Статті в журналах: "Citizens’ assembly"

1

Chilton, Patricia, and Jiri Dienstbier. "The European citizens' assembly." Peace Review 1, no. 3 (June 1989): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402658908425502.

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2

Doherty, Bob, Yaadwinder Sidhu, Tony Heron, Chris West, Alice Seaton, Jane Gulec, Patricia Prado, and Paulina Flores Martinez. "Citizen participation in food systems policy making: A case study of a citizens’ assembly." Emerald Open Research 2 (May 7, 2020): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35241/emeraldopenres.13609.1.

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In this article, we offer a contribution to the emerging debate on the role of citizen participation in food system policy making. A key driver is a recognition that solutions to complex challenges in the food system need the active participation of citizens to drive positive change. To achieve this, it is crucial to give citizens the agency in processes of designing policy interventions. This requires authentic and reflective engagement with citizens who are affected by collective decisions. One such participatory approach is citizen assemblies, which have been used to deliberate a number of key issues, including climate change by the UK Parliament’s House of Commons (House of Commons., 2019). Here, we have undertaken analysis of a citizen food assembly organized in the City of York (United Kingdom). This assembly was a way of hearing about a range of local food initiatives in Yorkshire, whose aim is to both relocalise food supply and production, and tackle food waste. These innovative community-based business models, known as ‘food hubs’, are increasing the diversity of food supply, particularly in disadvantaged communities. Among other things, the assembly found that the process of design and sortation of the assembly is aided by the involvement of local stakeholders in the planning of the assembly. It also identified the potential for public procurement at the city level, to drive a more sustainable sourcing of food provision in the region. Furthermore, this citizen assembly has resulted in a galvanizing of individual agency with participants proactively seeking opportunities to create prosocial and environmental change in the food system.

3

Dryzek, John S., André Bächtiger, and Karolina Milewicz. "Toward a Deliberative Global Citizens’ Assembly." Global Policy 2, no. 1 (January 2011): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-5899.2010.00052.x.

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Nicol, Dianne, John Stanley Dryzek, Simon Niemeyer, Nicole Curato, and Rebecca Paxton. "The Australian Citizens’ Jury and Global Citizens’ Assembly on Genome Editing." American Journal of Bioethics 23, no. 7 (June 20, 2023): 61–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15265161.2023.2207532.

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5

Holman, Christopher. "Reconsidering the Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform Phenomena: Castoriadis and Radical Citizen Democracy." New Political Science 35, no. 2 (June 2013): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2013.790710.

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6

Umbers, Lachlan Montgomery. "A Citizens’ Assembly for the Cognitively Disabled." Social Theory and Practice 46, no. 1 (2020): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract202021982.

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Most democracies disenfranchise persons with cognitive disabilities. Several democratic theorists have, for a range of reasons, recently argued that such restrictions ought to be abolished. I agree with such arguments. Some, however, have also expressed the hope that enfranchising such persons might give politicians more powerful incentives to attend to such persons’ interests. I argue that such hopes are likely to be disappointed. If we wish to ensure that such persons’ interests are taken seriously in the political process, we must consider reforms of other kinds. After considering several alternatives, I argue for a deliberative solution—a Citizens’ Assembly for the Cognitively Disabled, modeled upon the 2004 British Columbia Citizens’ Assembly on electoral reform.

7

Stadelmann-Steffen, Isabelle, and Clau Dermont. "How Exclusive is Assembly Democracy? Citizens' Assembly and Ballot Participation Compared." Swiss Political Science Review 22, no. 1 (November 20, 2015): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/spsr.12184.

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8

Marinković, Marija. "MECHANISMS OF CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT: THE NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA." Facta Universitatis, Series: Law and Politics, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.22190/fulp2102135m.

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A prerequisite for the development of the local community are different forms of citizen participation in achieving goals of interest to the local community and meeting their personal needs at the local level. Citizens can participate in the local community activities directly or indirectly. The direct participation in local life is exercised on the basis of strictly formal legal framework, including civic initiative, referendum, and citizens' assembly. The quality of the relationship between the local community and the citizens largely determines the degree of citizens’ indirect participation in political life. This paper will address the mechanisms of citizen participation at the local level, with specific reference to public debate and public hearings as mechanisms enabling citizens to participate in local decision-making processes, draw attention to problems and difficulties, and insist on the obligation of local self-government bodies to transparently implement some procedures envisaged in the 2018 amendments to the Local Self-Government Act. The paper also elaborates on other forms of citizen participation, such as consultations, information requests, petitions, surveys, and other available forms of citizen participation in public life.

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Casado da Rocha, Antonio. "The Extended Citizens’ Assembly Model for Collaborative Governance:." Journal of Awareness-Based Systems Change 3, no. 2 (November 30, 2023): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47061/jasc.v3i2.6127.

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Based on data from two Citizens’ Assemblies and a year-long participatory action-research process, this article describes on-going attempts to shift the political culture towards collaborative governance in Gipuzkoa (Basque Country), Spain. Quantitative and qualitative evaluation data from a Citizens’ Assembly in 2022 suggest that such representative-deliberative processes might be transformative under some circumstances, increasing action confidence, building capacity and co-creating a shared vision of the future. Could it be that the increase in confidence is a side-result of the co-creation of a shared vision? The growing literature on the impact of standard Citizens' Assembly models is used to explore and refine this hypothesis. Research has uncovered some barriers to such an impact, such as outcome-contingency and difficulties to scale because limited resources. To tackle those problems, and help institutionalize existing Citizens’ Assemblies, a prototype for an Extended Citizens’ Assembly is presented. This model contributes to collaborative governance by facilitating online-onsite deliberation in a frugal way and further extending those transformative and visionary capacities that Citizens’ Assemblies and other experiments in democratic inquiry help to cultivate in cities and regions.

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Suiter, Jane, David M. Farrell, and Eoin O’Malley. "When do deliberative citizens change their opinions? Evidence from the Irish Citizens’ Assembly." International Political Science Review 37, no. 2 (September 11, 2014): 198–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512114544068.

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11

Oross, Daniel, Eszter Mátyás, and Sergiu Gherghina. "Sustainability and Politics: Explaining the Emergence of the 2020 Budapest Climate Assembly." Sustainability 13, no. 11 (May 28, 2021): 6100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13116100.

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The relationship between political participation and the pursuit of sustainability at the local level has been investigated extensively in the literature. In this content, the emergence and extensive use of citizens’ assemblies receive particular attention. Much research focuses on the functioning of these assemblies and potential impact in the community. However, we know very little about why such initiatives occur. This article fills that gap in the literature and aims to explain why a citizens’ assembly on climate change was organized. It focuses on the Citizens’ Assembly in Budapest (Hungary), organized in the fall of 2020 with randomly selected citizens. The findings illustrate that although civil society initiated the deliberative process, the prime mover of the Citizens’ Assembly was political. Local politicians pursued this objective to fulfil their election pledges, ensure ideological consistency and promote sustainability.

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Snider, J. H. "Designing Deliberative Democracy: The British Columbia Citizens’ Assembly." Journal of Deliberative Democracy 4, no. 1 (May 13, 2008): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.16997/jdd.72.

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13

Elstub, Stephen, Jayne Carrick, David M. Farrell, and Patricia Mockler. "The Scope of Climate Assemblies: Lessons from the Climate Assembly UK." Sustainability 13, no. 20 (October 13, 2021): 11272. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132011272.

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In recent times we have seen a spate of climate assemblies across Europe as the climate emergency gains increasing prominence in the political agenda and as the citizens’ assembly approach to public engagement gains popularity. However, there has been little empirical research on how the scope of citizens’ assemblies affects the internal logic of the assembly process and its impacts on external policy actors. This is a significant oversight given the power of agenda setting. It is also of particular importance for climate assemblies given the exceptional scale and complexity of climate change, as well as the need for co-ordination across all policy areas and types of governance to address it. In this paper, we start to address this gap through an in-depth case analysis of the Climate Assembly UK. We adopt a mixed methods approach, combining surveys of the assembly members and witnesses, interviews with the assembly members, organisers, MPs, parliamentary staff, and government civil servants, and non-participant observation of the process. We find that attempts to adapt the assembly’s scope to the scale of the climate change issue compromised assembly member learning, the co-ordination of the resulting recommendations, assembly member endorsement of the recommendations, and the extent of their impact on parliament and government. We argue that more democratization in setting the agenda could help combat these issues.

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Sandover, Rebecca, Alice Moseley, and Patrick Devine-Wright. "Contrasting Views of Citizens’ Assemblies: Stakeholder Perceptions of Public Deliberation on Climate Change." Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (April 28, 2021): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.4019.

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It has been argued that a ‘new climate politics’ has emerged in recent years, in the wake of global climate change protest movements. One part of the new climate politics entails experimentation with citizen-centric input into policy development, via mechanisms of deliberative democracy such as citizens’ assemblies. Yet relatively little is known about the motivations and aspirations of those commissioning climate assemblies or about general public perceptions of these institutions. Addressing these issues is important for increasing understanding of what these deliberative mechanisms represent in the context of climate change, how legitimate, credible and useful they are perceived to be by those involved, and whether they represent a radical way of doing politics differently or a more incremental change. This article addresses these gaps by presenting findings from mixed method research on prior expectations of the Devon Climate Assembly, proposed following the declaration of a climate emergency in 2019. The research compares and contrasts the views of those commissioning and administering the citizens’ assembly, with those of the wider public. Findings indicate widespread support, yet also considerable risk and uncertainty associated with holding the assembly. Enabling input into policy of a broad array of public voices was seen as necessary for effective climate response, yet there was scepticism about the practical challenges involved in ensuring citizen representation, and about whether politicians, and society more generally, would embrace the ‘hard choices’ required. The assembly was diversely represented as a means to unlock structural change, and as an instrumental tool to achieve behaviour change at scale. The Devon Climate Assembly appears to indicate ‘cautious experimentation’ where democratic innovation is widely embraced yet carefully constrained, offering only a modest example of a ‘new climate politics,’ with minimal challenges to the authority of existing institutions.

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Karacaoğlu, Ömer Cem. "Basic Disaster Skills During and After Disaster According to the Opinions of Firefig." European Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (March 1, 2024): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.59324/ejahss.2024.1(2).03.

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This qualitative research was conducted with 19 experienced firefighters from the İzmir Metropolitan Municipality Fire Department, aiming to identify the essential skills citizens need during and after disasters. The study includes in-depth insights and experiences of the participants. According to the research results, primary skills highlighted during disasters include remaining calm, communication proficiency, moving to safe zones, trusting and collaborating with experts, and minimizing damage. Secondary skills emphasize practical abilities such as going to assembly points, reaching high places, possessing first aid knowledge, effective communication and information sharing, and preventing hazardous situations. The research indicates that citizens are expected to focus on primary skills like assisting search and rescue teams, going to assembly points, maintaining healthy communication and coordination, staying calm and hopeful, and collaborating with search and rescue teams during and after disasters. Secondary skills such as first aid, hygiene, personal care, social and psychological support aim to protect citizens' health, provide emotional support, and strengthen community solidarity after disasters. This research contributes significantly to promoting active citizen participation in disaster management and the development of curricula and policies based on disaster literacy skills.

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Gerber, Marlène, Hans-Peter Schaub, and Sean Mueller. "O sister, where art thou? Theory and evidence on female participation at citizen assemblies." European Journal of Politics and Gender 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15471289106095.

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This article investigates gender differences in participation at the citizen assembly of Glarus, Switzerland. We use original survey data collected among 800 citizens. We find significant gender gaps both for attending and holding a speech at the assembly. Lower female attendance is particularly pronounced among older cohorts and can largely be explained by gender differences in political interest, knowledge and efficacy. In contrast, the gender gap in speaking is substantial regardless of age and cannot be reduced to factors that typically shape participation. Hence, gender differences are disappearing in voting but persist in more public, interactive forms of political engagement.

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Side, Katherine. "‘Changed Utterly’: The Citizens’ Assembly on the 8th Amendment." Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 05. http://dx.doi.org/10.20897/femenc/11749.

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Bykova, Anastasiya G. "The Citizens’ Assembly as an Institute of Municipal Law." Vestnik of the Omsk Law Academy 14, no. 3 (2017): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.19073/2306-1340-2017-14-3-12-17.

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de Búrca, Gráinne. "An EU Citizens’ Assembly on Refugee Law and Policy." German Law Journal 21, no. 1 (January 2020): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.90.

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Stepanyan, G. A. "Protection of the constitutional right of citizens to assembly." Право и государство: теория и практика, no. 2 (2023): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47643/1815-1337_2023_2_109.

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Gershtenson, Joseph, Glenn W. Rainey, and Jane G. Rainey. "Creating Better Citizens? Effects of a Model Citizens' Assembly on Student Political Attitudes and Behavior." Journal of Political Science Education 6, no. 2 (April 30, 2010): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15512161003708129.

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Appel, Hanna. "The ‘plebs contionalis’ – a perfect popular assembly participant?" Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 58, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2021.010.

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The writings of Cicero refer in various ways, often critically, to citizens who participated in contiones. Contemporary researchers refer to them as plebs contionalis, coined by Christian Meier. Although this term does not occur in the sources, many historians have concluded that it perfectly describes the citizens who regularly attended popular gatherings. The problem, however, is that the issues raised during the contiones were so varied, and these assemblies were held so often that it is hard to imagine that the average citizen could afford to attend them regularly. The author of the article analyses various aspects of this issue and confronts them with the views of other researchers, in order to reach a more general conclusion about the participants in these contiones. W pismach Cycerona można znaleźć bardzo różne sformułowania, nierzadko krytyczne, odnoszące się do tych obywateli, którzy uczestniczą w contiones. Współcześni badacze określają ich mianem plebs contionalis, ukutym przez Christiana Meiera. Wprawdzie termin ten nie pojawia się w źródłach, ale wielu historyków uznało, że doskonale charakteryzuje on właśnie tych obywateli, którzy regularnie pojawiali się na zgromadzeniach ludowych. Problem polega jednak na tym, że sprawy poruszane podczas contiones były tak różne, a owe zgromadzenia odbywały sie tak często, że trudno wyobrazić sobie, by przeciętny obywatel mógł sobie pozwolić na regularne w nich uczestniczenie. Autorka artykułu analizuje różne aspekty tego zagadnienia i konfrontuje je z poglądami innych badaczy zmierzając do ogólniejszej konkluzji na temat uczestników owych contiones.

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Nickelsen, Niels Christian Mossfeldt. "Criteria of implementing feeding assistance robots in disability care." Journal of Comparative Social Work 8, no. 2 (October 1, 2013): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/jcsw.v8i2.100.

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This article discusses the entanglement of implementing welfare technology in disability care, and draws on ethnographic observations from a pilot project involving 30 disabled citizens from three different boroughs in Denmark. The disabled citizens suffered from diseases such as multiple sclerosis and cerebral paralysis. The article follows four care assistants and four citizens through a period of 10 months, focusing particularly on the experiences and struggle of two citizens. Against this background, the article takes up a number of conflicting values and criteria practiced by diverse interested groups: 1. employee retrenchment, 2. citizen independence and 3. workforce flexibility. The main argument is that the housing institution studied has turned into a battlefield, where professional values of authentic care meet a strong governmental discourse of modernization of the public sector. The study demonstrates that the implementation of welfare technology in disability care is highly fragile, which is predominantly due to the delicate body-technology assembly, and takes place in agony.

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Mikołajczyk, Zbigniew, and Jarosław Struniawski. "Freedom of Assembly and Safety." Internal Security 9, no. 2 (July 9, 2018): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.1706.

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The article refers to freedom and human rights as universal and global principles covering all aspects of human life. Human rights are those freedoms, means of protection and services respected precisely as rights, which all people should be able to demand from the society in which they live, in accordance with today's freedoms. On the other hand, as rights they solely occur among individuals and authorities. None of the authority can take them away. They can not be waived or renounced. In Poland, guarantees of respect for human rights - to which all people are entitled and citizen's rights - to which only Polish citizens are entitled are included in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. According to it, the inherent and inalienable human dignity is a source of freedom and human and citizen's rights. One of the fundamental human right is the freedom of assembly. The possibility of using the freedom of assembly must be dictated by the need to ensure the protection of national security or public order, protection of health, public morals and rights and freedom of other people. Due to the subject matter discussed, the study focused on peaceful assemblies, which organization is guaranteed by law, on the other hand no illegal forms of protest were described - the blockades and occupation of buildings, transport routes, or prohibited strike forms. The main task of ensuring security during assemblies rests with the Police, whose fundamental duty is to facilitate the conduct of assemblies. It is important to find a balance between maintaining order and exercising the right of assembly.

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McCarthy, John, and Clark McPhail. "Places of Protest: The Public Forum in Principle and Practice." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 229–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.2.45054350171u704q.

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Protest events occur in historical time and geographical place. In the U.S., some places are now constitutionally privileged with respect to citizen access and free assembly and speech. These venues are known as the traditional commons or the public forum. It is our contention that in recent years (1) these spaces have been shrinking in number, (2) citizens have experienced increasing difficulty in gaining unrestricted access to them, and (3) such venues are no longer where most people typically congregate in large numbers. Nevertheless, as we will show, when citizens gather to express dissenting views toward the government at the turn of the twentieth century they overwhelmingly choose spaces in the public forum to do so.

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Khalil, Asem. "Palestinians to Citizens." Middle East Law and Governance 6, no. 3 (December 5, 2014): 204–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00603001.

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In this paper, I first argue that, since the British mandate, citizenship regulations in Palestine contributed to dispossession of the rights of Palestinians, thus laying the seeds of the Palestinian refugee problem and its eventual consolidation. I then argue that citizenship regulations in host countries were exclusionary towards refugees in general, and Palestinians in particular, making it impossible for Palestinians to integrate in host societies. The so-called “Arab Spring” did not bring about any change in that sense. Finally, I argue that the narrative of statehood, although often separated from that of the “right of return”, constitutes but one narrative, and one from a completely different angle than the narrative of a “right of return”, where the ‘just solution’ creates the possibility of establishing a homeland for Palestinians where they, and in particular the stateless refugees, can be converted into full citizens. What was part of the problem for refugees is presented as part of the solution. This discussion is very important in today’s Palestine, which was just recently accepted by the un General Assembly as a non-member observer state. The importance of that move is the official Palestinian insistence on the need for a state on the 1967 borders, and the willingness to accept the formula of a two-state solution. Discussion related to citizenship and refugee status, and the right of return, are all back at the center of political and legal discussions.

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Pravdiuk, Andrii. "Problem Issues of Implementation of the Constitutional Right to Peaceful Assembly." Path of Science 7, no. 4 (April 30, 2021): 2001–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.22178/pos.69-2.

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The article examines the problems of constitutional and legal regulation of peaceful assemblies of citizens in Ukraine. Constitutional norms that guarantee freedom of peaceful assembly are analyzed. The primary normative documents that regulate the holding of peaceful assemblies in Ukraine are considered. The legal content of the concept of "peaceful assembly", the main approaches to its interpretation in the science of constitutional law and international legal doctrine are revealed. The importance of implementing international legal standards to ensure the right to peaceful assembly is emphasized. The necessity to adopt a special law on peaceful assemblies has been proved, enabling the regulation of the organizational and legal bases to prepare and hold peaceful assemblies of Ukraine's citizens.

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Jankovic, Ivana. "Deliberative democracy - theory and practice: The case of the Belgrade citizens’ assembly." Filozofija i drustvo 33, no. 1 (2022): 26–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2201026j.

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In this paper, we examine whether it is possible to improve democracy by encouraging ordinary citizens to participate in political decision-making and if participation in deliberative institutions can make citizens more competent decision-makers. By using qualitative data, we analyze the discussion from the Belgrade citizens? assembly (CA) focused on the topic of expanding the pedestrian zone in the city center. The CA was organized in Serbia for the first time, as part of a research project aimed at promoting and advancing innovative democratic practices in the Western Balkans. The goal was to encourage the involvement of citizens in discussions of public interest. Our hypothesis was that, through the process of participation and deliberation in CA, ordinary citizens can make reasonable and informed choices, increase their knowledge of the issue discussed, and become more motivated to participate in political decision-making on the local level. Our qualitative content analysis suggests that deliberation had a positive impact on participants? knowledge of the chosen topic of the assembly. It also shows that citizens used exhaustive explanations rather than brief statements, could differentiate the good arguments from the bad, and more often appealed to general rather than private interests. Participants in the assembly reported a significant increase in interest in political decision-making that affects their lives, as well as a sense of being informed about politics. Finally, we wanted to draw attention to the challenges and open questions that remain, namely those that concern the impact of a deliberative body on political decision-making in the real world.

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Cahillane, Laura. "Ireland as a Learning Experience for the Scottish Citizens’ Assembly." Edinburgh Law Review 24, no. 1 (January 2020): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.2020.0604.

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Beauvais, Edana. "The Grandview-Woodland Citizens’ Assembly: An experiment in municipal planning." Canadian Public Administration 61, no. 3 (September 2018): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/capa.12293.

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Farrell, David M., Jane Suiter, and Clodagh Harris. "‘Systematizing’ constitutional deliberation: the 2016–18 citizens’ assembly in Ireland." Irish Political Studies 34, no. 1 (November 2018): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2018.1534832.

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Marković, Goran. "On the recall of a mayor in Republika Srpska." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 62, no. 99 (2023): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-46291.

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In this paper, the author analyzes the institution of recall of a mayor in the legal system of the Republika Srpska by critically examining the provisions of two legislative acts: The Election Act of Republika Srpska and the Local Self-government Act of Republika Srpska. The institution of recall has a serious democratic potential because it is an instrument enabling political control of mayors by citizens. However, the current legal solutions in Republika Srpska limit this potential because they do not encourage citizens to use this instrument of political control, which is not the case with political parties. Given the fact that the decision on initiating the recall procedure depends on a local assembly, recall has very often been used as a tool for political confrontation between a local assembly and a mayor, while the citizens have remained a second-class political subject. The Election Act of Republika Srpska does not contain adequate provisions on the protection of rights of citizens and political subjects during the recall procedure. In fact, this issue is relatively unregulated or underregulated. The Local Self-government Act of Republika Srpska protects a local assembly which triggers an unsuccessful recall procedure since there is no legal guarantee that such a local assembly would be dissolved. The author proposes different solutions which should improve the regulation of this legal institute and reduce the possibility of turning it into a tool for political manipulation.

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Watson, James. "The origin of metic status at Athens." Cambridge Classical Journal 56 (2010): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000348.

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It is widely held as uncontroversial that throughout the classical period male inhabitants of Attica were divided between three distinct categories – Athenian citizens, metics (regularly translated as ‘resident aliens’) and slaves – and that Athenian society had, therefore, a tripartite structure. The opportunities available to and requirements demanded of a man depended on his category. Those foreigners permanently resident in Attica – those with the legal status of ‘metic’ – were, unlike slaves, free, but, unlike citizens, they could not own land, vote in the Assembly, or serve as adikastesor as a magistrate; in addition, metics were required to pay a poll tax (themetoikion) and to have a citizen sponsor (prostates). In this paper I seek to challenge not the nature of the distinction between citizens and metics but instead the assumption that the distinction was made throughout the classical period. I suggest that the growth of the Athenian citizen population after the Persian invasion of 480–479 demands that the origin of metic status be situated around the middle of the fifth century, and that the occasion on which the Athenianpolisfirst defined metic status is likely to have been the occasion on which it first took an interest in restricting who might become a citizen: in 451/0, with the passing of Perikles' citizenship law.

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Rees, Kristoffer Michael, and Nora Webb Williams. "Explaining Kazakhstani identity: supraethnic identity, ethnicity, language, and citizenship." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 5 (September 2017): 815–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1288204.

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The demographic composition of Kazakhstan after the fall of the Soviet Union presented a dilemma to the new Kazakhstani government: Should it advance a Kazakh identity as paramount, possibly alienating the large non-Kazakh population? Or should it advocate for a non-ethnicized national identity? How would those decisions be made in light of global norms of liberal multiculturalism? And, critically, would citizens respond to new frames of identity? This paper provides an empirical look at supraethnic identity-building in Kazakhstan – that is, at the development of a national identity that individuals place above or alongside their ethnic identification. We closely examine the Assembly of People of Kazakhstan to describe how Kazakhstani policies intersect with theories of nationalism and nation-building. We then use ordered probit models to analyze data from a 2014 survey to examine how citizens of Kazakhstan associate with a “Kazakhstani” supraethnic identity. Our findings suggest that despite the Assembly of People's rhetoric, there are still significant barriers to citizen-level adoption of a supraethnic identity in Kazakhstan, particularly regarding language. However, many individuals do claim an association with Kazakhstani identity, especially those individuals who strongly value citizenship in the abstract.

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Stüssi, Marcel. "Banning of Minarets: Addressing the Validity of a Controversial Swiss Popular Initiative." Religion & Human Rights 3, no. 2 (2008): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103208x347376.

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AbstractThe proposal to ban minarets is controversial by its very nature. On the one hand Swiss citizens are sovereign and act as the ultimate supreme authority. By their will they may seek via popular initiative to enact, revoke or alter such, and any, constitutional provision as they see fit. On the other hand there are so-called material bars to Swiss constitutional amendments—such as human rights—arising from the provisions of international law. Not surprisingly, these material bars to absolute sovereignty are fiercely contested because they mean either greater or lesser powers to the citizen and, indirectly, to the political parties. The popular initiative to ban minarets raises not only questions in respect of the relationship between domestic and international law, but also appears to challenge the legal architecture of Switzerland. The initiative may be held invalid by the Swiss General Assembly (henceforth 'General Assembly' or 'Assembly') on the grounds that it breaches the peremptory norms of international law. If this proves to be the case, the Swiss people will not be given the opportunity to vote on it. Arguably, such interference is feasible only if the material bar to initiatives is widened beyond its originally accepted scope. Apparently, the powers of the Swiss Sovereign became thereby unequivocally curbed. The relationship between Swiss domestic law and international law is pivotal also should the General Assembly declare the initiative to be valid. The people would as a consequence of the Assembly's decision possess the right to vote either for or against the initiative. But regardless of the poplar vote's outcome, the second option prima facie implies that the sovereignty of the Swiss citizens has been upheld, and concessions need only to be made by those who are either for or against the proposed ban. Yet in its international context the matter is more complex and more far-reaching than that. The first part of this paper concentrates on the question of whether it is advisable for the General Assembly to compromise the people's sovereignty by widening the original scope of peremptory norms. The second part explores what a popular vote in favour of the ban on minarets could mean in law. In order to raise the awareness of the subject matter beyond its legal dimension, the introduction and conclusion of this paper will shed specific light on the rule of law as a philosophical doctrine.

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Kużelewska, Elżbieta, and Małgorzata Podolak. "Restrictions of Freedom of Assembly and Association in Slovenia during COVID-19 Pandemic." Białostockie Studia Prawnicze 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 251–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/bsp.2022.27.02.15.

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Abstract Slovenia is one of the European Union Member States which disproportionately restricted political rights during the COVID-19 pandemic. Since the new government of Prime Minister Janez Janša came to power in March 2020, the anti-government and anti-lockdown protests have been taking place across the country. The pandemic-related restrictions have been introduced by government’s ordinances. They have greatly limited political rights of citizens, in particular the right to public assembly and association. Citizens’ dissatisfaction with the government’s policies and inadequate handling of the epidemic, resulting in undue restrictions on liberty and other fundamental rights, led to the filing of petitions to the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court, resolving the dispute between citizens and the government, ruled that government regulations implementing restrictions on fundamental rights, particularly the rights to public assembly and association, were unconstitutional in several cases.

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AVENOV, Timur K. "Holding Peaceful Assemblies in the Republic of Kazakhstan: Rights of Citizens and Administrative Liability." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 9, no. 3(33) (June 30, 2018): 870. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505/jarle.v9.3(33).09.

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The article considers the matters of constitutional and administrative-legal regulation of the right to peaceful assembly in the Republic of Kazakhstan (RoK) and a number of foreign countries. Since there is a lot of publications dedicated to the study of compliance of this legislation to international standards, the analysis has been conducted by the following criteria: the general characteristic of the right to freedom of assembly from the viewpoint of international and constitutional law standards, the principles of organization and holding of public assemblies, the procedure of organization of a public assembly and its holding, and the liability for breaching this procedure. The author shows that the current incoherence of legal norms in this area prevents from developing a unified legal model for administrative liability for breaching public order and safety when holding mass events. Based on the study of normative and research materials in administrative and constitutional law, legal principles and approaches to freedom of assembly in international law and the law of a number of foreign countries, the author proposes options to improve the conceptual framework of legislation concerning assembly and mass events, to formulate proposals that will allow efficiently and legally applying administrative liability for breaching the RoK law concerning the procedure of organization and holding of peaceful assemblies, rallies, marches, pickets and demonstrations. Primary provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific and practical activity when considering issues of holding liable for offences infringing constitutional rights of citizens and the established procedure for organizing and holding peaceful assemblies, rallies, marches, pickets and demonstrations, and to reform the norms of legislation on administrative offences.

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Lang, Amy. "But Is It for Real? The British Columbia Citizens’ Assembly as a Model of State-Sponsored Citizen Empowerment." Politics & Society 35, no. 1 (March 2007): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329206297147.

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Boswell, John, Simon Niemeyer, and Carolyn M. Hendriks. "Julia Gillard's Citizens' Assembly Proposal for Australia: A Deliberative Democratic Analysis." Australian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (June 2013): 164–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2013.786675.

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40

Vlerick, Michael. "Towards Global Cooperation: The Case for a Deliberative Global Citizens' Assembly." Global Policy 11, no. 3 (January 23, 2020): 305–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1758-5899.12785.

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41

Gibson, Gordon. "The Citizens' Assembly of British Columbia: A Model for Electoral Reform." Manitoba Law Journal 4 (January 1, 2007): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/mlj1035.

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42

Loska, Elżbieta. "‘CIVES PESSIMO IURE’. AKTORZY A UPRAWNIENIA RZYMSKICH OBYWATELI W PRAWIE PUBLICZNYM REPUBLIKI I WCZESNEGO PRYNCYPATU." Zeszyty Prawnicze 14, no. 3 (December 6, 2016): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2014.14.3.08.

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CIVES PESSIMO IURE: ACTORS AND THE RIGHTS OF ROMAN CITIZENS IN THE PUBLIC LAW OF THE REPUBLIC AND EARLY PRINCIPATESummaryRoman public law recognised the following citizens’ rights: the right to serve in the legions, ius suffragii (the right to vote at assemblies of the people), ius honorum (the right to hold office), ius provocationis (the right to appeal to the People’s Assembly against a magistrate’s decision), ius auxilii (the right to obtain assistance from the tribune of the plebs). Sometimes a restriction of a citizen’s civil rights was due to his profession, and the actor’s profession was such a case. The legal status of actors was the resultant of many factors. They performed in public, were paid for their services, and they had a bad reputation. Even actors who were Roman citizens were not entitled to all the public rights. Citizens’ rights were interlinked, hence the lack of one of them could entail further restrictions. A ban on the right to military service prevented actors from voting in the comitia centuriata; and their exclusion from the most important tribus deprived them of the vote in the comitia tributa. Hence there was a restriction on the availability of the ius provocationis to actors; and they could neither vote nor hold office. Thespians could thus be regarded as cives pessimo iure – second-class citizens.

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Flanigan, Bailey, Jennifer Liang, Ariel D. Procaccia, and Sven Wang. "Manipulation-Robust Selection of Citizens’ Assemblies." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 38, no. 9 (March 24, 2024): 9696–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v38i9.28827.

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Among the recent work on designing algorithms for selecting citizens' assembly participants, one key property of these algorithms has not yet been studied: their manipulability. Strategic manipulation is a concern because these algorithms must satisfy representation constraints according to volunteers' self-reported features; misreporting these features could thereby increase a volunteer's chance of being selected, decrease someone else's chance, and/or increase the expected number of seats given to their group. Strikingly, we show that Leximin — an algorithm that is widely used for its fairness — is highly manipulable in this way. We then introduce a new class of selection algorithms that use Lp norms as objective functions. We show that the manipulability of the Lp-based algorithm decreases in O(1/n^(1-1/p)) as the number of volunteers n grows, approaching the optimal rate of O(1/n) as p approaches infinity. These theoretical results are confirmed via experiments in eight real-world datasets.

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Valeria Torres, Fernanda. "Construir la ciudadanía colectivamente: prácticas urbanas de una asamblea popular en Buenos Aires, Argentina." Hábitat y Sociedad, no. 14 (2021): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/habitatysociedad.2021.i14.02.

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Traditional ideas about citizenship in their liberal conception emphasize the role played by the individual as the holder of rights and duties. These ideas have been strongly questioned by various currents of thought and from some fields of studies, such as urban studies. In this paper we seek to contribute to these debates by analyzing the urban practices of a popular assembly in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires (CABA-Argentina). These practices are enmeshed in disputes between the old and the new, the public and the private, and the visible and invisible, configuring citizenships that promote ways of understanding and building more participatory and democratic cities. We analyze the activities of “making visible” and activism in relation to the homelessness problem as well as the Assembly’s intention of building an urban habitat anchored in the decommodification of the city and in collective projects. We conclude that this case testifies to the construction of citizen experiences that have great potential to displace the individualistic corset with which citizens’ rights are usually defined and defended.

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Jiménez, Javier Mendoza. "The Committee of the Regions: A Springboard for the Citizens." Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2013): 38–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0012.

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AbstractThis study focuses on the relation between the Committee of the Regions (CoR), an advisory institution of the European Union defined as the political assembly of holders of a regional or local electoral mandate serving the cause of European integration, and the democratic deficit, understood as the effective ways of citizens’ participation in the institutional decision making. The work hypothesis is that the CoR, in spite of being mostly unknown to citizens, could be an effective tool for tackling the democratic deficit. Through qualitative interviews and surveys at different levels, the article analyzes the current situation and the potential opportunities of the CoR in its relation with citizens.

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Chub, Anton. "Administrative and legal guarantees of realization of citizens’ right to peaceful assembly." Aktual’ni problemi pravoznavstva 1, no. 4 (2020): 86–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/app2020.04.086.

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Al-Rubaian, Essam Saad. "A Study of Citizens’ Complaints Submitted to the National Assembly in Kuwait." International Review of Administrative Sciences 66, no. 3 (September 2000): 513–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852300663009.

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Farrell, David M., Eoin O'Malley, and Jane Suiter. "Deliberative Democracy in Action Irish-style: The 2011We the CitizensPilot Citizens' Assembly." Irish Political Studies 28, no. 1 (February 2013): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2012.745274.

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RAZDOLSKA, O. V. "ENSURING THE RIGHT OF CITIZENS TO PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY BY THE NATIONAL POLICE." Law and Society 2, no. 2 (2023): 349–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32842/2078-3736/2023.2.2.51.

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50

Radojević, Mijodrag. "Local democracy and forms of direct citizen participation in governance: Case study Serbia." Srpska politička misao 81, no. 3 (2023): 121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45784.

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The subject of this paper is the institutions of direct democracy at the local level in Serbia, with the aim of analyzing valid solutions (de lege lata) and improving the legal framework (de lege ferenda). The author starts from the thesis that local democracy is an ambiguous and imprecise term. In a broader sense, it represents the right of citizens to participate in government at the local level. In a narrower sense, this term is used as a synonym for local self-government (decentralization) and direct participation of citizens in government. On the other hand, tradition, socio-economic assumptions, legal (normative) framework and political environment are factors that influence local democracy. Apart from the election of local government representatives (representative local democracy), the basic institutional channels of local democracy are forms of direct citizen participation of citizens in decision-making, such as referendum and people's initiative. The application of institutions of direct democracy can be one of the indicators of the level of development of local self-government and local democracy. In the Republic of Serbia, institutional mechanisms for direct citizen participation in local self-government have been created, such as referendums, citizens' initiatives, and assembly of citizens (zbor). In addition, citizens have the right to petition and publicly criticize the authorities, the right to be heard on the authorities' intentions and the right to be informed about and monitor the work of the authorities. The local referendum is enshrined in the Constitution and other institutions are regulated by legal provisions. The quality of these regulations improved after the adoption of the new Law on Referendums and People's Initiative (2021). However, in local self-government units, the scope of these institutions of direct democracy is very limited low. The practice of direct local democracy is very poor, although there is a long tradition of struggle for local self-government in the 19th century. Such a situation is a consequence of the party state that multiplies the centralized way of decision-making, which is manifested in limited participation of citizens in political processes, increasing distrust in political institutions and ineffective control of the authorities in local self-government units. The crisis of democracy also manifests itself in the fact that citizens are less and less interested in public policy. Based on empirical data, comparative experiences and legal standards, the author believes that the solution lies in reviving the application of direct democracy at the local level.

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