined with a Dº head (Uriagereka 1995). This analysis will allow us not only to explain the le-for-les phenomenon observed, accounting for its distribution and syntactic licensing, but also the definiteness interpretation that an agreeing dative clitic is subject to, in turn providing a uniform account for the parallelisms between accusative (i.e., purely Dº) and dative (i.e., Applicative + optional Dº) clitic doubling. Finally, certain contexts in which les surfaces and that fail to be accounted for under our proposal are provided an account in terms of “harmonic agreement,” while still keeping the analysis proposed to account for both new and old data and observations.

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Rubin, Edward. "PCC Effects with Expletives and Non-Associate Postverbal Subjects in Bolognese." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 8, no. 2 (February 22, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.128.

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This paper contrasts a Bolognese postverbal subject construction and other grammars with the common Romance one (also in Bolognese) that has longdistance full agreement of the tensed verb and the Case Licensed subject, with an expletive satisfying EPP. In the new Bolognese data, full agreement is absent, a special clitic occurs, and the postverbal subject is person restricted.Lack of subject agreement also raises questions about its licensing.The Minimalist proposal is that grammars like Bolognese can specify a feature set on theexpletive that checks EPP in this data, and that it is thus an independent second nominalin the domain of the sole agreement and Case Licensing probe, T. This specified expletiveis shown to explain all the properties of this data. For the person restrictions and Case Licensing of the postverbal subject, it applies Cyclic/Multiple Agree, the elaboration ofAgree underlying PCCeffects, to the two nominals. The analysis is extended to othergrammars with similar but slightly differing data by simple manipulation of the featureseton the specified expletive and of the clitic inventory of the grammar.

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Gravely, Brian, and Monica Alexandrina Irimia. "DOM co-occurrence restrictions and their repair strategies." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 8, no. 4 (December 16, 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.174.

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Since the pioneering discussion in Ormazabal & Romero (2007), work on PCC-effects that extend beyond clitic clusters has been the focus of much investigative research (Cornilescu 2020, Sheehan 2020, Irimia in press, a.o.). Many of these effects have been shown to arise with animate nominals, in Romance particularly those bearing differential object marking (DOM). More work, however, is needed on documenting how these types of co-occurrence restrictions can be repaired. In this article, we discuss repair strategies in contexts containing DOM from Romanian and Galician as compared to Spanish; we show that an understanding of these facts revolves around the typology of available [person] licensing positions along the clausal spine. We show that Romanian and Galician exhibit multiple licensing positions within various licensing domains, both within and beyond the vP. We also discuss data from both Peninsular and Argentine Spanish that differ in this regard and demonstrate that they have fewer licensing positions than Romanian and Galician.

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Arias, Juan José. "Extraposition in River Plate Spanish. A case of clausal doubling?" Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 8, no. 1 (July 4, 2022): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.198.

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This paper explores a set of constructions from River Plate Spanish in which propositional attitude verbs occur both with a third person feminine accusative clitic and a CP in final position (e.g., No me la esperaba que hiciera tanto frío, ‘I didn’t expect it to be so cold’). The data under analysis, which resemble the well-studied phenomenon of extraposition in English (Jespersen 1933, Postal & Pullum 1988, Rosenbaum 1967, Rothstein 1995, 2004, etc.), have not so far received much attention in the study of Spanish syntax. Our conclusion is that the ‘extraposed’ CPs do not constitute cases of right dislocation or right-adjunction but clear instances of clausal doubling, analogous to the well-known process of clitic doubling with accusative DPs characteristic of Argentine Spanish (e.g., Lo vi a Gonzalo, ‘I saw Gonzalo’). Along the lines of Rothstein (1995, 2004), we argue that the mechanism for licensing the CP is predication and we provide evidence against the hypothesis that the clitic is an object expletive.

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Manente, Mara. "Isabelle De Crousaz, Ur Shlonsky, The Distribution of a Subject Clitic Pronoun in a Franco-Provençal Dialect and the Licensing of Pro." Studi Francesi, no. 146 (XLIX | II) (November 1, 2005): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.35382.

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Zhu, Jialei. "A more special use of the third person singular pronoun in Shanghainese." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 24, no. 2 (March 9, 2023): 391–436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00135.zhu.

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Abstract This paper investigates the syntax and semantics of the third person singular pronoun ɦi⁶ in Shanghainese in its non-referential use. Evidence from its phonological dependence and syntactic integration with the preceding host verb is presented to show that the non-referential ɦi⁶ is a clitic. It is further observed that this use of ɦi⁶ requires licensing from the [+subjunctive] feature, echoing Qian (2004) and Jin (2016). However, my analysis diverges from theirs in treating the ɦi⁶ in question as an expletive licensed by the [+subjunctive] feature, rather than a subjunctive marker itself on grounds that it is not obligatory in a subjunctive sentence and that the subjunctivity must always be encoded by other elements in the sentence. ɦi⁶ in this use serves as an emphatic, strengthening the effect of deontic or imperative force in subjunctive contexts. Furthermore, it is shown that the licensing must obey a locality condition, whereby the expletive ɦi⁶ must be licensed by a c-commanding licenser in its local domain. From the perspective of grammaticalization, I propose that ɦi⁶ is going through an intermediate stage of becoming a purely modal functional marker. A final stage of this “upward” grammaticalization can be found in the expletive use of the third person pronoun keoi in Cantonese, which has become a more grammaticalized marker that has scope over the sentence. It is pointed out that the development of the expletive pronoun suggests that being at the right-periphery is a crucial factor in motivating and facilitating grammaticalization in Chinese. Last, a comparison between the non-referential ɦi⁶ and the Mandarin non-referential third person pronoun ta in the V-ta-ge-NP/AP construction is presented, showing that both cases manifest interactions between VP-internal projections and higher functional categories.

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Jheng, Wei-Cherng Sam. "The syntax of nominal modification and complex noun phrases in Siwkolan Amis." Concentric. Studies in Linguistics 48, no. 1 (May 2, 2022): 70–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/consl.21014.jhe.

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Abstract This work investigates the syntax of nominal modification involving the linker a in Siwkolan Amis, one of the dialects of Amis, an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan. Based on the two observed types of NP-ellipsis patterns and the formal licensing condition, I argue that Amis displays two types of modification. Modifiers in direct modification are functional heads projecting extended functional projections of NP, whereas those in indirect modification are modifier phrases base-generated at [Spec, ModP]. This distinction adds weight to J. Wu’s (2003) view that relative clauses and description-denoting modifiers marked by -ay are clausal modifiers that have a full-fledged CP structure from a cartographic perspective. Furthermore, I argue that a projects the Modifier Phrase (ModP) and is a modificatory clitic endowed with a [+mod] feature that attaches to a head element moving from a lower head position to form a morphological word. Very much in line with Philip (2012), the proposed analysis suggests that a is endowed with an interpretative profile in marking a modification relation between an extended functional projection (a modifier phrase) and a dependent word (a modified noun) in the nominal domain. Issues involved in dealing with the structure of Amis complex noun phrases are discussed.

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Більше джерел

Книги з теми "Clitic licensing"

Munich Intellectual Property Law Center, ed. The role of the patent system in stimulating innovation and technology transfer for climate change: Including aspects of licensing and competition law. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2011.

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Pronouns, Clitics and Empty Nouns: Pronominality and Licensing in Syntax (Linguistik Aktuell / Linguistics Today). John Benjamins Publishing Co, 2002.

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Частини книг з теми "Clitic licensing"

Dimitriadis, Alexis. "On Clitics, Prepositions and Case Licensing in Standard and Macedonian Greek." In Studies in Greek Syntax, 95–112. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-9177-5_5.

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Pescarini, Diego. "Historical overview." In Romance Object Clitics, 63–104. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198864387.003.0004.

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The chapter overviews the evolution from Latin pronouns to present-day object clitics. The discussion of Latin focuses on the relationship between pronominal syntax and three main factors: information packaging, verb movement, and the licensing of null objects. Then the chapter examines the earliest Romance documents (eighth–ninth century) and elaborates on the distinction between archaic and innovative early Romance languages. The former allowed interpolation, i.e. the presence of material between proclitics and the verb, while the latter exhibited adverbal clitics, which are always attached to a verbal host. The loss of enclisis/proclisis alternations in finite clauses (Tobler-Mussafia effects) marks the transition towards modern systems. Further variation across modern vernaculars results from clitic climbing, which is often lost in restructuring contexts and, to a lesser extent, in compound and simple tenses. Lastly, the chapter overviews several systematic changes affecting the order of sequences formed by two or more object clitics.

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Bidese, Ermenegildo, Andrea Padovan, and Alessandra Tomaselli. "Rethinking Verb Second and Nominative case assignment." In Rethinking Verb Second, 575–93. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844303.003.0024.

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Cimbrian is a German(ic) VO heritage language that does not display the linear V2 restriction: the DP subject can show up before the finite verb together with other constituents, while German-like verb-subject inversion only obtains with clitic pronouns. In recent literature on Cimbrian, pronominal subject inversion has been taken as a traditional argument in favour of mandatory V-to-C movement (assuming a split-C configuration). Building on this assumption, the syntax of the enclitic expletive subject, -da/-ta, (which shows up whenever the DP subject does not raise in the C-domain) makes the Cimbrian data particularly relevant, since it casts light on the correlation between V2 and Nominative case licensing. The stance in this chapter is that Nominative case in Cimbrian is assigned by C—as generally assumed for Germanic V2 languages—but in an idiosyncratic way: (i) it applies within the C domain, i.e. FinP; (ii) expletive -da/-ta absorbs Nominative case and acts as a defective goal with respect to the ‘low’ subject. On the basis of the feature-spreading model in Ouali (2008), the phasal head C in Cimbrian is taken to ‘KEEP’ its relevant ϕ‎- and T-features, to assign Nominative case in [Spec,FinP], and to triggering mandatory V-movement.

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Wittich, Christopher. "Preparing for the U. S. Medical Licensing Examination Step 2." In Mayo Clinic Internal Medicine Concise Textbook, 1–10. CRC Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/b14442-2.

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"Preparing for the U. S. Medical Licensing Examination Step 2." In Mayo Clinic Internal Medicine Concise Textbook, 15–24. CRC Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/b14442-6.

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Alqassas, Ahmad. "PSIs with Head-Like Properties." In A Unified Theory of Polarity Sensitivity, 171–210. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197554883.003.0005.

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This chapter discusses two main issues that arise from PSIs (polarity-sensitive items) with head-like properties. These PSIs seem to be outside the (immediate) domain of their licensor. The first issue is how these PSIs are licensed in syntax and how a unified analysis can handle their distribution. The author argues that these PSIs are adverbial phrases that do not project a clausal projection and that negation licenses these PSIs either in Spec-NegP or under c-command. This unified analysis does not appeal to the problematic head–complement relation as a putative licensing configuration. Another issue that arises from these NPIs (negative polarity items) with head-like properties is their ability to host clitics with accusative and genitive case marking. This issue raises interesting questions pertaining to case theory and dependent case licensing. The author argues that negation licenses the puzzling accusative case of the pronominal complement, a conclusion with far-reaching implications to dependent case licensing in natural language.

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Jackson, Emily. "15. Assisted Conception." In Medical Law, 819–91. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780192843456.003.0015.

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This chapter examines the regulation of assisted conception in the UK, which involves a detailed look at the legislation: the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990, and the work of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority (HFEA). It examines: the licensing procedures through which clinics are inspected and authorized to perform certain procedures; access to treatment; consent to the use of gametes (sperm and eggs); gamete donation; rules governing the parentage of children; and preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD). It also considers mitochondrial transfer and genome editing.

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Wiger, Donald E. "Typical Forms Used in a Private Practice." In Handbook of Private Practice, 49–65. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med:psych/9780190272166.003.0005.

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Filling out forms in the practice of mental health is much more than “dull paperwork.” With proper training, most forms can be filled out during the session rather than spending valuable time afterward. On-target forms can provide the required documentation that the services provided are medically necessary. Too many mental health clinics have gone out of business or have suffered severe financial loss after an audit or review of records by third parties such as insurance companies, licensing boards, clients, or the court. The discussion of forms in this chapter provides information about what is necessary to clearly document the client’s diagnosis, treatment plan, progress of therapy, need for continued services, discharge, outcomes, Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) compliance, and financial policies.

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Jackson, Emily. "15. Assisted Conception." In Medical Law, 792–860. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198825845.003.0015.

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All books in this flagship series contain carefully selected substantial extracts from key cases, legislation, and academic debate, providing students with a stand-alone resource. This chapter discusses the regulation of assisted conception. It first examines the regulation of assisted conception in the UK, which involves a detailed look at the legislation: the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990, and the work of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority (HFEA). The chapter analyses: the licensing procedures through which clinics are inspected and authorized to perform certain procedures; access to treatment; consent to the use of gametes (sperm and eggs); gamete donation; rules governing the parentage of children; and preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD). It also considers mitochondrial transfer and genome editing.

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Yamagishi, Takakazu. "Westernizing Medicine." In Health Insurance Politics in Japan, 16–32. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501763496.003.0002.

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This chapter describes the six aspects of health care that the Meiji government took control of: medical education, medical licensing, hospitals and clinics, health care administration, medical associations, and the relationship with doctors and pharmacists. It shows how, by the time the Meiji Emperor died in 1912, Japan had become a modern nation and was recognized by many Western nations as an independent power in Asia. Health care policy then became part of the government's westernization plan. The government took the lead in adopting Western medicine as the official standard. Meiji officials had almost a free hand to create a new Japanese health care system. Health care policy became a tool to prevent epidemic catastrophes, to strengthen the military, control social order, and be accountable to the people.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Clitic licensing"

Guinard, L., S. Parey, H. Cordier, and L. Grammosenis. "Impact of Climate Change on EDF’s Nuclear Facilities: Climate Watch Approach." In 2020 International Conference on Nuclear Engineering collocated with the ASME 2020 Power Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone2020-16186.

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Abstract According to the Periodic Safety Review Process, the safety level is re-assessed every ten years, considering national and international operational feedback, evolution of knowledge and best available practices. Protection against natural hazards is part of this safety level re-assessment. In the current global change context, climate change impact has to be integrated in external natural hazards estimations, such as climatic hazards or external flooding. EDF has consequently implemented a climate watch approach. Undertaken approximately every 5 years, roughly in line with the publication of the assessment reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and with the update of safety licensing basis during Periodic Safety Reviews, this approach is intended to: - revisit the climatic hazards which present a plausible or certain upward trend, and could lead to an increased reference hazard level, - monitor the reach of target levels which should trigger a thorough analysis (concept of Major Climate Event) to ensure the robustness of the reference hazard level between two periodic reviews. This climate watch approach is developed in partnership with the scientific community and is based on the following activities: - compile and analyze datasets on hazards that are subject to changes with climate change (observed and modelled time series), - develop knowledge of associated climatic phenomena (models, projections). The application of this approach is presented in two steps: - the key implications of the last climate watch exercise carried out in 2015, which identified climatic hazards whose evolution is unfavorable and is plausible or certain for the sites of EDF NPPs: ○ High air and water temperatures (for the “heat wave” hazard) ○ Sea level (for the “external flooding” hazard for coastal or estuary sites) ○ Drought or « low flow » hazard for fluvial sites; - the results obtained for the 900 MW units, for which EDF started the 4th periodic safety review in 2019. Such an approach, which is closely linked to periodic reviews, ensures the robustness of nuclear power plants to the climatic hazards through the consideration of the updated hazard levels.

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Rodionov, Andrei, and Jean-Marie Mattei. "Heat Sink Issue: A Specific Safety Issue for NPP Site Selection and Evaluation in the Warm Countries With Extreme Climatic Conditions." In 2013 21st International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone21-15529.

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One of the major issues during the site selection and design of a NPP is the heat sink issue, i.e. installation and availability of reliable and efficient recipient of heat (air, water or both of them) in relation in particular with: • waste the heat removed from the condenser of the turbines during normal operational state, • waste the heat removed from all of the safety-related and non-safety-related equipment and systems during normal operational state, • waste the residual heat removed from nuclear reactor fuel (situated in reactor vessel or tubes), the decay heat removed from nuclear spent fuel (situated in spent fuel pool), and the heat removed from all of the safety-related equipment and systems during abnormal operational state and accident conditions. There are several “newcomer” countries that are situated in warm climate zones. In such countries, the cooling water design could be a challenge with regards to extreme water and air temperatures, air humidity, absence of an important reliable cold water source inside the country, etc. In addition, some specific items related to natural, industrial and human environment should be considered during the site evaluation, as for example, risk of intensive biota development, oil spills, siltation, low water level events, etc. This requires particular consideration of the heat sink issue for the site regulatory review during the licensing process. The article discusses the methodology for site regulatory review with regards to the heat sink issue and provides some practical advises on safety assessment and acceptance criteria to be considered.

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