Дисертації з теми "Class and politics"
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1
Charlton, John Douglas. "Working class structure and working class politics in Britain 1950." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303518.
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2
Thapa, Sandhya. "Ethnicity, class and politics in Sikkim." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1268.
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3
McAloon, Jim. "Working class politics in Christchurch, 1905-1914." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Department of History, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4240.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis begins by considering the state of organised labour
in Christchurch around 1900. Detailed attention is then paid
to the role of trade union in 1905, to wage levels and to
employment. Conflicts in the workplace over wages and control
of the labour process, which were becoming more severe, are
analysed in selected industries. The evolution of the Canterbury
Trades and Labour Council and its attitude to political and
industrial organisation are discussed. The attempts of
Christchurch workers to form an independent political party are
examined. Finally, there is discussion and analysis of the
crisis of 1913 and its effects on the labour movement.
4
Hilson, Mary. "Working-class politics in Plymouth, c. 1890-1920." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244425.
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5
Naidu, Vijay. "State class and politics in the South Pacific." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303259.
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6
Boughton, John Frederick. "Working-class politics in Birmingham and Sheffield, 1918-1931." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34790/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Working-class politics in Birmingham and Sheffield contrasted sharply in the 1920s - Birmingham was a bastion of working-class Conservatism, Sheffield, a Labour stronghold. In the first half of the thesis, we explored this contrast by an examination of the economic, social and political conditions which underlay it. Sheffield's large-scale industry was found to reinforce working-class values and trades union traditions which facilitated Labour's political rise. Birmingham's diversified, often small-scale, economy impeded the development of working-class consciousness and eased inter-class relations. These differences were reflected in the towns' working-class cormtinities. The forms of Sheffield society consolidated the working-class loyalties of which Labour affiliations became one aspect. Birmingham society was more penetrable and possessed a powerful civic tradition of cross-class cooperation. In local government, Birmingham retained a confident, reforming middle-class leadership fulfilling the heritage of Joseph Chamberlain. Sheffield's middle-class politicians retreated into reactionary oppositionism which hastened Labour's advance. Contemporary events in the national economy and politics strengthened Labour's claim to be the real party of the working class. In the second half, we studied the content of working-class politics; examining, firstly, Labour's principles and practice. Ethical and constitutional values, combined with a corrrnitment to practical reform, were found dominant. A genuine party life of extra-political activities existed but its scope and ambitions were modest. Cooperation shared similar values, allied with an ambiguous attitude towards political action which strained relations with the wider Labour movement. The revolutionary Left was active but its aggressive style and far-reaching demands distanced it from the broader working class. In conclusion, we looked at working-class Conservatism - still influential and with several ideological and structural strains in workingclass culture perpetuating its appeal. We viewed it, particularly among the poorer strata, as one method of getting by in a life deemed fundamentally unalterable.
7
Goddard, Paul. "Educational afterworlds in neoliberal Britain : class, politics and sexuality." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/educational-afterworlds-of-neoliberal-britain-class-politics-and-sexuality(7de87f3b-6bda-49ff-ab02-85246be7d746).html.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There is a widespread sense that Britain is an unfair society with an unfair education system, and that this ought to change. Yet the prescribed panacea of 'equality of opportunity' is bound up with new extensions of middle-class privilege. In an attempt to historicise the social basis of that paradox, this thesis offers the 'educational afterworld' as a theoretical framework for prising open the determinations formal schooling exerts in adult British society. It is written from a Marxist perspective and treats the Blairite mantra of 'Education, Education, Education' as part of an ideological history in which structural inequality has been reproduced through the three-tier school system that emerged in the late Victorian period. As a point of entry into the educational afterworld, this project explores long-established categories of culture as they were articulated at key moments in this unfolding history. The legacies of three major Kulturkritikers - Matthew Arnold, F.R. Leavis and Richard Hoggart - and their preoccupations - class, politics, race, the city and commodified life - entered the 80s as a repertoire of motifs, patterns and axioms. I am interested in how these cultural co-ordinates were reconfigured by critiques of and collusions with the mercurial socio-political changes of the period on which I focus. Moving through the 80s and 90s, and with periodic glances back to earlier episodes of British life, the chapters map 'high' and 'low' culture onto the hierarchy of educational institutions that continues to produce the gulf between exquisite prose and 'underclass' illiteracy. A focus on sexuality is a notable feature of each chapter, honing discussion of these educational afterworlds through consideration of the ways in which gay male sexuality and an emboldened female sexuality mediate social status and distinction (in Bourdieu's sense). For these reasons, the texts selected are Alan Hollinghurst's The Swimming-Pool Library (1988) and The Line of Beauty (2004), the BBC2 drama serial This Life (1996-97) and, with his BBC sitcom Gimme Gimme Gimme (1999-2001), Jonathan Harvey's 'feel-good' play Beautiful Thing (1993).
8
Raychaudhury, Nairanjana. "Backward class and politics of reservation in India 1919-1947." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1208.
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9
Barrett, Elizabeth. "Group struggle or class conflict? : the application of pluralist theory and class theory to English politics." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/1ae2a6b9-35e7-4c08-9cc1-1f2c5dccd5b9/1/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The growth of single-issue politics, and of the articulation and resolution of political demands through pressure group structures is linked, by group theorists, to the development of the corporate economic State. In an increasingly complex political order, it is argued, the individual must orient herself to political structures through multiple group memberships which cut across traditional socio-economic categories, and which reduce the impact of class identification and political behaviour. Thus the pluralists suggest that group membership is replacing class location as a focus for political identity and a motor of political behaviour. This argument is investigated with reference to the sociopolitical attitudes and behaviours of electors drawn from three English Parliamentary constituencies. The constituencies - Guildford, Richmond and Barnes and Sheffield Attercliffe - exhibit distinctive socio-economic characteristics and electoral trends. The constituency sample units are stratified by group, and electors are drawn from those groups typically organised within the community. Participants are examined by survey questionnaire. In examining the class and group bases of British politics, considerable attention is paid to concept-formulation. 'The group' is operationalised according to dimensions of interest and power, and the nature and role of interest group activity within the three constituencies are investigated. The concept of class is operationalised according to Marxian theory, and is critically examined with reference to stratification theory. Indicators of socio-economic and political variables are investigated during data analysis, and class and group-structured political identifications and behaviours are examined. Although participation in both group and class structures is found to be politically significant among survey-respondents, group-structured political behaviour is found to be strongly related to class location. It is therefore argued that the concept of class possesses explanatory value in political analysis. A class theory of group politics is thus proposed.
10
Beltz, Trevor Richard. "The Disappearing Middle Class: Implications for Politics and Public Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/412.
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What does it mean to be middle class? The majority of Americans define themselves as members of the middle class, regardless of their wealth. The number of Americans that affiliate with the middle class alludes to the idea that it cannot be defined simply by level of income, number of assets, type of job, etc. The middle class is a lifestyle as much as it is a group of similarly minded people, just as it is a social construct as much as it is an economic construct. Yet as the masses fall away from the elite, and changes continue to reshape the occupational structure of the job market—due to globalization in a technological age; many have begun to question whether or not the middle class—and, by extension, the American way of life—will be able to survive. This thesis analyzes which Americans fall into the category of middle class and why. It observes the possible reasons the middle class is changing from the style portrayed through much of the 19th and 20th centuries. And lastly, this thesis poses possible solutions through public policy initiatives.
11
Doyle, Barry M. "Middle class realignment and party politics in Norwich, 1900-1932." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.254658.
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12
Nuttall, Timothy Andrew. "Class, race and nation : African politics in Durban, 1929-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:876d79f4-db97-4efc-8751-18ac01fc38ef.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The 1930s and 1940s in Durban have been relatively under-researched, and yet these two decades constituted a crucial phase in the city's growth. This thesis concentrates on the political experiences of Africans during the period. The beer hall riots of 1929 and the 'African-Indian' riots of 1949 serve as significant points at which to start and end the thesis. These two flashpoints were very different in nature, and their differences signalled the changes that took place in Durban between the late 1920s and the late 1940s. Yet the riots can also be linked: they both reflected extreme frustration amongst Africans at their exclusion from the resources of the city. The two riots illuminate key issues in African politics, in municipal and state policy, and in the changing structures of Durban society. These comparative findings are based on a detailed study of the period between the two riots. A wide variety of African political experiences in Durban is examined. These fall into four broad categories of political ideology and practice: populism, nationalism, ethnicity and 'workerism'. The narrative begins with the radical anti-municipal populism of 1929-30 and then attempts to explain the politically 'quiet' 1930s. The Second World War brought significant changes, giving rise to a range of important new ideologies and political strategies. The most important developments were in worker organisation and nationalist politics. The struggle for the city was heightened even further in the post-war period. Wide-ranging expressions of urban populism and racial ethnicity set the scene for the 1949 riots. Due to the nature of the evidence collected, much of the thesis concentrates on the roles played by the (largely middle class) political leadership. The analysis portrays African politics as a complex process of 'negotiation', and the historical narrative is informed by theoretical perspectives which integrate 'class' and 'race'.
13
Watson, Donald. "British socialist theatre 1930-1979 : class, politics and dramatic form." Thesis, University of Hull, 1985. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:7035.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The field covered contains the major phases of British socialist theatre between 1930 and 1979. It focuses on the issues raised by the concept of socialist theatre, such as those of class, politics and dramatic form, in order to discuss the relationships between agendas of political tasks, the development of suitable forms for their dramatic expression, and the nature of the audiences which have been attracted. The discussion draws on a range of contemporary sources which include unpublished scripts and other material, together with oral evidence from some practitioners. The historical episodes covered begin with the career of the Workers' Theatre Movement and its successors the Unity Theatres and the Left Book Club Theatre Guild in the 1930s. It then examines how this was continued during the Second World War; and how it was affected by the political and other circumstances of the immediate post-war years. Finally it deals with the revival of socialist theatre in Britain during the 19705. The thesis is intended to contribute to the understanding of the relations between theatre, politics and the labour movement by means of an historical perspective on concrete examples. It examines the extent to which the different examples achieved the objectives they set themselves, and in so doing discusses the circumstances which have made successful socialist theatre possible in Britain during this period.
14
Brown, J. A. "Social class and politics : With special reference to manual workers." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381298.
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15
Ghikas, Anastasis. "The politics of working class communism in Greece, 1918-1936." Thesis, University of York, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10953/.
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16
Strolovitch, Dara Z. "Affirmative advocacy : race, class, and gender in interest group politics /." Chicago : University of Chicago press, 2007. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41270045c.
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17
Yancy, Nina M. "Class along the color line." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:abc1e87b-5984-4ec2-a0d7-cdd0fdb451dd.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis traces the contours of the Black-White color line in modern America by illuminating how Whites' racialized political behavior varies across local geographic contexts. In a critical reinterpretation of the racial threat hypothesis, I argue that local geography conditions the relationship between Whites' racial orientations and their preferences on policies related to race - but not because Whites are passively threatened in proximity to a Black population. Rather, Whites are active, subjective perceivers of their surroundings who have an interest in maintaining their racial privilege. This conceptual shift not only challenges the assumed neutrality of Whites' vision; it also enables me to identify the range of contextual indicators that Whites might construe as threatening, and the range of White attitudes that are activated as a result. My empirical evidence comes from three case studies. The first two use geocoded survey data to analyze White opinion on welfare spending in 2000, and on affirmative action between 2006 and 2010. The third study draws on in-depth interviews conducted in 2016, exploring an issue related to school desegregation in Louisiana. Each study affirms the core findings of the thesis: Whites' policy preferences are polarized according to racial orientations in settings where race is salient; and a shared White perspective is evident even across polarized attitudes. My findings offer hope, showing that a sign of threat to some Whites may activate racially tolerant behavior in others; as well as reason to restrain our optimism, challenging the assumption that affluent Blacks, unlike the 'undeserving' Black poor, will not be perceived as threatening by Whites. Ultimately, only by recognizing the color line's responsiveness to local geography - and its resilience even as White attitudes liberalize and Black class positions improve - can we understand the line's persistence or the possibility of one day dismantling it.
18
Styrkársdóttir, Auður. "From feminism to class politics : the rise and decline of women's politics in Reykjavík 1908-1922." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 1998. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-65810.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The main objective of this dissertation is to seek answers to three questions: 1) Why did it take so much longer for women than men to win the vote? 2) Why did it take women so long to be elected in any numbers to national legislatures?, and 3) What has been the political significance of women's entry into national legislatures? The answers are sought by examining an aspect of the development of parties ignored by most political scientists, namely the relationship between women's suffrage, party politics and patriarchal power. An empirical study on Iceland is used to examine this aspect in detail. In the period 1908- 1926, women in Iceland ran separate lists at local and national elections. The fate of the women's lists in Reykjavik is explored and so are the policies of women councillors. Iceland was not the only country to see the emergence of separate women's political organizations that ran candidates at elections. The outcome was nowhere as successful as in Iceland. Through the rise, and decline, of the women's lists and women's policies in Reykjavik, the factors that allowed women to carry out their own maternalistic politics within a male-run system are illuminated. The dissertation draws on numerous theories and postulations within political science. It also challenges many of them. Theda Skocpol's structured policy approach proves highly useful in examining the larger political environment and factors that stimulated or hindered women's politics and policies in Reykjavik. The approach does not, however, account for male power as a force on its own. The structured policy approach is challenged by providing another important factor, the role of individuals and their ideas as a political force. The conclusion is that patriarchal theories are needed within political science, and it is suggested that political parties, their origin and working methods, provide excellent starting points from which to examine male power, or patriarchy, as a political force of its own.digitalisering@umu
19
Styrkársdóttir, Auður. "From feminism to class politics the rise and decline of women's politics in Reykjavík, 1908-1922 /." [Umeå] : Umeå University : Dept. of Political Science, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=jFE_AAAAMAAJ.
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20
Thompson, Michael. "The Australian Labor Party’s Fortunes and Prospects: Its Internal Reviews and Scholarly Analyses." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18733.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis analysed the five internal Reviews conducted by the ALP to date – in 1964, 1979, 1996, 2002 and 2010 – to assess its prospects of winning office federally in its own right. The focus was on the internal Party debates and public commentary surrounding the Reviews’ recommendations to reform the Party’s structure, and Labor’s persistence with its current policy priorities. The former analysis included the degeneration of the Party’s factions into sub-factions and fiefdoms, the rise of a political class whose influence is pervasive in preselections and the unions’ dominance within the Party. The latter analysis concerned the Party’s encouraging women, youth and ethnic communities to support the Party, and the resultant disaffection of many among the Party’s working class supporters living in Sydney’s outer western suburbs (and like suburbs in other states and territories) who felt Labor was ignoring their concerns with unemployment, inter-generational poverty and the like, and with Labor and Coalition governments’ policies on multiculturalism, migrant intake levels and the settlements of Muslims from Middle Eastern countries in their socio-economically disadvantaged suburbs. The working class were also disaffected by what they saw as the influence of special interest groups within the Party, which intensified with Labor’s embrace of identity politics. Suggestions were made as to what Labor might do to win back working class loyalty. The thesis also considered the work of Australian scholars who drew on Western European theories of gradual party change to analyse the ALP’s response to changes in local economic and social circumstances. The conclusion reached was that the factions will not change their behaviour, the unions refuse to relinquish their power within the Party and Labor will never again be a mass party. Notwithstanding the failure to reform its structure, by means of taxpayer funding, private donations and modern professional campaigning Labor can survive into the foreseeable future as a major political force. But it will have to prioritise unemployment, reconsider its policies on multiculturalism and immigration, and its embrace of identity politics if it is not to be threatened by the emergence of an anti-politician who will effectively address Australia’s economic ills and who can appeal to the urban working class as successfully as Hanson has to rural and regional Australians.
21
Keaton, Matthew. "HOLY BOOKS OR POCKET BOOKS? CLASS AND VALUES IN AMERICAN POLITICS." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3229.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There has been much speculation recently as to the political effect that "moral values" have on Americans and much research has shown inconclusive results as far as the effect of class. This paper aims to study how class and values, including moral values and postmaterialist values, interact with politics in the United States. The analyses performed to determine these effects include crosstabulation and logistical regressions and will include data from the National Election Studies (NES). It is found that postmaterialist values have little effect on political behavior but in separate analyses, class and moral values have increasing influences on vote choice and partisan identification. It is also determined that moral values currently has more influence on presidential votes, but there is no clear indication that values are consistent indicators of House vote choice or partisan identification.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science
22
Schilbach, Tina. "Shanghai cosmo-politics: the young middle class in the global city." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/10124.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explores how class and the cosmopolitan intersect in Shanghai as a city globalising under the gaze of the developmental state. Shanghai brands itself as a city successfully anticipating the demands of global capitalism while confirming its place safely within the political-territorial narratives of the Party-state. Cosmopolitanism is tamed as a powerful but cautious discourse of aspirational modernity. However, the resources of the global are also forming the backdrop to new dynamics in the rescaling of local social and cultural space, in which new transnational stakeholders as well as globalised varieties of class and taste play important roles. In the first part of this thesis I discuss Shanghai’s relationship with its global classes, examining the reference points of class and privilege that have marked official discourse about the urban cosmopolitan. While the government invites the contributions from global capitalist – as well as cultural – elites, it remains uncertain about how to “manage” their cosmopolitan contributions. This translates into a cautious approach towards the possibilities of a transnational urbanism and its anchoring in local identity. The second part of this work analyses the local lives of young, educated Chinese in the city. China’s young middle classes have enjoyed privileged access to the benefits of global modernity in Shanghai. Global elites and a local middle class are increasingly sharing space in the city, and are sharing in the production of urban community. However, the image of common urban space, in which the aesthetic distinction between global-elite lifestyles and local aspiration is increasingly blurred, does not translate into common access to this space and its hierarchies of hospitality and opportunity. I discuss how young people experience the seductiveness of the global city and how they deal with its disappointments, complicating Shanghai’s ability to cultivate local consent to its global-city transformation.
23
Barron, Jacqueline. "Gender, class and politics : women in the Labour and Conservative Parties." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.254600.
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24
McAuley, James White. "Politics and ideology in a Protestant working class community in Belfast." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1990. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/338/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis considers the politics and ideology of Belfast's Protestant working class (PKC). It is also conceived as a contribution to discussions concerning the nature and theory of 'ideology' within the Marxist tradition. Traditional Irish Marxism has been dismissive of the PWC reducing their politics to the protection of marginal privelege sustained by Britain's Imperialist presence. This thesis argues that such a perspective is inadequate. It is essential to move away from the concept of loyalist ideology as a systematised form of false consciousness, rather it is necessary to look at the ideology of Protestant workers at the level of day to day experiences and practices. Such collectively lived experiences give the-alternative sets of practices embodied in working class culture. It is therefore important to draw on the sociological tradition of the community study. To fully understand PWC images of society it is necessary to construct the relationship between, local ideologies and the theoretically developed ideologies, generated by national institutions. In order to do this the thesis looks at the social structure and politics of a particular PWC commmity in Belfast. The thesis then outlines by way of case study how the PWC have reacted to the contemporary political and social situation in Northern Ireland. The thesis draws on interviews with residents, political activists and paramilitary members. In particular it identifies the politics and ideology of those active in the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). In overall terms it highlights the ideology by which Protestant workers make sense of, and give meaning to, their social and political worlds.
25
Sutcliffe-Braithwaite, Florence Anne. "Class, community and individualism in English politics and society, 1969-2000." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708279.
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26
Carter, Daryl A. "Brother Bill: President Clinton and the Politics of Race and Class." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://amzn.com/155728699X.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
As President Barack Obama was sworn into office on January 20, 2009, the United States was abuzz with talk of the first African American president. At this historic moment, one man standing on the inaugural platform, seemingly a relic of the past, had actually been called by the moniker the “first black president” for years. President William Jefferson Clinton had long enjoyed the support of African Americans during his political career, but the man from Hope also had a complex and tenuous relationship with this faction of his political base. Clinton stood at the nexus of intense political battles between conservatives’ demands for a return to the past and African Americans’ demands for change and fuller equality. He also struggled with the class dynamics dividing the American electorate, especially African Americans. Those with financial means seized newfound opportunities to go to college, enter the professions, pursue entrepreneurial ambitions, and engage in mainstream politics, while those without financial means were essentially left behind. The former became key to Clinton’s political success as he skillfully negotiated the African American class structure while at the same time maintaining the support of white Americans. The results were tremendously positive for some African Americans. For others, the Clinton presidency was devastating. Brother Bill examines President Clinton’s political relationship with African Americans and illuminates the nuances of race and class at the end of the twentieth century, an era of technological, political, and social upheaval.https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1093/thumbnail.jpg
27
Rampersad, Sheila. "Douglarisation and the politics of Indian/African relations in Trinidad writing." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341258.
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28
Field, Shaun Patrick. "The politics of exclusion : a case study of the Factreton area." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14712.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Bibliography: leaves 232-238.This study explores and documents the experiences of coloured workers in the Factreton area. Coloured workers in Factreton have a tendency to be unresponsive to political issues and political organisation. This unresponsiveness to politics is due to coloured workers tendency to perceive, and deal with, political and non- political realities as separate and unconnected. Coloured worker's social consciousness has been shaped by a particular set of historical and current factors. These factors are collectively termed, "The Politics of Exclusion". The apartheid state has politically, culturally, economically and psychologically excluded coloured workers from having access to the resources and status of the white population. The apartheid state has also separated coloured workers from the African majority. Coloured workers have responded to their oppression and exclusion by using non-political means to sustain community life. These have included particular kinship networks, high church attendance amongst women, excessive alcohol consumption amongst men, and a range of other cultural forms. Coloured workers' day-to-day struggle for economic survival has also tended to reinforce their unresponsiveness to politics. Coloured workers' lack of a clear political identity together with a prevalence of individualism and exclusive forms of behaviour has resulted in coloured workers distancing themselves from political organisation and action. These issues and arguments were developed through the use of extensive interviews with coloured workers and political activists. Furthermore, my year long residence within the Kensington/Factreton area was a vital method and experience which shaped this study.
29
Creese, Gillian Laura Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. "Working class politics, racism and sexism; the making of a politically divided working class in Vancouver, 1900-1939." Ottawa, 1986.
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30
Robinson, Mark. "Religion, class and faction : the politics of communalism in twentieth century Punjab." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328642.
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31
Armytage, Rosita. "Manufacturing Power: The Everyday Politics of Privilege Among the Pakistani Business Elite." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/119249.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis interrogates the operation of modern capitalism
within a context of political instability and economic inequality. In doing so, it examines the relationship between power, instability, informal processes, and the accumulation of vast amounts of capital. Specifically, this thesis is about the process of acquiring, maintaining, and wielding economic power in Pakistan – an industrialising economy beset by high levels of political change and economic insecurity. Based on 13 months of ethnographic fieldwork, this thesis examines the group of families who occupy the upper-most tier of the economic and social structure, the means through which they have acquired and protected power and influence, and the challenges non-elite
individuals face in attaining upward social mobility in developing countries. In contrast to studies that examine the ways in which global economic integration creates new avenues for the capture of wealth, privilege and political influence, my research demonstrates that forms of “hyper-capitalism” have not come to dominate markets globally. Rather, in many contexts, commerce remains governed by highly personalised and intimate relations determined by local cultural practices. I show that business in Pakistan has remained resiliently “local,” and dependent upon deeply rooted familial, ethnic and class structures. Localised elite business practices remain substantially independent from the “international standards” of business propagated by multinational corporations, international investors, and the international market. In this context, the resilience of local forms of business constitutes not only a site of interlinked personal, gendered and economic processes, but also a site of post-colonial assertiveness. This thesis explores the informal means through which elites navigate their social, marital and business environments to reconstitute their power in line with shifting economic and political conditions. Despite the economic transformations that have taken place in Pakistan over the past seventy years, and the shifts in social structure these changes have engendered, the Pakistani elite has routinely fortified and reconstituted the power and privilege of its members in a shared pursuit of profit and market dominance. The resilience of these modes of doing business reflect the inability of international forms of global capital to successfully re-colonise local markets and extract the nationally- generated wealth now held by domestic elites.
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Petrie, Malcolm Robert. "Identities of class, locations of radicalism : popular politics in inter-war Scotland." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6321.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explores the shifting political culture of inter-war Scotland and Britain via an examination of political identities and practice in Aberdeen, Dundee and Edinburgh. Drawing on the local and national archives of the Labour movement and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) alongside government records, newspapers, personal testimony and visual sources, relations on the political Left are used as a means to evaluate this change. It is contended that, as a result of the extension of the franchise and post-war fears of a rise in political extremism, national party loyalties came to replace those local political identities, embedded in a sense of class, trade and place, which had previously sustained popular radicalism. This had crucial implications for the conduct of politics, as local customs of popular political participation declined, and British politics came to be defined by national elections. The thesis is structured in two parts. The first section considers the extent to which local identities of class and established provincial understandings of popular democracy came to be identified with an appeal to class sentiment excluded from national political debate. The second section delineates the repercussions this shift had for how and where politics was conducted, as the mass franchise discredited popular traditions of protest, removing politics from public view, and privileging the individual elector. In consequence, the confrontational traditions of popular politics came to be the preserve of those operating on the fringes of politics, especially the CPGB, and, as such, largely disappeared from British political culture. This thesis thus offers an important reassessment of the relationship between the public and politics in modern Britain, of the tensions between local and national loyalties, and of the role of place in the construction of political identities.
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Hoey, Dylan. "Milwaukee's Black Middle Class and the Struggle for Recognition." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1450.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this thesis, I attempt to construct a historical overview of the development of Milwaukee's black middle class. Furthermore, I attempt to develop the connection between the migratory movements of African-American's from the South, and the living conditions that materialized in Milwaukee that precipitated the Civil Rights Movement.
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Walters, Elizabeth M. "Science, nature and politics : Margaret Cavendish's challenge to gender and class hierarchy." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25283.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Margaret Cavendish has been understood as a problematic literary figure. Scholars generally conceive Cavendish’s proto-feminism as being juxtaposed incongruously with staunch, hierarchical thinking. From this critical perspective, Cavendish’s radical gender critique creates unintentional contradictions within her absolutist politics and her conservative ideology ultimately negates the value of her proto-feminist theories. This study addresses Cavendish’s politics by exploring the political dimensions of her scientific and philosophical thought. Chapter 1 discuses how the patriarchal binaries that structure western scientific traditions and knowledges are subverted and redefined through Cavendish’s theory of nature. Exploring how her science rejects, yet appropriates spiritually, the disruption of religious understandings of gender are investigated in Chapter 2. As Cavendish’s depiction of religion challenges the spirit/matter and man/woman dichotomies, religious explanations of women’s subordinate status are dismantled. Though Cavendish has been understood as a conservative thinker, Cavendish is much less problematic when understood outside the parameters of staunch royalist ideology. Chapter 3 examines Cavendish’s theories of atoms and multiple worlds in relation to Hobbes and seventeenth-century political science, demonstrating that The Blazing World surprisingly challenges absolute politics. Cavendish’s critique of class and gender hierarchy are further examined in Chapter 4 where texts such as The Contract and Assaulted and Pursued Chastity advocate republican ideals such as popular sovereignty, the belief that a monarch’s power should be limited and that tyrannicide is sometimes justifiable. Through exploring some of the most radical politics of her time, these texts further consider women’s identity in relation to early modern legislation while demonstrating that by republican definitions of liberty, women were slaves. Though scholarship tends to seek ones opinion or voice within Cavendish’s texts, this study will also contribute to a highly neglected aspect of her work by examining the meaning of Cavendish’s multifarious voices and perspectives. Contrary to critical understandings of Cavendish, her contradictions were not incidental, but were part of a complex political and scientific project. Using plurality as a foundation for her theoretical thought, Cavendish’s conception of an infinite and diverse nature could radically invoke limitless interpretations, knowledges, realities, worlds and even selves.
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Martin, Tara. "'End of an era?' : class politics, memory & Britain's winter of discontent." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496754.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the midst of the freezing winter of 1978 and 1979, more than 2,000 strikes erupted across Britain. In what became infamously known as the "Winter of Discontent," workers struck against the Labour Government's attempts to curtail wage increases with an incomes policy. The defeat of this incomes policy, and Labour's subsequent electoral defeat, ushered in an era of unprecedented political, economic, and social change for Britain. Conservative victory under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher, not only seemed to signal the disillusion of "traditional" working-class ties to the Labour Party, but it also appeared as if a new era had begun, one where British working class politics was finally on its last leg. Furthermore, a potent social myth has developed around the Winter of Discontent, one where "bloody-minded" workers bring down a sympathetic govemment and "invite" the ravages of Thatcherism to the British labour movement. My thesis, on the other hand, moves beyond the myth and uses the previouslyunexamined experiences of rank and file activists to not only situate their narrative in the foreground, but to examine how the memories of participants compare and/or contrast with that of the negative social myth of the Winter of Discontent. I argue, first of all, that rather than the caricature of "bloody-minded wreckers" that has subsequently served to delegitimize working class politics, my research shows striking workers were inspired by were inspired by a multitude of complex economic and political motivations.
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Padley, Steven. "Class and politics in Tony Harrison's poetry for page, stage, and screen." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624553.
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Sherani, S. R. "Class, kinship and ritual : Islam and the politics of change in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Kent, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382875.
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Javid, Hassan. "Class, power, and patronage : the landed elite and politics in Pakistani Punjab." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/468/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Following their conquest of Punjab, the British erected an administrative apparatus that relied heavily upon the support of the province’s powerful landed elite. The relationship between the two was one of mutual benefit, with the British using their landed allies to ensure the maintenance of order and effective economic accumulation in exchange for state patronage. Over a century and a half later, the politics of Pakistani Punjab continues to be dominated by landowning politicians, despite significant societal changes that could have potentially eroded their power. In order to answer the question of why this is so, this thesis uses a historical institutionalist approach to argue that the administrative framework emerging out of the initial bargain between the colonial state and the landed classes gave rise to a path-dependent process of institutional development in Punjab that allowed the latter to increasingly entrench themselves within the political order during the colonial and post-colonial periods. In doing so, the landed elite were also able to reinforce their bargain with the colonial state and, after independence, the Pakistani military establishment, perpetuating a relationship that facilitated the pursuit of the interests of the actors involved. In order to account for this path-dependent process of institutional development, this thesis treats the initial period of colonial rule in Punjab as a ‘critical juncture’, tracing the factors that led the British to rely on the landed elite for support, and enter into the bargain between the two actors that drove subsequent institutional developments. The thesis then explores the mechanisms used to perpetuate this arrangement over time, focusing in particular on the use, by the state and the landed elite, of legislative interventions, bureaucratic power, and electoral politics, to reinforce and reproduce the institutional framework of politics in Punjab. Finally, the thesis also looks at points in time during which this dominant institutional path has been challenged, albeit unsuccessfully, with a view towards understanding both the circumstances under which such challenges can emerge, and the lessons that can be learnt from these episodes with regards to the prospects for the creation of a democratic and participatory politics in the province.
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Bhavnani, Kum-Kum. "A social psychological analysis of young working class people's view of politics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1988. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272207.
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Guano, Emanuela. "Emplacing modernity : the Buenos Aires' middle-class and the politics of urban spectacle in neoliberal Argentina /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Leung, Wing-yue Trini. "The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19235367.
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King, Shannon. "Home to Harlem community, gender, and working class politics in Harlem, 1916-1928 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Dasgupta, Rajarshi. "Marxism and the middle class intelligentsia : culture and politics in Bengal 1920s-1950s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270627.
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Smith, Elaine Rosa. "East End Jews in politics, 1918-1939 : a study in class and ethnicity." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/4229.
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Al-Mughni, Haya. "Politics of women's organisations in Kuwait : a study of class, gender and patriarchy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252991.
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46
Mood, Jonathan William. "Employment, politics and working-class women in north east England, c. 1790-1914." Thesis, Durham University, 2006. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2687/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explores the issue of the economic and political agency of working-class women in North East England for the period c.1790-1914. In contrast to the national average, the North East was populated by more men than women in this period, whilst the dominance of industrial trades such as coal, shipbuilding, iron and steel, and engineering resulted in the lowest female employment rates in the country, as well as the highest marriage rates and the youngest average age at marriage. These trends are investigated in detail and would suggest that if anywhere women were to be powerless it was here. Yet, as this thesis shows, women in the North East were active constituents of local culture and politics, often through different means, and with alternative motives than has been claimed for localities where there existed high rates of female employment. The impact of structural changes in the political system during the latter nineteenth century is assessed and it is suggested that whilst many political organisations of this period involved a small number of working-class women in contemporary political debate they were generally unsuccessful at appealing directly on political issues of substance; the formal politics of this period did not always coincide with the politicisation of working-class men and women. This thesis aims to strike a balance between typical and atypical experiences by exploring the social climate of a large region rather than focus specifically upon potentially unrepresentative localities.
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Erol, Mehmet Erman. "State, crisis, class : the politics of economic restructuring in Turkey in the 2000s." Thesis, University of York, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/12881/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis analyses the politics of economic restructuring in Turkey in the 2000s under the governments of the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi – Justice and Development Party) that came to power in 2002. The work contextualises the restructuring of state-capital-labour relations against the background of the military coup in 1980, the crisis-ridden transformations of Turkish state in the 1990s and in particular against the background of the economic crisis of 2001. The thesis assesses the conventional accounts of the AKP government, which see it as the government that successfully overcame the turmoils of the 1990s, led the Turkish economy onto a growth path during the 2000s, and established a rules-based, democratic form of government. In distinction, the thesis argues that the AKP government set upon a market liberalising economic policy that was started in the 1980s. The analysis of the restructuring of labour relations in Turkey under the AKP shows great continuity with earlier policy objectives. In this context, the thesis argues that the success of the AKP government has to do with both the political consequences of the crisis of 2001, which delegitimised the then parties of government, and the economic consequences of credit-driven global economy that supported the Turkish economic growth. The crash in 2008 put a hold on this and the thesis analyses the trajectory of the post-2007 AKP government as crisis-ridden. The theoretical conception of the thesis problematises approaches that rely on the state-market dichotomy that is inherent in the discipline of International Political Economy (IPE). The thesis develops the approach associated with the Conference of Socialist Economists (CSE), which argued for an internal relationship between state and market, conceiving of both as distinct forms of capitalist social relations. The work, thus, conceptualises the developments of the Turkish political economy as continuous efforts in restructuring labour relations for the purpose of removing barriers to capital accumulation and achieving free economy.
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Scriven, Thomas. "Activism and the everyday : the practices of radical working-class politics, 1830-1842." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/activism-and-the-everyday-the-practices-of-radical-workingclass-politics-18301842(499e8040-fc6d-4711-904e-b86cf257d3a4).html.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis will re-evaluate the Chartist movement through research into day-to-day practice in four areas: sociability, material networks, gender and political subjectivity. It will demonstrate that Chartism's activism and the everyday lives of its members were indistinct. In the early years of the movement and the years preceding it, activism and political thought engaged with the quotidian to successfully build a movement that was not only relevant to but an integral part of people's everyday lives. This thesis will analyse how this interaction was not limited to Chartist activists politicising everyday grievances, but also how day-to-day practices and relationships contributed to the infrastructure, intellectual culture and political programme of the movement. This thesis will make original contributions to a number of debates. It challenges the dominant view of Chartism as first and foremost a political movement distinct from its social conditions. It will be argued that this dichotomy between the political and the social cannot be sustained, and it will be shown that activists were most successful when they drew from and were part of society. It will criticise the related trend in studies of Chartism and Radicalism to focus on political identity, meaning and forms of communication. It will argue that these topics are valuable, but need to be seen within a wider existential framework and integrated with an approach that sees cultural activity as one part of a range of activities. As such, it will illustrate the ways that cultural practices are bound with social relationships. Following this, it will make the case for practice to be looked at not just in symbolic or ritualistic terms but also in terms of day-to-day activities that were crucial for the development and maintenance of political movements. It will be argued that prosaic, mundane and day-to-day activities are integral aspects of social movements and as such are worthwhile areas of research. Finally, it will add to our understanding of Chartism by providing biographical information on Henry Vincent, an under-researched figure, and the south west and west of England, under-researched regions. This thesis is organised into two parts. The first will follow the work of activists in developing Chartism in the south west of England from the end of the Swing Riots until the Chartist Convention of 1839. Here it will be argued that Chartism relied upon a close and intensive interaction between activists and the communities they were politicising, with the result being that the movement was coloured by the politics, intellectual culture and practices of those communities. The second section will look at how the private lives and social networks of individual activists were integral to their political ideas, rhetoric and capacity to work as activists. Correspondence, documents produced by the state, the radical press and the internal records of the Chartist movement all shed light on the way everyday life and political thought and action merged.
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Choi, Po King (Dora). "Education and politics in China : growth of the modern intellectual class, 1895-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670344.
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Gulbas, Lauren E. "Cosmetic surgery and the politics of race, class, and gender in Caracas, Venezuela." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3337349.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (Ph.D. in Anthropology)--S.M.U.Title from PDF title page (viewed Oct. 7, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-12, Section: A, page: 4769. Adviser: Carolyn Sargent. Includes bibliographical references.