Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Claims vs. Transvaal (South Africa)"

The subject of African land ownership is and will continue to be a highly emotional issue of great importance in the new South Africa. Africans and Afrikaners alike have strong historical ties to the land. Thousands of Africans owned land outside the Reserves before 1948. These landowners included large numbers of Africans who purchased over 3,000 farms and lots between 1913 and 1936 in the Transvaal, Natal, and even the Orange Free State (plus uncounted African buyers in the Cape Province). Individuals, tribal groups, or people organized into partnerships owned land. In the 1990s Africans complain bitterly about land losses, especially after 1948 as a result of the apartheid policy of forced removals which aimed to eliminate the so-called “black spots” from white areas. In addition, some Africans point to the problem of land losses between 1913 and 1948, and others resent the severe restrictions resulting from the Natives Land Act, Act No. 27 of 1913, which prevented Africans from freely buying land in three of the four provinces of South Africa after 1913.On 8 November 1994 the South African Parliament passed the Restitution of Land Rights Act, a law which is intended to allow Africans to reclaim their lost land. Claims by former owners or their descendants will be buttressed by legal documents of one type or another. Some of these legal documents have an interesting and unintended use, however: historians can take advantage of them to build an understanding of African land ownership before and after apartheid began in 1948.

The doctrine of legitimate expectation was authoritatively accepted as part of South African administrative law in the landmark case of Administrator, Transvaal v Traub in 1989. In that case Chief Justice Corbett extended the scope of application of the rules of natural justice, specifically the audi principle, beyond the traditional “liberty, property and existing rights” formula to cases where something less than an existing right, a legitimate expectation, required a fair procedure to be followed. This acceptance followed the trend in other Commonwealth jurisdictions to extend the application of the rules of natural justice and hence afford greater procedural protection to individuals affected by administrative decisions. Although Chief Justice Corbett expressly stated that the content of the expectation may be substantive or procedural in nature, the protection of that expectation, if found to be legitimate, was exclusively procedural. Since the Traub decision, the doctrine of legitimate expectation has been deeply entrenched in South African administrative law to extend the scope of procedural rights afforded individuals affected by administrative action. It is now an established principle of South African administrative law that a person, who has a legitimate expectation, flowing from an express promise by an administrator or a regular administrative practice, has a right to be heard before administrative action affecting that expectation is taken. The doctrine, has however, by and large, remained one that provides procedural protection in South Africa. In a number of recent decisions by South African courts, ranging from the High Court to the Supreme Court of Appeal and the Constitutional Court, there have been increasing calls for the application of legitimate expectations beyond procedural claims.

Following the general trend already existing in the Western world, state universities in South Africa, in seeking other sources of income and in meeting policy demands for transformation, have embraced the corporate model as the most efficient system of organising education today, thus opening the door to activities and processes such as commercialisation, applied and contract research, and the development of stronger links with external stakeholders. This paper questions the legitimacy of the commodification of intellectual enquiry. Do financial or ideological considerations justify the adoption of a corporate system in education? Can cost efficiency, which is global in nature and which is accelerating social change, legitimise corporate practices in the university in South Africa without affecting a) its character as a public institution, and b) the role of each individual member? The author argues that claims for legitimacy of the present form of rationalisation of the university serve to institutionalise corporate power in educational institutions, making it ap- pear valid and acceptable. Complex though the term may be, however, the generic meaning of ‘legitimacy’ refers to ‘rights’: the right to claim, the right to question whether correct procedures have been followed, and, ultimately, the right to assess whether a policy or a system serves the good of all concerned. In this sense, in determining the notion of the ‘right thing to do’, any discourse on legitimacy, by taking into account a wide diversity of viewpoints, will deal primarily with values and the recognition of human aspirations.

The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, recognises customary law as an independent and original source of law, subject to the Constitution itself and legislation that specifically deals with customary law. As recognised by the Constitutional Court in Alexkor Ltd vs the Richtersveld Community (2004), customary law, as an independent source of law, may give rise to rights including rights to access and use natural resources. Rights to access and use natural resources are often comprehensively regulated by legislation. Conflicts between customary law and legislation relevant to natural resources may arise, as evidenced in the case of Mr Gongqose, who along with several other community members were caught fishing in the Dwesa-Cwebe Marine Protected Area situated off the Eastern Cape coastline. Notwithstanding their claims to be exercising their customary rights to fish in the area, they were convicted in the Magistrate’s Court for certain offences in terms of the Marine Living Resources Act (1998), under which the marine protected area had been established. Their appeal to the High Court proved unsuccessful and the Supreme Court of Appeal was tasked with considering the relationship between their customary rights to fish and legislation purportedly extinguishing these rights. The SCA’s judgment in Gongqose & Others vs Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries & Others (2018) is the first of its kind in South Africa to consider the extinguishment of customary rights to access and use natural resources through post-constitutional legislation. This note critically considers the guidance the SCA provided on proving the existence of customary rights to access and use natural resources, and the manner in which they may be extinguished through legislation. While the focus is on marine living resources, the lessons emerging from this case are relevant to other natural resource sectors.

Background: The COVID-19 epidemic has adversely affected health systems globally. The utilisation of technology and other innovative channels link up with patients has evolved drastically in the COVID-19 climate. Lockdown measures and COVID-19 regulations and the fear of contracting the virus at a health care facility has also changed health seeing behaviour among patients. The COVID-19 climate has seen a significant increase in the utilisation of virtual platforms to consult with providers. Objectives: The primary objective of this study was to conduct the descriptive analysis of telephonic consultations by members of medical schemes. Methods: The study entailed a descriptive comparative analysis of medical schemes’ claims data. This was mainly outpatient claims information with the service date between March – December 2020. The inclusion criteria were all NAPPI codes associated with a telephonic consultation. The study included only COVID-19 related ICD-10 code primary diagnosis. Results: The analysis covered claims data from a total of 12 medical schemes. The schemes analysed accounted for 1,6 million lives, on 2019 beneficiaries. The total number of COVID-19 confirmed diagnosisrelated telephonic consultations was 8 939 and those related to suspected diagnosis accounted for 12 608, (41% vs. 59%, p<0.001). The median claims amount for a COVID-19 confirmed diagnosis and that of a suspected diagnosis was IQR: R293 (R283-R400) and R288 (R283-R390), respectively. Conclusion: The study found evidence of patients utilising digital platforms to consult the respective practitioners during the COVID-19 pandemic. Greater utilisation patterns were seen in disciplines such as general medical practice, specialists’ family medicine, independent practice specialist medicine and group practices. The main finding of the study was disparities between the scheme tariff amount and the claimed amount. The findings of this study depicted multidisciplinary management of COVID‐19, particularly at a primary health care level, where patients could consult with a practitioner virtually. However, we warn of ethical considerations and risk-related issues such as fraudulent activities that could arise when consulting medical practitioners virtually.

Abstract Background Effective strategies for hypertension management are essential to reduce associated morbidity and mortality in sub-Saharan Africa, where blood pressure control rates are alarmingly low. Renin-angiotensin-aldosterone system (RAAS) inhibitors are recommended as first-line treatment; however, differences in class or molecule-specific effects have not been conclusively demonstrated. Purpose This real-world study analysed medical insurance claims data to assess clinical and cost outcomes of antihypertensive therapy based on the three most commonly prescribed RAAS inhibitors in South Africa: perindopril, losartan and enalapril. Methods Patients on standard doses of perindopril, enalapril or losartan (alone or in combination with other agents) for ≥12 months prior to January 2015 were identified from a large, South African private health insurance database. Anonymised patient-level claims over the next 5 years (January 2015 to December 2019) were analysed in patients with ≥80% adherence. The primary outcome was the risk-adjusted rate of the composite of myocardial infarction (MI), ischaemic heart disease (IHD), heart failure (HF) or stroke. The key secondary clinical outcome was the risk-adjusted all-cause mortality rate; risk-adjusted costs per life per month (PLPM) in South African Rands (ZAR) were also assessed. Results In total, 63,489 patients who received perindopril (n=32,857), losartan (n=16,693) or enalapril (n=13,939) were included. Within the 5-year study period, the risk-adjusted rate of ≥1 claim for MI, IHD, HF or stroke (primary outcome) was significantly lower with perindopril than losartan (205 vs 221 per 1000 patients; P&lt;0.0001) or enalapril (205 vs 223 per 1000 patients; P&lt;0.0001). The risk-adjusted all-cause mortality rate was also significantly lower with perindopril than enalapril (100 vs 139 deaths per 1000 patients; P=0.007), but similar to that with losartan (100 vs 94 deaths per 1000 patients; P=0.650). Perindopril was also associated with significantly lower overall risk-adjusted costs than the other agents, with mean (95% confidence interval) costs PLPM of ZAR 1342 (87–8973) for perindopril, ZAR 1466 (104–9365) for losartan (P=0.0044) and ZAR 1540 (77–10,546) for enalapril (P=0.0003). Conclusion In this real-world analysis of South African individuals with hypertension, perindopril-based regimens were associated with a lower rate of cardiovascular events (MI, IHD, HF and stroke) over 5 years than enalapril- or losartan-based regimens. Perindopril also provided considerably greater cost-saving benefits, both statistically and socioeconomically, compared with the other RAAS inhibitor agents. Although these observations need to be confirmed in a broader South African population, including those treated in the public health sector, they may have significant implications for the choice of antihypertensive therapy.Time to outcome event over 5 yearsRisk-adjusted cost in South African Rand

BackgroundThe South African Medicines Control Council classifies e-cigarettes as Schedule 3 substances and requires them to be dispensed only within pharmacies. e-Cigarettes are however ubiquitous and are marketed as cessation aids. We investigated the relationship between e-cigarette use and smoking cessation among South African adult smokers.MethodsData came from a 2018 web survey of South African adults aged ≥18 years (n=18 208). Cessation-related attitudes and behaviours were assessed. Using multivariable logistic regression, we measured the association between e-cigarette use and cessation behaviours among ever-established combustible tobacco smokers who tried to quit.FindingsAmong current combustible smokers, more e-cigarette ever versus never users believed e-cigarettes could assist smokers to completely quit (35.5% vs 20.4%) or cut down (51.7% vs 26.5%) (all p<0.05). Among ever-established smokers, the odds of sustained quitting at the 12-month mark were lower among those who used e-cigarettes once off/rarely (adjusted OR (AOR)=0.20, 95% CI=0.16–0.24), former e-cigarette users (AOR=0.30, 95% CI=0.24–0.38) and current e-cigarette users (AOR=0.23, 95% CI=0.18–0.29), compared with never e-cigarette users. Among ever-established smokers who had ever tried to quit, 53.6% relapsed into smoking after quitting for any length of time. The odds of relapsing among ever-established smokers who had made a quit attempt and had a quit intention were higher among those who used e-cigarettes once off/rarely (AOR=2.66; 95% CI=2.31–3.08), former e-cigarette users (AOR=1.41; 95% CI=1.18–1.69) and current e-cigarette users (AOR=1.85; 95% CI=1.55–2.22) than never e-cigarette users.Conclusione-Cigarette use depressed long-term cessation. These findings can inform restrictions on unsubstantiated claims of e-cigarettes as cessation aids within South Africa.

There are limited epidemiologic studies describing the global burden and geographic heterogeneity of interstitial lung disease (ILD) subtypes. We found that among seventeen methodologically heterogenous studies that examined the incidence, prevalence and relative frequencies of ILDs, the incidence of ILD ranged from 1 to 31.5 per 100,000 person-years and prevalence ranged from 6.3 to 71 per 100,000 people. In North America and Europe, idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis and sarcoidosis were the most prevalent ILDs while the relative frequency of hypersensitivity pneumonitis was higher in Asia, particularly in India (10.7–47.3%) and Pakistan (12.6%). The relative frequency of connective tissue disease ILD demonstrated the greatest geographic variability, ranging from 7.5% of cases in Belgium to 33.3% of cases in Canada and 34.8% of cases in Saudi Arabia. These differences may represent true differences based on underlying characteristics of the source populations or methodological differences in disease classification and patient recruitment (registry vs. population-based cohorts). There are three areas where we feel addition work is needed to better understand the global burden of ILD. First, a standard ontology with diagnostic confidence thresholds for comparative epidemiology studies of ILD is needed. Second, more globally representative data should be published in English language journals as current literature has largely focused on Europe and North America with little data from South America, Africa and Asia. Third, the inclusion of community-based cohorts that leverage the strength of large databases can help better estimate population burden of disease. These large, community-based longitudinal cohorts would also allow for tracking of global trends and be a valuable resource for collective study. We believe the ILD research community should organize to define a shared ontology for disease classification and commit to conducting global claims and electronic health record based epidemiologic studies in a standardized fashion. Aggregating and sharing this type of data would provide a unique opportunity for international collaboration as our understanding of ILD continues to grow and evolve. Better understanding the geographic and temporal patterns of disease prevalence and identifying clusters of ILD subtypes will facilitate improved understanding of emerging risk factors and help identify targets for future intervention.

OPSOMMING Hierdie artikel begin met 'n kort skets van my professionele oorgang as natuurwetenskaplike na dié van 'n fenomenologiese navorser in Opvoedkunde, aanvanklik in Opvoedkundige Sielkunde, soos geïnspireer deur die fenomenologiese navorsing deur die Fakulteit Opvoedkunde by die Universiteit van Pretoria. Ek was geïnteresseerd toe ek 'n verwoestende kritiek oor hierdie studies gelees het, wat geensins ooreengestem het met my eie begrip van die vakgebied nie. Dit het my gelei om die redes vir hierdie teenstrydighede te ondersoek, wat dan die hoofargument van hierdie artikel is. Die fenomenologiese metode wat in Pretoria gebruik word, word aanvanklik kortliks uiteengesit, veral die belangrikheid van die fenomenologiese reduksie (bracketing) om hierdie vraag te probeer beantwoord. Hierna bied ek my begrip van die fundamentele pedagogiek aan en die aspekte daarvan wat ek verdedig. Dan beskou ek in detail enkele bewerings van Suransky-Dekker (1998) oor die verband tussen Langeveld se pedagogiek en fundamentele pedagogiek in die konteks van apartheidsonderwys. Ten slotte oorweeg ek 'n paar van haar spesifieke aansprake oor fundamentele pedagogiek noukeurig om die moontlikheid aan te toon dat die verskil in die begrip of interpretasie van die betekenis van fundamentele pedagogiek moontlik kan verband hou met die feit dat fenomenologiese reduksie (bracketing) van krag is, al dan nie. Trefwoorde: onderwys, opvoeding, psigopedagogiek, fundamentele pedagogiek, pedagogiek as 'n wetenskap, fenomenologiese metode, fenomenolo-giese vermindering (reduksie), voorwetenskaplik, wetenskaplik en postwetenskaplike perspektiewe, Langeveld se pedagogiek, essensies/ kategorieë, apartheidsonderwys, outoritêre onderrig, Christelik Nasionale onderwys, wetenskap van vs wetenskap vir, teorie van vs teorie vir ABSTRACT This paper begins with a brief historical sketch of how, in 1974, my thinking moved from a natural science approach, to the study of educational psychology, to the phenomenological approach pursued at the University of Pretoria. I found what I was looking for - a competent and comprehensive phenomenology of educating in all of its part-perspectives, including fundamental pedagogics. While studying and teaching these contents, in 1980, I was shocked to read scathing criticisms and characterisations of fundamental pedagogics claiming that Pretoria pedagogics was designed to provide an academic justification of apartheid education in that it was said to be little more than an expression of the racist, authoritarian policies of Christian Nationalism. If these claims were accurate, this would mean I was involved in an unlikely venture in as much as I have anti-apartheid and non-racist sentiments such that this asserted purpose of fundamental pedagogics, in particular, and pedagogics, in general, would be in conflict with my own values and philosophy of life. Fortunately, myfirst-hand experiences with the phenomenological endeavours at Pretoria do not support these claims. This gives rise to the question: How is it possible that the critics of fundamental pedagogics and I both are equally convinced of the accuracy of our understandings of fundamental pedagogics and what has given rise to this discrepancy? The main thrust of this paper addresses this question. Since an investigator's method will influence strongly what legitimately can or cannot be expressed about a particular phenomenon, the most appropriate method of investigation is deemed to be the phenomenological method, as the aim is to interrogate the phenomenon of education, as (was) the intent offundamental pedagogics in the 1980s at the University of Pretoria. Phenomenology is a method designed to disclose the essences or universal structures of a phenomenon. Its first step is called the phenomenological reduction, epoche, bracketing. This step gets us closer to the phenomenon itself by temporarily holding in abeyance the essence-blinding influences of whatever kind (e.g., assumptions, theories, ideologies [explicitly the Christian Nationalism of apartheid South Africa], philosophies of life, etc.). A consequence of this bracketing is that an investigator's access to and dialogue with a phenomenon will not be disrupted or distorted by what is being bracketed. Within this bracketing, the eidetic reduction or method of free variation is performed as a way of disclosing and highlighting what seem to be essences. These essences are universal and thus do not imply or require a particular ideology, etc. Otherwise they wouldn't be universal. Next, a hermeneutic method is used to illuminate and clarify the meaning of each essence (what function does it serve). Finally, the dialectial (triadic) method is used to determine the coherences among the essences (how do they serve as mutual conditions for each other to occur). Practising fundamental pedagogics (and pedagogics in general) occur only while bracketing is engaged. This means that fundamental pedagogics only can scientifically describe the essences and structures of the reality of educating but not its contents (e.g., a particular religious commitment or political view that has been held in abeyance by bracketing). Pretoria calls the activity within brackets a science of or a theory of the reality of educating. And this gives rise to distinguishing the pre-scientific, the scientific and the post-scientific, where bracketing is absent from the pre- and post-scientific attitudes, and ideologies, etc. rightly play a critical role in the reality of educating. Even though fundamental pedagogics is not in a position and doesn't aim to select particular ideologies that are necessary for the act of educating, in revealing and describing these universals of this activity, these essences, as preconditions for establishing an adult-child educative relationship, provide guidelines for a practitioner (parent, teacher) to establish and sustain such a relationship and these essences also can be used as criteria for evaluating the pedagogical quality of an educational activity as well as whether applying an ideology in a particular way distorts the essences of that relationship. That is, these essences make possible a purely pedagogical perspective on the reality of educating in contrast to a psychological perspective, for example. In the literature critical of fundamental pedagogics almost always there is a conflation of the scientific and the post-scientific with the consequence that pedagogics is criticised for justifying apartheid education when in fact it is in no position to do so and doesn t aim to. Pedagogics also is criticised for not including political discourse in its description of essences. Examples of these criticisms are presented and evaluated pedagogically. Thus, it seems that almost all criticism of the pedagogical studies at Pretoria can be attributed to a conflation of a scientific activity with a post-scientific one - one of content. Hence, not keeping track of the scientific and the post-scientific activities, facilitates these conflations. A possible answer to my beginning question of why there is this "discrepancy" is that I limit my evaluation of pedagogical findings to what was obtained while bracketing was engaged (the scientific/phenomenological), while most critics focus on the post-scientific issue of prescribing to practice where much of what was bracketed now must be used to nuance the meanings of the essences within a particular practice. That is, I limit myself to the essences disclosed and described when bracketing is engaged, while most critics are focused on how these essences are applied post-scientifically. Possibly the "discrepancy" between our appraisals of fundamental pedagogics arises because we are approaching the reality of educating from different points of view, i.e., with different questions and interests. The consequence of critics and defenders talking past each other has been costly. The phenomenological efforts at Pretoria have been vilified and ostracised for political, more than academic reasons to an extent that generations of possible contributors to its line of thinking have been thwarted completely. I suggest that the Pretoria findings be studied with an open and scientific mind and then decide if these findings are or are not a treasure trove of insights into the reality of educating a child. Key Concepts: educating, upbringing, psychopedagogics, fundamental pedagogics, pedagogics as a science, phenomenological method, phenomenological, reduction (bracketing), pre-scientific, scientific and post-scientific perspectives, Langeveld's pedagogy, essences/categories, apartheid education, authoritarian teaching, Christian National education, science of vs science for, theory of vs theory for

Introduction: Cities as Open-Ended Place-Making Events The shaping and development of cities can be understood as a “place-making” process. Through the assemblage of diverse human and non-human elements—including various social and natural elements—abstract space gains meaning and is transformed into the more concrete form of place (Jaffe and Koning). Indeed, people, nature, arts, and architecture can all contribute to constituting a city, and depending on how these elements engage with each other, each city can be shaped differently, which makes cities “inherently dynamic and heterogeneous” (Jaffe and Koning 24). Furthermore, as these various elements and their meanings can accumulate, be changed, or even diminish over time, place boundaries can also be constantly renegotiated or rebuilt. In other words, place can be characterised as its “throwntogetherness” (Massey 283), which represents temporal and spatial shifts accumulated and woven together in a place, and place-making can be understood as an open-ended event that involves various acts of “territorial meaning-making” (Jaffe and Koning 23). In line with this understanding of place-making as a dynamic, ongoing process, by investigating changes in the ways that local communities engage with cultural heritage, the study reported here explores how cultural heritage can contribute to the development of a city. Among many other meaning-making elements that may constitute a city, a cultural heritage itself may represent or enfold the dynamics and heterogeneity of a place. The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) defines heritage as “our legacy from the past, what we live with today, and what we pass on to future generations. Our cultural and natural heritage are both irreplaceable sources of life and inspiration” (UNESCO). This definition suggests that heritage embodies history imbued with value and meaning for today and for the future. Cultural heritage may mobilise or recollect emotions, memories, and experiences, which may generate new cultures and values (Chung and Lee). Cultural heritage is not only a primary means of creating and nurturing a collective identity (Graham, Ashworth, and Tunbridge). It can also be refashioned and commodified as a marketable and consumable product. In other words, cultural heritage may contribute to the shaping of regional identities and the development of cultural products that may affect local communities socially and economically. Against this backdrop, this article examines how, as a constitutive element of a city, cultural heritage can add different kinds of values and meanings in accordance with the ways that the local communities perceive and engage with cultural heritage. To this end, this research presents a case study of the South Korean city of Andong, recognised as a cultural city with abundant tangible and intangible cultural heritages. Specifically, by adopting a qualitative approach that combines archival research, fieldwork, and observation, we trace Andong’s regional history and the changes in its cultural policies from the 1950s to the 2000s. We discuss Andong’s regional development with regard to using and refashioning cultural heritage. In so doing, we argue that conserving cultural heritage and facilitating heritage tourism—agendas seemingly in competition with each other—can complement sustainable regional development. We suggest that reconceptualising cities by drawing on the convergence of virtual and actual spaces, which involves the digitisation of cultural heritage, may open up new possibilities for extending the value and meaning of cultural heritage, as well as reconciling competing agendas and achieving sustainable regional development. Andong, the Capital of Korean Spirit Korea and other East Asian countries have accumulated heritages from regional folk culture, Buddhism, and Confucianism. Andong has abundance of both tangible and intangible heritages related to Korean folk culture, Buddhism, and Confucianism, some of which are listed as UNESCO World Heritage Sites (e.g. the Hahoe Folk Village, the Bongjeongsa Buddhist temple, and the Dosanseowon and Byeongsanseowon Confucian academies). Even though Andong is not in a metropolitan area and has a small population compared to many other Korean cities, its abundant and diverse heritage has made it a recognised cultural city. As of 2021, the number of cultural assets designated in Andong, according to the Korean Cultural Heritage Protection Act, is 333. This number is the second largest in the country, after Gyeongju, the capital of the Silla Kingdom (57 BC–935 AD). Andong is the origin of a traditional Korean folk religion called “Seongjusinang”. Practitioners of this religion worship household spirits who protect a house. Andong has also inherited various folk games and performances, such as Chajeonnori (fig. 1) and Notdaribalgi (fig. 2). In addition, Buseoksa, a Buddhist temple located in Yeongju in the greater Andong area, led the development of Buddhist culture during the Three Kingdoms period (57 BC–668 AD) and the Goryeo period (918–1392). During the Joseon Dynasty, Confucianism also flourished through the initiative of Toegye Yi Hwang and Seoae Ryu Seong-ryong, both of whom were well-recognised Korean Confucian scholars. In fact, Andong has a particularly solid Confucian tradition with its twenty-six private Confucian educational institutions, called “Seowon” (fig. 3), and other villages and buildings representing Confucian philosophy, rituals, and customs. Fig. 1: Chajeonnori: a folk game involving team battles. Fig. 2: Notdaribalgi: a female folk performance that involves making a human bridge. Fig. 3: Dosanseowon Confucian Academy (listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2019). Preserving these diverse cultural artefacts and traditions is one of the main reasons that Andong claims to be the capital of Korean moral and spiritual culture (Steinmetz; K.I. Lee). Andong has been using and spreading the slogan “The Capital of Korean Spirit” since 2003, when former mayor Kim Hwi Dong started using the slogan for the first time to shape and develop the city's identity to share Andong's spiritual culture. The slogan officially became a registered brand at the Korean Intellectual Property Office in 2006. Cultural Heritage and Authenticity As briefly outlined in the previous section, Andong has diverse tangible and intangible heritages, and they are at the heart of the city’s identity. In contrast to other elements that constitute a city, cultural heritage is often regarded as an object of protection and preservation. Indeed, a cultural heritage has a fundamental, inherent value, as it manifests history, which may significantly influence how people form individual and collective identities and consolidate a sense of community. Therefore, preservation and restoration have often served as the primary approaches to cultural heritage. Particularly in the Korean context—as discussed in detail in the next section—conservation used to be prioritised in heritage management. However, in more recent times, cultural heritage has been recognised as an asset or resource for urban development; accordingly, many cities, including Andong, have become increasingly interested in heritage tourism as a means of promoting their city’s brand and boosting the local economy. The emergence of the concept of “existential authenticity” may be relevant to the paradigm shift in approaches to cultural heritage. In fact, “authenticity” is an elusive concept that can be interpreted in different ways. In the field of tourism, it conventionally has been considered related to toured objects. For example, “objective authenticity”, which is characterised as identifiable and measurable, is gauged in terms of whether a toured object is genuine or fake (Wang). Another type of object-related authenticity is “constructive authenticity”, which denotes authenticity as a negotiable quality constructed by perspectives, beliefs, expectations, or ideologies, rather than an inherent property (Wang; see also Boonzaaier and Wels). From this perspective, origins or traditions can be understood as a projection of images, preferences, or expectations; thus, copies or reproductions may also be considered authentic. Even though these two approaches are significantly different, both notions are oriented to “experiences of the authentic” (Moore et al.). By contrast, “existential authenticity” involves tourists’ experiences, that is, “personal or intersubjective feelings activated by the liminal process of tourist activities”, whereby people feel “more authentic and more freely self-expressed than in everyday life” (Wang 351–352). In other words, conservation may not be the only method for protecting cultural heritage and preserving its authenticity. Rather, heritage tourism, which provides tourists with authentic experiences, can be a way of adding new meanings and values to cultural heritage. This also suggests that not only cultural heritage as authentic objects, but also experiences of cultural heritage, can contribute to the territorial meaning-making process and constitute a city. In line with this understanding of different types of authenticity, the next section examines how Andong’s approaches to cultural heritage have changed over time. The Evolution of Cultural Policies: The Conservation of Cultural Heritage vs. Regional Development The development of Korean cultural policies needs to be understood in relation to the idiosyncrasy of Korean historical and societal contexts. After the Japanese colonial rule (1910–1945) and the Korean War (1950–1953), one of the primary concerns of the Korean government was to reconstruct the country and restore national pride by building and developing a Korean cultural identity. Against this background, Korean cultural policies until the 1980s were mainly oriented towards repairing, restoring, and preserving traditional culture rather than fostering tourism and leisure to pursue a nationalistic agenda (H.S. Kim; Min). In this regard, it is worth noting that the first Korean Folk Art Festival, as part of the national policy, was hosted to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the establishment of the Korean government in 1958, when Korea was still going through the aftermath of the Korean War, which ended up with the destruction of cultural and natural heritage in Korea. The festival was a kind of competition where regions presented their representative intangible cultural heritages, particularly folk performances. The Gyeongsangbuk-do province, led by Andong, participated in this competition by restoring Hahoebyeolsinguttallori (mask dance play originating from Hahoe Village [fig. 4], hereafter Hahoe Mask Dance [fig. 5]) and Notdaribalgi (female folk play [fig. 2]) with the support of Andong City, and the province won the presidential prize. Fig. 4: Hahoe Village: the origin of the Hahoe Mask Dance. Fig. 5: Performers in the Hahoe Mask Dance. Initially, the Korean Folk Art Festival was planned as a one-off kind of event. However, it became a recurring annual event to propagate and promote the national culture with governmental support under the Park Jung Hee regime (1963–1979) that pursued a nationalistic agenda (H.S. Kim). Afterwards, this event was developed in complementary relations with the Cultural Properties Protection Law established in 1962 as part of the legislation of heritage management and other regional folk festivals, which provided regional governments and local communities with a motivation for the discovery and restoration of cultural heritage. Traditional cultural heritages dispersed in many regions started to be discovered and restored with the massive administrative support of regional governments to take part in the Korean Folk Art Festival. Once a cultural heritage presented at the festival was awarded, the heritage was customarily designated as a national cultural property by the Cultural Properties Protection Law. This designation helps cultural heritage gain social authority and receive public attention (H.-D. Yoo). Furthermore, a heritage designated as a national cultural property was required to be reintroduced to the public, often through local events such as regional folk festivals, which reinforced local communities’ pride in their regional culture. In this scenario, Andong actively participated in the Korean Folk Art Festival. Indeed, a number of cultural performances have been officially designated as national and regional intangible cultural properties, including the Hahoe Mask Dance mentioned above, which have become representative of Andong’s regional culture, offering a foundation for its development as a cultural city. Cultural policies, however, were still limited to preservation and restoration pursuing objective authenticity until the 1980s. It appeared to lack an awareness that cultural heritage could be used for the regeneration or development of cities in the 1980s (Kim and Kim). The conservation of cultural heritage and regional development have often been regarded as competing agendas, because cultural heritage is normally considered to be different from other tourism resources. Indeed, authenticity is a fundamental value sought in cultural heritage. Therefore, preservation and restoration often used to be primary approaches to cultural heritage. However, as discussed in the previous section, authenticity is not merely a binary concept that differentiates between the real and the fake in terms of the accurate representation of the past, but it can be a generative value that can be constituted or negotiated based on various perspectives, beliefs, and experiences (see Wang; K.-H. Kim; Waitt). Furthermore, the commodification of cultural heritage does not necessarily violate the intrinsic meaning and authenticity of heritage; rather, it may produce new meanings and values (Cohen). In this context, it is worth noting that the first Andong Mask Dance Festival hosted in 1997 paved the way for the development of tourism resources using cultural heritage in Andong and the globalisation of its regional culture. In fact, in the mid-1990s, Korea was going through interesting political events that significantly affected its culture and society. “Globalisation” was declared a national vision by former president Kim Young-sam in 1995, and the local self-governance of municipalities was reimplemented in the same year. In other words, Korean cultural policies were oriented towards “globalisation” and “localisation” during this period (see also Park). Against this background, Andong organised and hosted an international festival for the first time ever in 1997—the Andong Mask Dance Festival—by refashioning a traditional mask dance—the Hahoe Mask Dance. The Hahoe Mask Dance was a festive drama performance in Hahoe Village, but its inheritance was interrupted during the Japanese colonial period. Afterwards, as mentioned earlier, it was restored after the establishment of the Korean government and designated as a national cultural property. It then became the main theme of an annual festival, which attracts one million tourists to the city every year. In other words, the Hahoe Mask Dance is not only one of the most representative, well-known cultural heritages of Andong, but it also has an emblematic significance in the sense that it embodies the history of Andong’s cultural development. In particular, the Andong Mask Dance Festival immensely contributed to enhancing the awareness of cultural heritage as a tourism resource that may foster cultural economy in the local community and influenced the paradigm shift of approaches to cultural heritage from traditional artefacts or customs to be preserved to tourism resources. Most of the cultural events that took place in Andong after the first Andong Mask Dance Festival aimed to boost tourism. Indeed, the Andong Mask Dance Festival brought about important changes to Andong’s cultural development in the 2000s. Festivals that refashioned cultural heritage and tourists’ experiences began to be important elements of Andong’s character as a city. In accordance with the emergence of tourism as a means for cultural development, Andong experienced another remarkable change in its cultural development during the 2000s: increased interest in tangible cultural heritage as a local resource for tourism and place marketing. From the establishment of the Cultural Properties Protection Law until the 2000s, the preservation and utilisation of cultural heritage in Andong was primarily focussed on intangible cultural properties. This was mainly because the legal ownership of cultural heritage was clearly stated in the law, and thus Andong was able to manage architectural conservation without many challenges; thus, tangible cultural heritage tended to be relatively neglected in favour of the preservation and management of intangible cultural properties. However, in 2000, the Korean national government invested 470 billion KRW (approximately US$382 million) into the restoration and renovation of cultural heritage sites in eleven regions, including Andong. Even though this project did not produce immediate, significant touristic effects, many architectural heritage sites and traditional villages in Andong were renovated as part of the project. This provided the local community with an opportunity to see how tangible cultural heritage could act as an asset for place marketing and tourism. Furthermore, there was another event that motivated the use of architectural heritage to promote tourism in the early 2000s: the Tourism Promotion Act, which permits the use of architectural heritages for the purpose of accommodating commercial businesses, led to the addition of “Traditional Korean housing experiencing business” in the list of tourism business categories. This change also accelerated the utilisation of tangible cultural heritage as a tourism resource. In this context, place marketing combining tangible and intangible cultural assets has increased since the 2000s. In fact, before the 2000s, many cultural events lacked a coherent link between tangible and intangible cultural properties. For example, even though the Hahoe Mask Dance originated in Hahoe Village, the dance performance was often performed as an independent event outside Hahoe Village. However, since tangible cultural heritage—particularly architectural heritage—emerged as a local tourism resource, Andong has been developing cultural and artistic events relevant to heritage sites and the interesting narratives and storytelling that connect various heritages and make tourists develop emotional attachments to Andong and its cultural heritage (see D.Y. Lee). This shows that Andong’s approaches to cultural heritage began to seek the existential authenticity in tourism that may provide tourists with meaningful experiences. Future Directions: Redefining the City As has already been discussed, not only cultural heritage itself, but also national and regional policies, perspectives, experiences, meanings, and values have all contributed to making Andong a recognised cultural city. Notably, Andong’s development can be summarised as the adoption of diverse approaches to cultural heritage along with changes in social agendas and cultural policies. Even though the conservation of cultural heritage and regional development have at times been regarded as competing interests, for Andong—a city that has a large number of tangible heritages that come with enormous costs related to preservation and maintenance—the commodification of cultural heritage might be unavoidable. Indeed, the conservation of its heritage as well as regional development through the use of its heritage as a tourism resource are the two goals that Andong should achieve to ensure that it experiences sustainable future development. Doing so would allow it to fulfil the local community’s need and desire to take pride in its identity as a cultural city and boost its cultural economy. In this regard, we suggest that digitising cultural heritage and incorporating virtual spaces (e.g. the metaverse) into actual places may offer new possibilities for reconciling the conservation of cultural heritage with the need for regional development by allowing us to preserve and manage cultural heritage efficiently while enriching our cultural experience and enabling us to experience various kinds of authenticity. In the first place, digitisation represents an alternative way to preserve and maintain cultural heritage. Digital technologies can accurately scan and measure cultural heritages and readily reproduce a perfect replica of those cultural heritages, whether actual or virtual, which can serve to protect genuine cultural heritages from unwanted or inevitable damage. Once the data on a cultural artefact have been digitised, it is theoretically possible to preserve the digitised heritage forever without deterioration (Koshizuka and Sakamura; D. Hwan Yoo). Moreover, even though digitised artefacts are not objectively authentic, replicas and reproductions created from them may provide tourists with authentic, meaningful experiences in a constructive or existential sense. Furthermore, virtual space may offer a site in which past and present cultures can freely encounter and resonate with each other by facilitating the deterritorialisation and reterritorialisation of people and heritage, which may also lead us to an immersive and creative cultural experience. Indeed, various technologies—such as 3D animation, virtual reality, augmented reality, stereoscopic presentation, and 4K ultra high-definition immersive presentation—can create diverse kinds of virtual environment in which tourists can enjoy immersive interactivity and realistically experience heritage objects (Park, Muhammad, and Ahn). Indeed, as illustrated in a case study (D. Hwan Yoo), the digital restoration of Andong’s historical sites (i.e. using digital data collection and archiving as well as 2D and 3D modelling technologies, which reproduce landscapes and architecture in a virtual environment for museum content) may provide a novel cultural experience that fosters existential authenticity across actual and virtual spaces. To sum up, territorial meaning-making may involve the mobilisation of memories, experiences, and imaginations that are attached not only to actual heritage at actual heritage sites, but also to digitised heritage in virtual spaces, and the place that emerges from such a meaning-making process may be the contemporary city we live in. Acknowledgments This work was supported by the School of Languages and Cultures, University of Queensland, under the 2021 ECR Research Support Scheme, and the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF-2021S1A6A3A01097826). Sources The figures used in this article are public works by the Cultural Heritage Administration of the Republic of Korea (https://www.heritage.go.kr), and the figures are used according to the Korea Open Government Licence. The data sources are as follows: 1: Chajeonnori — https://bit.ly/3Mn1Q9X 2: Notdaribalgi — https://bit.ly/3uVsn8k 3: Dosanseowon — https://bit.ly/3JUAplX 4: The Hahoe Village — https://bit.ly/3rzTlQz 5: The Hahoe Mask Dance — https://bit.ly/3uXg2jR References Boonzaaier, Chris, and Harry Wels. “Authenticity Lost? The Significance of Cultural Villages in the Conservation of Heritage in South Africa.” Journal of Heritage Tourism 13.2 (2018): 181–193. Chung, Hokyung, and Jongoh Lee. “A Study on Cultural Urban Regeneration Using Modern Industrial Resources: Focusing on the Site-Specific Cultural Places of Gunsan, South Korea.” Land 10.11 (2021): 1184. Cohen, Erik. “Authenticity and Commoditization in Tourism.” Annals of Tourism Research 15 (1988): 371–386. Graham, Brian, G.J. Ashworth, and J.E. Tunbridge. A Geography of Heritage: Power, Culture and Economy. Abingdon: Routledge, 2000. Jaffe, Rivke, and Anouk de Koning. Introducing Urban Anthropology. Abingdon: Routledge, 2016. Kim, Hak-Yong, and Keun-Sung Kim. “Urban Regeneration Using Historic and Architectural Culture Resources: Focused on Jingo City.” Humanities (Korea Humanities Content Society) 55 (2019): 67–88. Kim, Heung Soo. Cultural Governance. Paju: KSI, 2007. Kim, Kyu-Ho. “Authenticity of Cultural Heritage and Its Development as Tourism Resources: With Reference to Donggung and Wolji in Gyeongju, South Korea.” Journal of Tourism Sciences (The Tourism Sciences Society of Korea) 36.5 (2012): 115–133. Koshizuka, Noboru, and Ken Sakamura. “Tokyo University Digital Museum.” Proceedings of the 2000 Kyoto International Conference on Digital Libraries (2000): 179–186. Lee, D.Y. “Paradigm Shift in Cultural Policies: Ordinary But Attractive Andong.” Adinews 2021. Lee, K.I. “10 Years since Proclaiming ‘The Capital of Korean Spirit’: Re-Evaluted Andong’s Value.” YNA 2016. Massey, Doreen. For Space. London: Sage, 2005. Min, Woong-ki. “An Exploratory Study on Tourism Plicies and Characteristics of Tourism Industry since Korea’s Liberation from Japan.” The Journal of History and Korean Practical Thought Studies 58 (2015): 267–290. Moore, Kevin, et al. “Authenticity in Tourism Theory and Experience. Practically Indispensable and Theoretically Mischievous?” Annals of Tourism Research 89 (2021): n.p. Park, Eun Sil. “The Study on Developments and Direction of Urban Regeneration and Cultural Policy.” The Journal of Cultural Policy (Korea Culture & Tourism Institute) 17 (2005): 11–39. Park, Jin-ho, Tufail Muhammad, and Jae-hong Ahn. “The 3D Reconstruction and Visualization of Seokguram Grotto World Heritage Site.” 2014 International Conference on Virtual Systems & Multimedia (VSMM) (2014): 180–183. Steinmetz, Juergen T. “Why Andong Is the Capital of the Korean Spirit and Cultural Tourism?” eTN: Global Travel Industry News 2020. Waitt, Gordon. “Consuming Heritage: Perceived Historical Authenticity.” Annals of Tourism Research 27.4 (2000): 835–862. Wang, Ning. “Rethinking Authenticity in Tourism Experience.” Annals of Tourism Research 26.2 (1999): 349–370. Yoo, Dong hwan. “The 4th Space and Exhibition Story-Telling.” Humanities Contents (Korea Humanities Content Society) 31 (2013): 193–210. Yoo, Hyoung-Dong. “The Process of Obtaining Regional Identity and Value as Content of Andong Hahoe Byulsingut Talnori.” Korean Language (Baedalmal Society) 67 (2020): 117–139.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since its inception in 1998 as a wholly owned captive insurer, Sasguard has successfully supplied the short-term insurance needs of its parent company, Pioneer Foods Pty Ltd. Although the financial results of Sasguard increased steadily over this entire period, the insurer has never investigated the quality of its service regarding the perceptions of its internal support staff, who represent Sasguard to its client Pioneer. The objective of this research report was to critically analyse the insurer’s current risk underwriting and claims management procedures to determine if the current situation was acceptable and if not, to present proposals to reduce costs and to supply Sasguard’s internal clients (members of the parent company) with a better service. The tasks that were completed for this report were: • a literature study on aspects of risk management directly applicable to Sasguard; • critical analysis of the current risk underwriting and claims management procedures; • identification of shortcomings in the current structure; • collection of responses from internal support staff members by an electronic questionnaire; • critical analysis of those responses; and • proposals which Sasguard can implement to address identified shortcomings. The questionnaire was posted on Pioneer’s intranet site, and the entire population of 30 members was notified by email to complete and submit it within a specified period. Twenty-eight staff members did, with two on leave, for a 93% response rate. The responses were analysed in detail to form the basis of the empirical investigation. They were compared to the writer’s own observations, and together were used to develop conclusions and recommendations which Sasguard can implement in future to reduce both risk and costs associated with claims submitted by its internal clients. The main findings follow. Not enough representatives are at management level. Most (89%) want to increase their background knowledge of insurance, mainly through Sasguard. They want a paperless system to view claims. They were divided on whether to establish a workshop to recover parts of disused vehicles; more study is needed. They want to simplify the process of getting quotes and thus facilitating claims. They want better two-way communication. They favoured using the claims history of a branch, along with other forms of reward, to motivate supervisors and drivers, and others, to reduce the accident rate. The issue of whether out-sourced drivers have increased accident claims needs more study. Indeed, the legal employment status of out-sourced drivers needs to be addressed. Most of the internal client representatives were satisfied with the speed of claims settlement, but nearly a third were not entirely satisfied, which the researcher interprets as a cause for concern. Furthermore, one fourth would consider moving to a traditional insurer; this perception also is worrying and can be addressed, possibly through better understanding of the captive insurer and its practices. Proposals followed from the findings, hopefully to be implemented in due course. While results cannot be generalised, they can be provide insight to other captive insurers, especially those in a manufacturing environment similar to that at Pioneer Foods.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vanaf die totstandkoming van Sasguard as ‘n alleenbeheerde gevange versekeraar in 1998, was die maatskappy deurgaans instaat om in sy moeder maatskappy se korttermyn verskeringsbehoeftes te voorsien. Alhoewel Sasguard se finansiële resultate vir die totale periode voortdurend gegroei het, het die versekeraar dit nooit voorheen nodig geag om ‘n ondersoek te loods om te bepaal of dit werklik in sy interne kliënte se verskeringsbehoeftes voorsien het aldan nie. Die oogmerk van hierdie navorsingsverslag was om ‘n kritiese analise op die versekeraar se huidige onderskrywings en eise besturingsmetodes toe te pas om daaruit te bepaal of die huidige metodes wel voldoende is aldan nie. Indien daar bevind sou word dat die huidige metodes nie voldoende is nie, voorstelle te ontwikkel om die koste van eise te verminder en ‘n beter diens aan sy interne kliënte te kan lewer. Die voortvloeinde take van die werkstuk is: • ‘n Literatuurstudie op daardie aspekte van risikobestuur wat ‘n direkte invloed op Sasguard se besigheidsomgewing het; • Kritiese analise van die huidige metodes om risko te onderskryf en eise te bestuur; • Om tekortkominge in die huidige struktuur te identifiseer; • Verkryging van die versekeraar se interne ondersteuningspersoneel se opinies deur ‘n elektroniese vraelys; • ‘n Kritiese analise van die respondente se antwoorde; en • Voorstelle wat Sasguard kan gebruik om die geidentifiseerde tekortkominge suksesvol aan te spreek. Die vraelys was op die maatskappy se intranet netwerk geplaas en e-posse is gebruik om elke individuele respondent in kennis te stel om die vraelys te voltooi binne ‘n bepaalde tydperk. ‘n Totaal van 28 uit die 30 populasie het die vraelys voltooi, vir ‘n totale reaksie van 93 persent. Die antwoorde vanaf respondente is getabuleer en het gedien as basis van die empiriese studie. Deur die getabuleerde data met die skrywer se eie observasies te vergelyk kon voorstelle ontwerp word wat die versekeraar in die toekoms kan gebruik om aan die een kant sy blootstelling aan risiko te verminder en aan die ander kant sy eisekoste te verlaag. Die hoofbevindinge van die studie volg hiernaas. ‘n Grooter aantal interne kliënt verteenwoordigers moet op bestuursvlak dien by die interne kliënt. Die meeste van hierdie verteenwoordigers het ‘n behoefte daaraan om hulle verskeringskennis uit te brei, hulle verkies ‘n papierlose sisteem waarop vordering van hulle ingediende eise vertoon word, hulle het ‘n behoefte aan ‘n meer eenvoudige proses om kwotasies te verkry en hulle benodig verbeterde tweerigting kommunikasie. Hulle is optimisties dat aksies waardeur goeie drywers erkenning ontvang ‘n positiewe invloed kan hê op hierdie drywers, asook ander individue, wat daardeur ook toekomstige eise sal verlaag. Die terugvoer was dubbelsinnig rakende die oprigting van ‘n sentrale onderdele verskaffer, die ongeluksratio van uitgekontrakteerde drywers, sowel as die wetlike aspekte rondom die status van hierdie drywers. Areas van kommer is die ontevredenheid van sommige interne verteenwoordigers ten opsigte van die spoed van eise afhandeling, asook die siening dat tradisionele versekering moontlik meer waarde kan bied as gevange versekering. Alhoewel die resultate van hierdie navorsingsprojek nie veralgemeen kan word nie, voorsien dit wel insig aan ander gevange versekeraars, veral vir organisasies wat in dieselfde vervaardigings-sektor as Pioneer Foods sake doen.