Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Clare House School"

Mary Ward was born in 1585 near Ripon, eldest child of a recusant family. She spent her whole life until the age of 21 in the intimate circle of Yorkshire Catholics, with her parents, her Wright grandparents at Ploughland in Holderness, Mrs. Arthington, née Ingleby, at Harewell Hall in Nidderdale, and finally with the Babthorpes of Babthorpe and Osgodby. Convinced of her religious vocation, but of course unable to pursue it openly in England, she spent some time as a Poor Clare in Saint-Omer in the Spanish Netherlands, first in a Flemish community, then in the English house that she helped to found. She was happy there, but was shown by God that he was calling her to ‘some other thing’. Exactly what it was to be was not yet clear, so she returned to England, spent some time in London working for the Catholic cause, and discovering that there was much for women to do—then returned to Saint-Omer with a small group of friends, other young women in their 20s, to start a school, chiefly for English Catholic girls, and through prayer and penance to find out more clearly what God was asking. Not surprisingly, given her early religious formation in English Catholic households, served by Jesuit missionaries, and her desire to work for her own country, the guidance that came was ‘Take the same of the Society’. She spent the rest of her life trying to establish a congregation for women which would live by the Constitutions of St. Ignatius, be governed by a woman general superior, under the Pope, not under diocesan bishops or a male religious order, and would be unenclosed, free to be sent ‘among the Turks or any other infidels, even to those who live in the region called the Indies, or among any heretics whatsoever, or schismatics, or any of the faithful’. There were always members working in the underground Church in England, and in Mary Ward's own lifetime there were ten schools, in Flanders and Northern France, Italy, Germany and Austria-Hungary. But her long struggle for approbation met with failure—Rome after the Council of Trent, which had insisted on enclosure for all religious women, was not yet ready for Jesuitesses. In 1631 Urban VIII banned her Institute by a Bull of Suppression, imprisoning Mary Ward herself for a time in the Poor Clare convent on the Anger in Munich. She spent the rest of her life doing all she could to continue her work, but when she died in Heworth, outside York, in 1645 and was buried in Osbaldwick churchyard, only a handful of followers remained together, some with her in England, 23 in Rome, a few in Munich, all officially laywomen. It is owing to these women that Mary Ward's Institute has survived to this day.

The first occupational therapy school was founded at Jane Addams Hull House in 1915. In that process, Jane Addams inspired the first generation of occupational therapists, especially Eleanor Clarke Slagle. This article is divided into two parts, the first explores the relationships within the foundation of occupational therapy at the Hull House, in the early twentieth century in Chicago; Through an in-depth bibliographic review, from primary sources, the relationships and influences between the residents of the Hull House and the first occupational therapists in Chicago are identified. The second part considers some reflections on some Addams influences in the development and current identity of occupational therapy, mainly in one of its collaborators, Slagle. Jane Addams was a role model for many of the first occupational therapists, especially for Slagle. She learned from Addams her tenacity and leadership, central aspects for the foundation of the first school of occupational therapy. Some of these aspects are valid in the current practice of occupational therapy. Today, more than 100 years after its foundation, occupational therapy has much to learn, again, from the philosophy of Jane Addams.

This qualitative interview study (Creswell, 2014)aimed at students experience toward flipped classroom in Muslim boarding house setting. Drawing on data collected from semi-structured interviews with 4 participants enrolled in practicing the flipped classroom method at one of private vocational school in the eastern of java, Indonesia, the result of the thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) showcased that positively influences the participants felt comfortable, The students perceived flipped classroom as a student-centered, enjoyment, subsequent confidence in the material. Therefore, they recommend this learning model to be incorporated into their classes in the future as a substitute that can increase student interaction and collaboration to learn all the material with available facilities (such as books in the library) and limited use of technology (internet access). Finally, we drew conclusions, limitations, discussing practical implication, and recommendation.

At the end of her spring term in 1862, Martha Hale Clary bade farewell to her classmates at Mount Holyoke Female Seminary one year before she was to graduate. She was a 24 year-old teacher, the daughter of a farming family from Conway, Massachusetts, who had graduated from Westfield State Normal School five years earlier. By the autumn of 1862, she was living in an abandoned plantation house in Beaufort, South Carolina, organizing a school for the Gullah people not many miles from Confederate lines, one of the earliest participants in the Sea Islands’ “Rehearsal for Reconstruction.” For the next eleven years she taught scores of the islands’ freed slaves in Beaufort and Hilton Head, one of the hundreds of teachers sponsored by the venerable American Missionary Association (AMA). By the early 1870s, young former slaves had themselves gained sufficient education to become their people's elementary teachers, so in 1873 Martha Clary accepted a position with the Presbyterian Committee on Missions to the Freedmen to teach in its academy for black students in North Carolina, Scotia Seminary. She would remain there for another fourteen years, finally retiring to her native state in 1887 after twenty-five years of service to southern African Americans.

Este artículo presenta una caracterización las prácticas de utilización del tiempo libre, en relación con el tiempo, lugar y personas con quienes realizan las actividades y las motivaciones, de jóvenes escolares de colegios públicos de la localidad de Engativá (Bogotá). Con una metodología cuantitativa descriptiva se desarrolló y aplicó el cuestionario ad hoc Prácticas de tiempo libre y ocio de los jóvenes escolares. La muestra fue de 989 jóvenes de 13 a 19 años, pertenecientes a los grados noveno, décimo y once, previo consentimiento informado. Los resultados mostraron que escuchar música (83,4%), hablar con amigos (69,1%), caminar por el colegio (49,1%) y hacer deporte (45,6%) son las prácticas de tiempo libre que predominan. Estas prácticas tienen una dedicación media de 30 minutos a dos horas diarias. Los lugares más recurrentes donde se desarrollan son el salón de clase, el patio de descanso, la casa y el parque del barrio. Las razones más frecuentes para realizarlas son por elección libre y por disfrute. En cuanto a con quién se realizan estas actividades, prevaleció la práctica individual o con amigos. Se concluyó que predomina concebir el ocio como actividades autónomas, y también que las actividades de tiempo libre y ocio son similares entre el colegio, fuera de él, y los fines de semana, con alguna variación entre géneros y grupos etarios. Palabras clave: tiempo libre, ocio, prácticas, jóvenes escolares, colegios públicos. Abstract. This article presents a characterize the practices of use of free time, in relation to the time, place and people with whom they carry out the activities and the motivations, in young schoolchildren from public schools in the town of Engativá (Bogotá). With a descriptive quantitative methodology, the ad hoc questionnaire was developed and applied Free time and leisure practices of young schoolchildren. The sample was done with 989 young people from 13 to 19 years old, belonging to the ninth, tenth and eleventh grades, prior consent informed. The results showed that listening to music (83.4%), talking with friends (69.1%), walking around the school (49.1%) and playing sports (45.6%) are the predominant free time practices. These practices have an average dedication of 30 minutes to two hours on a daily basis. The most recurrent places where they take place are the classroom, the playground, the house and the neighborhood park. The most frequent reasons for perform them are by free choice and enjoyment. As to who these activities are done with, individual practice or with friends prevailed. It was concluded that prevails to conceive leisure as autonomous activities, and also that the free time activities and leisure are similar between school, outside of it, and on weekends, with some variation within genders and age groups. Keywords: free time, leisure, practices, young schoolchildren, public schools.

As condições higiênico-sanitárias dos alimentos são de grande importância para a saúde pública, principalmente quando são oferecidos à coletividade, como em escolas. Dessa forma, o conhecimento acerca das Boas Práticas de Fabricação (BPF) na produção da alimentação escolar, além de essencial, é mandatório, pois é uma exigência legal. Este trabalho incluiu consultorias e atividades de assessoria, através de avaliações e capacitações nos serviços de alimentação em escolas da cidade de Ipaumirim – CE. Toda a metodologia utilizada foi baseada nas resoluções Resolução de Diretoria Colegiada (RDC) nº 216 de 2004 e RDC nº 275 de 2002 da Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária (ANVISA). Primeiramente, foi realizada a aplicação de um checklist de condições higiênico-sanitárias nas escolas municipal (A) e estadual (B), seguida de avaliação das condições higiênicas dos manipuladores, por meio de análises microbiológicas. Por último, foi realizada uma capacitação desses manipuladores. A aplicação do checklist apontou um alto índice de inadequações. Nas análises microbiológicas feitas nos utensílios, a tábua de corte da escola A apresentou contaminação de Staphylococcus aureus. Nos demais utensílios e na escola B, não houve crescimento para os microrganismos analisados. Os resultados indicam condições estruturais precárias das escolas, evidenciando a necessidade de adequação às BPF. Contudo, os manipuladores apresentaram resistência, tendo em vista a comparação das adequações antes e após a capacitação realizada, em especial na escola A, ficando clara a necessidade de serem realizadas mais ações e orientações sobre o cuidado higiênico-sanitário dos alimentos. Palavras-chave: Merenda escolar; Higiene dos alimentos; Boas práticas; Capacitação Evaluation of hygienic-sanitary conditions and training of food handlers in public institutions in the municipality of Ipaumirim-CE Abstract: Hygienic and sanitary conditions of schools' food services have great importance for public health, especially when offered to the community, as in schools. Thus, the knowledge about Good Manufacturing Practices (GMP) in producing school meals, besides being essential, is mandatory as a legal requirement. This work included consulting and advisory activities through evaluations and training in food services in schools in the city of Ipaumirim, Ceará, Brazil. The methodology was based on resolutions RDC No. 216 of 2004 and RDC 2002 of ANVISA (Brazilian National Agency of Sanitary Vigilance). The first step was to apply a hygienic and sanitary conditions checklist in 2 schools (School A: district school and School B: state school). The second step was to evaluate the hygienic conditions of food handlers through microbiological analysis. The last step was the food handlers training. The checklist showed a high rate of inadequacies. The microbiological evaluation showed contamination by Staphylococcus aureus on the cutting board from school A. At school B, there was no growth for the analyzed microorganisms. The checklist results are compatible with the precarious structural conditions of schools, highlighting the need to adapt to GMP. However, the handlers showed resistance, given the comparison of the adaptations before and after the training, especially at school A, making it clear the need for further actions and guidance on hygienic-sanitary food care. Keywords: School meal, Food hygiene, Good practices, Capacitation

A Ocupação da Escola, uma prática que ocorre em atividades educacionais formais e não formais, evidenciada historicamente pela luta por escola por parte das camadas populares, com notoriedade na ação do MST – Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra. O presente texto, objetiva demonstrar como essa prática de ocupação da escola, configura-se como uma categoria de análise do campo educacional em sua totalidade. Desse modo, busca-se responder se há elementos epistêmicos presentes na referida prática social, que sustentem a condição de categoria para a análise de fenômenos educacionais. As considerações presentes no artigo fazem parte de uma pesquisa mais ampla, que se constituiu de estudos bibliográficos e documentais, sobre os movimentos e as escolas envolvidas. Houve também campo empírico, duas escolas localizadas em assentamentos rurais, um na esfera estadual e outra municipal. No trato com as escolas, houve utilização de pesquisa participante e caderno de campo como parte da metodologia. Os resultados são expostos a partir das dimensões política, coletiva, sociocultural e pedagógica da ocupação da escola. Constata-se, que a ocupação da escola contém elementos que a sustentam enquanto uma pedagogia, uma categoria de análise da prática educativa, tanto do movimento social, quanto, em termos potenciais, no sistema educacional público brasileiro.Palavras-chave: Ocupação da Escola. Formação Humana. Auto-Gestão.School Occupation: a category under constructionAbstractThe school occupation, a practice which occurs in educational activities formal and non-formal, evidenced historically by the fight for school by working classes, with notoriety in the MST action - Landless Workers' Movement This text aims to demonstrate how this practice of occupying the school is configured as a category of analysis of the educational field in its entirety. In this way, we seek to answer whether there are epistemic elements present in the referred social practice, which support the condition of category for the analysis of educational phenomena. The considerations present in the article are part of a broader research, which consisted of bibliographic and documentary studies, on the movements and schools involved. There was also an empirical field, two schools located in rural settlements, one at the state and one at the municipal level. In dealing with schools, participatory research and field notebooks were used as part of the methodology. The results are exposed from the political, collective, socio-cultural and pedagogical dimensions of the school's occupation. It is noted that the school occupation contains elements that support them as pedagogy, a category of analysis of educational practice, both as a social movement, as, in potential terms, the Brazilian public school system.Keywords: School Occupation. Integral Human Formation. Self-Management. Ocupación de la Escuela: una categoría en construcciónResumenLa ocupación de la escuela, una práctica que ocurre en actividades educativas formales y no formales, evidenciada históricamente por la lucha por la escuela por parte del estratos populares, con notoriedad en la acción del MST - Movimiento de Trabajadores Rurales Sin Tierra. Este texto tiene como objetivo demostrar cómo esta práctica de ocupar la escuela, establece como una categoría de análisis del campo educativo en su totalidad. Así, se busca responder si existen elementos epistémicos presentes en la práctica social referida, que apoyan la condición de categoría para el análisis de los fenómenos educativos. Las consideraciones presentes en el artículo son parte de una investigación más amplia, que consistió en estudios bibliográficos y documentales, sobre los movimientos y escuelas involucradas. También había un campo empírico, dos escuelas ubicadas en asentamientos rurales, una a nivel estatal y otra a nivel municipal. Al tratar con las escuelas, se utilizaron la investigación participativa y los cuadernos de campo como parte de la metodologia. Los resultados se exponen a partir de las dimensiones políticas, colectivas, socioculturales y pedagógicas de la ocupación escolar. Certifica-se que la ocupación de la escuela contiene elementos que la apoyan como pedagogía, una categoría de análisis de la práctica educativa, tanto como movimiento social como, en términos potenciales, en el sistema educativo público brasileño.Palabras clave: Ocupación de la Escuela. Formación Humana. Autogestión

O presente artigo objetiva analisar o desenvolvimento socioeconômico e educacional de egressos escolarizados na Casa Escola da Pesca (CEPE), uma escola pública municipal do campo, em regime de tempo integral na modalidade EJA, com habilitação profissional técnica na área da pesca, correspondente aos níveis de ensino fundamental e médio. Tomou-se como referência empírica a atual realidade vivida por ex-alunos moradores da ilha de Cotijuba, Belém, Pará que concluíram a formação básica no ano de 2015. Metodologicamente, o trabalho baseia-se em pesquisa qualitativa de campo, com recolhimento de documentos, aplicação de questionários, realização de entrevistas e observações in loco. Conclui-se que as condições materiais objetivas dos sujeitos da pesquisa, associada à ausência de ralações cotidianas em contextos organizativos condicionam negativamente o desenvolvimento socioeconômico e educacional dos egressos da CEPE o que pressuporia que a escola tivesse o associativismo como princípio educativo. Palavras-chave: Casa Escola da Pesca, Escola do Campo, Desenvolvimento, Egressos. Schooling, professionalism and development in the rural school: the case of ex-students from the CEPE in the Island of Cotijuba, Belém, Pará ABSTRACT. The objective of this article is to analyze the socioeconomic and educational development of students enrolled in the House School of Fisheries (CEPE), a full-time municipal public rural school in the Youth and Adult Education modality, with professional qualification in the fishing area, corresponding to Elementare School and Hight School levels. The current reality of ex-students living on the island of Cotijuba, Belem, Para, who completed basic training in the year 2015 was taken as an empirical reference. Methodologically, this work is based on qualitative field research, with collection of documents, application of questionnaires, interviews and local observations. It’s concluded that the material conditions of the interviewees, coupled with the absence of day by day relations in organizational contexts, negatively affect the socioeconomic and educational development of the CEPE graduates, which would imply that the school had the associativism as an educational principle. Keywords: House School of Fisheries, Rural School, Development, Ex-Students. Escolarización, profesionalización y desarrollo en escuela del campo: el caso de egresos de la CEPE en la Isla de Cotijuba, Belém, Pará RESUMEN. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el desarrollo socioeconómico y educativo de egresados escolarizados en la Casa Escuela de la Pesca (CEPE), una escuela pública municipal del campo, en régimen de tiempo completo en la modalidad Educación de Jóvenes y Adultos, con habilitación profesional técnica en el área de la pesca, correspondiente a los niveles de enseñanza fundamental y media. Se tomó como referencia empírica la actual realidad vivida por ex alumnos de la isla de Cotijuba, Belém, Pará que concluyeran la formación básica en el año 2015. Metodológicamente, el trabajo está embasado en investigación cualitativa de campo, con investigación documental, aplicación de cuestionarios, realización de entrevistas y observaciones in situ. Se concluye que las condiciones materiales objetivas de los sujetos de la investigación, asociada a la ausencia de relaciones cotidianas en contextos organizativos condicionan negativamente el desarrollo socioeconómico y educativo de los egresados de la CEPE, es esta eduque con base en el asociativismo como principio educativo. Palabras clave: Casa Escuela de Pesca, Escuela del Campo, Desarrollo, Egresos.

En este testimonio, presentado ante el Comité Judicial de la Cámara de Diputados de los Estados Unidos, Michael J. Glennon se ocupa de la opinión de la Suprema Corte de los Estados Unidos en Los Estados Unidos vs. Alvarez-Machain. Sostiene que, en contra de lo que popularmente se cree, la opinión de la Suprema Corte no sostiene que el secuestro patrocinado por el gobierno esté permitido por la ley internacional; resulta claro que no lo es. Señala que la Suprema Corte simplemente se ocupó de si está o no permitido el llevar a juicio por una ofensa criminal a un reo que fue secuestrado, lo que no está prohibido ni por la ley internacional ni por la ley constitucional de los Estados Unidos. No obstante, exhorta al Congreso a prohibir semejante práctica.

Who was Clara?By Kaj ThaningIn this essay the author describes his search for Clara Bolton and her acquaintance with among others Benjamin Disraeli and the priest, Alexander d’Arblay, a son of the author, Fanny Burney. He gives a detailed account of Clara Bolton and leaves no doubt about the deep impression she made on Grundtvig, even though he met her and spoke to her only once in his life at a dinner party in London on June 24th 1830. Kaj Thaning has dedicated his essay to Dr. Oscar Wood, Christ Church College, Oxford, and explains why: “Just 30 years ago, while one of my daughters was working for Dr. Oscar Wood, she asked him who “Mrs. Bolton” was. Grundtvig speaks of her in a letter to his wife dated June 25th 1830. Through the Disraeli biographer, Robert Blake, Dr. Wood discovered her identity, so I managed to add a footnote to my thesis (p. 256). She was called Clara! The Disraeli archives, once preserved in Disraeli’s home at Hughenden Manor but now in the British Museum, contain a bundle of letters which Dr. Wood very kindly copied for me. The letters fall into three groups, the middle one being from June 1832, when Clara Bolton was campaigning, in vain, for Disraeli’s election to parliament. Her husband was the Disraeli family doctor, and through him she wrote her first letter to Benjamin Disraeli, asking for his father’s support for her good friend, Alexander d’Arblay, a theology graduate, in his application for a position. This led to the young Disraeli asking her to write to him at his home at Bradenham. There are therefore a group of letters from before June 1832. Similarly there are a number of letters from a later date, the last being from November 1832”.The essay is divided into three sections: 1) Clara Bolton and Disraeli, 2) The break between them, 3) Clara Bolton and Alexander d’Arblay. The purpose of the first two sections is to show that the nature of Clara Bolton’s acquaintance with Disraeli was otherwise than has been previously assumed. She was not his lover, but his political champion. The last section explains the nature of her friendship with Alex d’Arblay. Here she was apparently the object of his love, but she returned it merely as friendship in her attempt to help him to an appointment and to a suitable lifelong partner. He did acquire a new position but died shortly after. There is a similarity in her importance for both Grundtvig and d’Arblay in that they were both clergymen and poets. Disraeli and Grundtvig were also both writers and politicians.At the age of 35 Clara Bolton died, on June 29th 1839 in a hotel in Le Havre, according to the present representative of the Danish Institute in Rouen, Bent Jørgensen. She was the daughter of Michael Peter Verbecke and Clarissa de Brabandes, names pointing to a Flemish background. On the basis of archive studies Dr. Michael Hebbert has informed the author that Clara’s father was a merchant living in Bread Street, London, between 1804 and 1807. In 1806 a brother was born. After 1807 the family disappears from the archives, and Clara’s letters reveal nothing about her family. Likewise the circumstances of her death are unknown.The light here shed on Clara Bolton’s life and personality is achieved through comprehensive quotations from her letters: these are to be found in the Danish text, reproduced in English.Previous conceptions of Clara’s relationship to Disraeli have derived from his business manager, Philip Rose, who preserved the correspondence between them and added a commentary in 1885, after Disraeli’s death. He it is who introduces the rumour that she may have been Disraeli’s mistress. Dr. Wood, however, doubts that so intimate a relationship existed between them, and there is much in the letters that directly tells against it. The correspondence is an open one, open both to her husband and to Disraeli’s family. As a 17-year-old Philip Rose was a neighbour of Disraeli’s family at Bradenham and a friend of Disraeli’s younger brother, Ralph, who occasionally brought her letters to Bradenham. It would have been easy for him to spin some yarn about the correspondence. In her letters Clara strongly advocates to Disraeli that he should marry her friend, Margaret Trotter. After the break between Disraeli and Clara it was public knowledge that Lady Henrietta Sykes became his mistress, from 1833 to 1836. Her letters to him are of a quite different character, being extremely passionate. Yet Philip Rose’s line is followed by the most recent biographers of Disraeli: the American, Professor B. R. Jerman in The Young Disraeli (1960), the English scholar Robert Blake, in Disraeli (1963) and Sarah Bradford in Disraeli (1983). They all state that Clara Bolton was thought to be Disraeli’s mistress, also by members of his own family. Blake believes that the originator of this view was Ralph Disraeli. It is accepted that Clara Bolton 7 Grundtvig Studier 1985 was strongly attracted to Disraeli, to his manner, his talents, his writing, and not least to his eloquence during the 1832 election campaign. But nothing in her letters points to a passionate love affair.A comparison can be made with Henrietta Sykes’ letters, which openly burn with love. Blake writes of Clara Bolton’s letters (p. 75): “There is not the unequivocal eroticism that one finds in the letters from Henrietta Sykes.” In closing one of her letters Clara writes that her husband, George Buckley Bolton, is waiting impatiently for her to finish the letter so that he can take it with him.She wants Disraeli married, but not to anybody: “You must have a brilliant star like your own self”. She writes of Margaret Trotter: “When you see M. T. you will feel so inspired you will write and take her for your heroine... ” (in his novels). And in her last letter to Disraeli (November 18th 1832) she says: “... no one thing could reconcile me more to this world of ill nature than to see her your wife”. The letter also mentions a clash she has had with a group of Disraeli’s opponents. It shows her temperament and her supreme skill, both of which command the respect of men. No such bluestockings existed in Denmark at the time; she must have impressed Grundtvig.Robert Blake accepts that some uncertainty may exist in the evaluation of letters which are 150 years old, but he finds that they “do in some indefinable way give the impression of brassiness and a certain vulgarity”. Thaning has told Blake his view of her importance for Grundtvig, and this must have modified Blake’s portrait. He writes at least: “... she was evidently not stupid, and she moved in circles which had some claim to being both intellectual and cosmopolitan.”He writes of the inspiration which Grundtvig owed to her, and he concludes: “There must have been more to her than one would deduce by reading her letters and the letters about her in Disraeli’s papers.” - She spoke several languages, and moved in the company of nobles and ambassadors, politicians and literary figures, including John Russell, W.J.Fox, Eliza Flower, and Sarah Adams.However, from the spring of 1833 onwards it is Henrietta Sykes who portrays Clara Bolton in the Disraeli biographies, and naturally it is a negative portrait. The essay reproduces in English a quarrel between them when Sir Francis Sykes was visiting Clara, and Lady Sykes found him there. Henrietta Sykes regards the result as a victory for herself, but Clara’s tears are more likely to have been shed through bitterness over Disraeli, who had promised her everlasting friendship and “unspeakable obligation”. One notes that he did not promise her love. Yet despite the quarrel they all three dine together the same evening, they travel to Paris together shortly afterwards, and Disraeli comes to London to see the them off. The trip however was far from idyllic. The baron and Clara teased Henrietta. Later still she rented a house in fashionable Southend and invited Disraeli down. Sir Francis, however, insisted that the Boltons should be invited too. The essay includes Blake’s depiction of “the curious household” in Southend, (p. 31).In 1834 Clara Bolton left England and took up residence at a hotel in the Hague. A Rotterdam clergyman approached Disraeli’s vicar and he turned to Disraeli’s sister for information about the mysterious lady, who unaccompanied had settled in the Hague, joined the church and paid great attention to the clergy. She herself had said that she was financing her own Sunday School in London and another one together with the Disraeli family. In her reply Sarah Disraeli puts a distance between the family and Clara, who admittedly had visited Bradenham five years before, but who had since had no connection with the family. Sarah is completely loyal to her brother, who has long since dropped Clara. By the time the curious clergyman had received this reply, Clara had left the Hague and arrived at Dover, where she once again met Alexander d’Arblay.Alex was born in 1794, the son of a French general who died in 1818, and Fanny Burney. She was an industrious correspondent; as late as 1984 the 12th and final volume of her Journals and Letters was published. Jens Peter .gidius, a research scholar at Odense University, has brought to Dr Thaning’s notice a book about Fanny Burney by Joyce Hemlow, the main editor of the letters. In both the book and the notes there is interesting information about Clara Bolton.In the 12th volume a note (p. 852) reproduces a letter characterising her — in a different light from the Disraeli biographers. Thaning reproduces the note (pp. 38-39). The letter is written by Fanny Burney’s half-sister, Sarah Harriet Burney, and contains probably the only portrait of her outside the Disraeli biographies.It is now easier to understand how she captivated Grundtvig: “very handsome, immoderately clever, an astrologer, even, that draws out... Nativities” — “... besides poetry-mad... very entertaining, and has something of the look of a handsome witch. Lady Combermere calls her The Sybil”. The characterisation is not the letter-writer’s but that of her former pupil, Harriet Crewe, born in 1808, four years after Clara Bolton. A certain distance is to be seen in the way she calls Clara “poetry-mad”, and says that she has “conceived a fancy for Alex d’Arblay”.Thaning quotes from a letter by Clara to Alex, who apparently had proposed to her, but in vain (see his letter to her and the reply, pp. 42-43). Instead she pointed to her friend Mary Ann Smith as a possible wife. This is the last letter known in Clara’s handwriting and contradicts talk of her “vulgarity”. However, having become engaged to Mary Ann Alex no longer wrote to her and also broke off the correspondence with his mother, who had no idea where he had gone. His cousin wrote to her mother that she was afraid that he had “some Chére Amie”. “The charges are unjust,” says Thaning. “It was a lost friend who pushed him off. This seems to be borne out by a poem which has survived (quoted here on p. 45), and which includes the lines: “But oh young love’s impassioned dream /N o more in a worn out breast may glow / Nor an unpolluted stream / From a turgid fountain flow.””Alex d’Arblay died in loneliness and desperation shortly afterwards. Dr. Thaning ends his summary: “I can find no other explanation for Alexander d’Arblay’s fate than his infatuation with Clara Bolton. In fact it can be compared to Grundtvig’s. For Alex the meeting ended with “the pure stream” no longer flowing from its source. For Grundtvig, on the other hand the meeting inspired the lines in The Little Ladies: Clara’s breath opened the mouth, The rock split and the stream flowed out.”

Abstract Bertha Foster hired Ruth Crawford because she had already invested in her protegee for three years. Ruth began lessons with her in 1913, and after Clark Crawford’s death in 1914, when Clara Crawford could no longer afford the weekly $1.50 for lessons, Foster had permanently waived the fee. In June 1918, Ruth took Miss Foster’s ten-week teacher-training course where she read Trumbull’s Child Training as part of her work. By August, Ruth had eleven pupils in the smaller South Jacksonville branch of the school, eaming enough to liberate her mother from the hated rooming-house business. In January 1919 Clara Crawford sold her house on West Duval Street (“Hurrah! $1600 cash,” Ruth wrote), and they moved to a bungalow on Van Wert Street, near Riverside Avenue on the outskirts of town.

This chapter focuses on the Trojan Horse affair. The puzzle in the Trojan Horse affair is to understand how a successful school could become the centre of a moral panic. Events unfolded quickly from the first media report in the Times on 2 March 2014, followed by Ofsted inspections of 21 schools ordered by the Secretary of State for Education, Michael Gove. On the basis of interim Ofsted reports, Peter Clarke was appointed by the Secretary of State in mid-April to provide a wider report. This appointment was controversial insofar as it placed matters directly in a context of violent extremism, since Peter Clarke was formerly in charge of Counter Terrorism Command within the Metropolitan Police in London. At around the same time, Ian Kershaw was appointed by Birmingham City Council to report on implications for the local authority.

With the 1988 consolidation that brought the BSW program that had been housed at Clark College to the School, and the 1983 addition of the PhD program, the School now awarded the social work degree at all levels of the BSW, MSW, and PhD. Curriculum renewal during this period saw a shift from a from the generalist approach to the advanced clinical concentration, becoming again like all other schools of social work, a change that was influenced as much by the Council on Social Work Education’s reaffirmation requirements as by professional trends favoring micro practice. The “Republican Revolution” and the enactment of 1996 welfare reform bill resulted in the abandonment of the safety net philosophy, even as poverty rates soared upward. The aftermath of the election of America’s first African American president dispelled then myth of America as a post racial society, with resurgence of hate groups operating under a banner of white nationalism and white supremacy.

This chapter examines the student mariachi program in Las Vegas and explores how and why young people participate in this music education program housed in the Clark County School District. Mariachi contributes to a unique and compelling process of musical place making, as this music scene offers possibilities and connections for young Mexican American/Latino musicians and Las Vegan community members in general. The mariachi music scene in Las Vegas is not necessarily taking place in the dazzling settings of the Strip but in school classrooms and auditoriums, restaurants, airports, parks, and private homes where people live, sing, play, and love.

Crystal Eastman entered Vassar’s class of 1903, rooming with Lucy Burns, later the chief lobbyist of the National Woman’s Party. She then attended Columbia University, studying with John Bates Clark and Franklin Henry Giddings and earning a master’s degree in sociology in 1904. After a year teaching high school, she entered New York University Law School in the fall of 1905, finishing her doctor of law in 1907, second in her class. Beginning in her law school years, Eastman lived in Greenwich Village, first supporting herself by working as athletics director at the Greenwich House Settlement. In this downtown bohemia, she met Progressive and “New Woman” leaders including Lillian Wald, Florence Kelley, Mary Simkhovitch, Madeleine Doty, and Ida Rauh. She also enticed her brother Max to follow her to Greenwich Village, launching his career as a suffrage lecturer and into the editorship of The Masses, the work that would make his name.

The use of distance learning in higher education is not a new concept (Worlock, 1987). Old-fashioned correspondence courses served this purpose for many years, appealing to those who could not attend classes in an institutional setting. Radio learning programs have beamed lessons on mathematics, science and other subjects around the world. The Internet has brought a new dimension to this concept: distance learning now means the opportunity to mirror rather than merely supplement classroom experience (Taub, 1997). Distance learning options encompass a range of delivery options, both synchronous and asynchronous. The synchronous approach can include real-time interaction between course faculty and students, while asynchronous approaches rely more on downloading course slides, audio and video from a Web site, which may be supplemented by e-mail contact (Clark, 1999). In the current environment, it is increasingly common to find courses that mix synchronous and asynchronous modes of delivery. The virtual classroom can include real-time Web-based videoconferencing with teachers and students, Web pages with course slides and content to be reviewed by the user, and the more traditional e-mail and telephone exchanges (Clark, 1999). In addition, the synchronous modes such as videoconferencing are frequently backed up in an asynchronous format, usually as transcripts capable of being accessed by the user after the session has concluded. Along with modes of delivery, the expectations for Web-based learning have grown as well, with today’s users becoming ever more sophisticated. In the U.S. and around the world, individuals and corporations are increasing their spending on high-technology education (Clark, 1999) through a variety of institutions such as traditional universities, specialized institutes, in-house training divisions, and Web-based virtual education programs. The Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health is an acknowledged leader in the teaching and practice of public health. In 1996, the School began exploring ways to reach beyond the walls of the traditional classroom to provide public health education through the technology now widely accessible. As a result of a competitive proposal submitted to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control, the School of Public Health was one of four schools selected with the purpose of developing a distance-education curriculum, to upgrade the knowledge and skills of mid-career public health staff of that agency. The overall curriculum was designed to lead to a Graduate Certificate in Public Health. This certificate also met approximately one-half of the core requirements for the MPH degree, the most frequently awarded degree in the school.

The speeches in this chapter reflect on Johnnetta Betsch Cole's contributions to the world of art and museums after becoming director of the Smithsonian National Museum of African Art in 2009. In her 2012 commencement speech at the Duke Ellington School of the Arts, she highlights the importance of the arts for society. In her 2008 speech to the National Museum of African American History and Culture, she offers a feminist analysis of how gender is treated in opening exhibitions at museums. In her 2015 keynote address at the American Alliance of Museums Annual Meeting, she urges museum professionals to work toward greater diversity in staff, exhibitions, educational programs, and visitors. And in her 2012 speech at Clark Atlanta University, she brings attention to the works of African American art housed at HBCUs like Hampton, Clark Atlanta, Fisk, Lincoln, and Howard universities, interrogating crucial questions of “ownership” of these art collections.

Abstract Jackson’s public-school practice was undoubtedly important for him. It took him out of Oxford and widened his reputation. His contemporaries, however, were well aware that he might yet do more. ‘He ought to have been an architect in the 17th century, at Rome’, wrote John Willis Clark. ‘What Palaces he would have built for Papal Nephews!’ Oxford had made his name, but it had also limited his appeal. Nor did work outside the city do much to shake this association, at least at first. Town halls, houses, and offices came and went, with seemingly little effect.