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1

Rider, Jacqueline H. "The Church Club of New York Library." Theological Librarianship 6, no. 2 (April 30, 2013): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/tl.v6i2.296.

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Organized in 1887 by religious, financial, and social leaders in Manhattan, the Church Club of New York holds a library of some 1,500 volumes. It documents the religious roots and theological framework of New York’s financial elite, the birth of the Episcopal Church, and mainline American Protestantism’s reaction to the Social Gospel movement in the early 20th century. This essay discusses how titles illustrate the challenges these gentlemen confronted to their roles and their church’s identity in a rapidly changing society. Industrialization, modernization, immigration were all affecting their personal, professional, and spiritual lives. It also reflects on how the collection as a whole mirrors the evolution of one sector of 20th century American culture.
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2

Flanagan, Richard M. "From Neighborhood to Nation: The Democratic Foundations of Civil Society. By Kenneth Thomson. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 2001. 195p. $50.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 835–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402600462.

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It was New York Governor Al Smith's famous dictum that the ills of democracy could be solved with more democracy. Many agree with him some 75 years later. The shelves of political science overflow with books lamenting the decline of intermediary institutions that once plugged the hearts and minds of citizens into government and civic life. Democracy scaled down to the town and neighborhood allows people to address problems that are experienced in the routine of everyday life. Stripped of abstraction, politics loses its mystery and the sense of alienation that accompanies it. But Americans no longer gather at the political club, the town meeting, the church, and the union hall. Citizens are plugged into television, the family, or perhaps the job, interested in private concerns. In response, pundits, professors, and politicians call for a revival of local political and civic life. President George W. Bush's “Faith-Based Initiative,” which would use federal funds to support church social service programs, can be viewed as a response to the national mood of a people adrift. While many have forwarded tiresome critiques of what ails us, Kenneth Thomson does the nitty-gritty empirical work that should mark social science's unique contribution to this debate.
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3

Kay, James F. "Bryan D. Spinks, The Worship Mall: Contemporary Responses to Contemporary Culture, Alcuin Club Collections, 85. (New York: Church Publishing, 2010), pp. xxiv + 242. $28.00 (pbk)." Scottish Journal of Theology 67, no. 1 (January 15, 2014): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930612000427.

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4

Dolan, Jay Patrick. "The Church of New York." Thought 66, no. 4 (1991): 376–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/thought19916644.

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5

Eligator, Ronald. "Riverside Church, New York, NY." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 119, no. 5 (May 2006): 3399. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4786713.

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6

Speyer, Katherine E. "New York State Club Association v. City of New York: The Demise of the All-Male Club." Pace Law Review 10, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.58948/2331-3528.1461.

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7

Barrows, Clayton, and David Bachrach. "Private club culture in London and New York during the Victorian era." Hospitality & Society 00, no. 00 (July 7, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/hosp_00040_1.

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The private club literature is disparate and rarely draws comparisons between or among club cultures. In this article, club culture in New York and London are compared. Specifically, the history of private clubs in London and New York is explored, focusing on the latter part of the nineteenth century. Historical documents are reviewed in an attempt to establish the club culture in the respective cities, how clubs were viewed within their communities, and similarities that existed between ‘Club Land’ in London and similar club clusters in New York. While the press coverage in the respective cities seems to have been equally admiring of clubs and ‘clubmen’, some differences are identified between the respective club cultures and club identities, particularly with respect to the inclusivity of the clubs, and the expectations for the participation of women and married men in club life.
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8

Garofalo, Douglas, Greg Lynn, and Michael McInturf. "Korean Presbyterian Church of New York." Assemblage, no. 38 (April 1999): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171243.

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9

Silva, Manuel. "A Brazilian Church Comes to New York." Pneuma 13, no. 1 (1991): 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007491x00187.

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10

Shubitz, Scott M. "LIBERAL INTELLECTUAL CULTURE AND RELIGIOUS FAITH: THE LIBERALISM OF THE NEW YORK LIBERAL CLUB, 1869–1877." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, no. 2 (March 29, 2017): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000056.

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This essay addresses the question of how the idea of liberalism and antireligious sentiment became associated during the Gilded Age. The subject of this essay—the New York Liberal Club, a debate and lecture group in New York City (1869–1877)—sheds light on the process in which liberalism, as an idea, outgrew its religious origins in early nineteenth-century America and more than ever became linked with antireligious sentiment. In the case of the New York Liberal Club, this development owed to the club's connection to social science and members' participation in the contentious debate over science and religion during the 1870s. In addition, it partly owed to club members' conception of liberalism as tolerance, open-mindedness, and a commitment to the free exchange of ideas. Because of this conception of liberalism, many club members saw liberalism and social science as a common cause, since both reflected a dedication to improving the world through free inquiry. Ultimately, these conceptions, as well as discourse at the club, led many observers in the public to incorrectly view all Liberal Club members (and liberalism itself) as in opposition to faith and religious belief.
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11

Goosman, Stuart L., and Bruce A. MacLeod. "Club Date Musicians: Playing the New York Party Circuit." Notes 52, no. 1 (September 1995): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/898830.

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12

Gay, Leslie C., and Bruce A. MacLeod. "Club Date Musicians: Playing the New York Party Circuit." Ethnomusicology 40, no. 3 (1996): 520. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/852477.

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13

Stripp, Dorothy. "1886–1986 New York Mineralogical Club 100-Year Anniversary." Rocks & Minerals 61, no. 1 (January 1986): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00357529.1986.11768426.

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14

Stripp, Dorothy M. "The 100th Anniversary of the New York Mineralogical Club." Rocks & Minerals 62, no. 2 (March 1987): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00357529.1987.11762635.

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15

Dicarlo, Abby L. "Kim Price-Glynn.Strip Club: Gender, Power, and Sex Work. New York: New York UP, 2010." Women's Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497878.2014.852432.

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16

Fitzpatrick, Joseph P. "The Church of New York, Past and Present." Thought 66, no. 4 (1991): 387–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/thought19916645.

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17

Joyce, H. Horatio. "Disharmony in the Clubhouse." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 78, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 422–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2019.78.4.422.

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In Disharmony in the Clubhouse: Exclusion, Identity, and the Making of McKim, Mead & White's Harmonie Club of New York City, H. Horatio Joyce offers the first sustained case study of one of McKim, Mead & White's New York clubhouses. The Harmonie Club was a Jewish club, and Joyce explores how and why a firm associated with powerful Protestant interests came to design its home. His reconstruction of that story provides an unusually intimate portrait of an instance when the categories of race, gender, and class intersected to shape American society in the Gilded Age.
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18

Buszek, Maria Elena. "Ladies’ Auxiliary of the Lower East Side: Post-punk feminist art and New York’s Club 57." Punk & Post-Punk 9, no. 3 (November 1, 2020): 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00037_1.

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This article analyses the feminist art that emerged from New York City’s short-lived, post-punk venue Club 57 (1978–83), where music mixed with visual art, experimental film, performance and politics. A hub of New York’s ‘downtown scene’, Club 57 exemplified ways in which artists’ increasingly promiscuous experiments across media led them to abandon galleries and museums in favour of nightclubs, discos and bars. This tendency dovetailed with the practices of an emergent generation of feminist artists eager to both break out of the sexist art world and engage with popular culture and audiences. A look at the work of Club 57’s manager Ann Magnuson, the performances and collectives she organized there and at other downtown clubs and other significant women whose work Club 57 supported provides a snapshot of the feminist artists in post-punk New York City, many of whose art and activism continue into the present.
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19

Gagnon, Chantal, and Esmaeil Kalantari. "Canadian translated politics at the Economic Club of New York." Translator 23, no. 1 (October 13, 2016): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13556509.2016.1236227.

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20

Kelly, Brian C., Jeffrey T. Parsons, and Brooke E. Wells. "Prevalence and Predictors of Club Drug Use among Club-Going Young Adults in New York City." Journal of Urban Health 83, no. 5 (May 16, 2006): 884–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11524-006-9057-2.

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21

Armstrong, Douglas V., and LouAnn Wurst. "Clay Faces in an Abolitionist Church: The Wesleyan Methodist Church in Syracuse, New York." Historical Archaeology 37, no. 2 (June 2003): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03376601.

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22

Ompad, Danielle C., Sandro Galea, Crystal M. Fuller, Darcy Phelan, and David Vlahov. "Club Drug Use Among Minority Substance Users in New York City." Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 36, no. 3 (September 2004): 397–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2004.10400039.

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23

Zalewski, Leanne M. "Pioneering print collector: Samuel Putnam Avery (1822–1904)." Journal of the History of Collections 31, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 403–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/fhy034.

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Abstract Pioneering print collector and curator, Samuel P. Avery (1822–1904), donated a collection of 17,775 prints, including works by Cassatt, Whistler, Turner and Manet, to establish the Print Collection of the New York Public Library in 1900. Prior to his donation, Avery curated print exhibitions at the Library, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Grolier Club, and Union League Club. Through an examination of Avery’s persistent efforts to exhibit exemplary prints in museum and gallery settings – including an unusual collection of prints by women – this article provides evidence that Avery’s ground-breaking curatorial efforts led to the institutionalization of print display in New York.
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24

Nabozny, Marcin. "Patrons of Parish Churches in the Diocese of Rockville Centre, New York." Teologia i Człowiek 65, no. 1 (March 29, 2024): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/ticz.2024.004.

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From the very beginning of the Catholic Church, the intercession of saints has played an important role in Christian religious life. Each newly built church was dedicated to a mystery of faith or to a particular saint who was worshipped in that place. Over the years, the dedication of the church would also become the dedication of the parish. This article discusses names of the parishes of the Diocese of Rockville Centre, which was formed in 1957. The study covered 133 parishes. According to the scheme used in the literature, all the names are divided into Trinitarian, Christological, Marian, angelic, and hagiographical names. Double dedications are discussed separately, and the dedications of parishes established after the formation of the Diocese of Rockville Centre are shown.
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25

Rzeznik, Thomas F. "The Church and the AIDS Crisis in New York City." U.S. Catholic Historian 34, no. 1 (2016): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2016.0003.

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26

Wills, Jeanie, and Krystl Raven. "The founding five: transformational leadership in the New York League of Advertising Women’s club, 1912–1926." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 12, no. 3 (May 20, 2020): 377–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-04-2019-0015.

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Purpose This paper uses archival documents to begin to recover a history of women’s leadership in the advertising industry. In particular, this paper aims to identify the leadership styles of the first five presidents of the New York League of Advertising Women’s (NYLAW) club. Their leadership from 1912 to 1926 set the course for and influenced the culture of the New York League. These five women laid the foundations of a social club that would also contribute to the professionalization of women in advertising, building industry networks for women, forging leadership and mentorship links among women, providing advertising education exclusively for women and, finally, bolstering women’s status in all avenues of advertising. The first five presidents were, of course, different characters, but each exhibited the traits associated with “transformational leaders,” leaders who prepare the “demos” for their own leadership roles. The women’s styles converged with their situational context to give birth to a women’s advertising club that, like most clubs, did charity work and hosted social events, but which was developed by the first five presidents to give women the same kinds of professional opportunities as the advertising men’s clubs provided their membership. The first five presidents of the Advertising League had strong prior professional credibility because of the careers they had constructed for themselves among the men who dominated the advertising field in the first decade of the 20th century. As presidents of the NYLAW, they advocated for better jobs, equal rights at work and better pay for women working in the advertising industry. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws on women’s advertising archival material from the Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe and Wisconsin Historical Society to argue that the five founding mothers of the NYLAW provided what can best be described as transformational feminist leadership, which resulted in building an effective club for their members and setting it on a trajectory of advocacy and education that would benefit women in the advertising industry for the next several decades. These women did not refer to themselves as “leaders,” they probably would not have considered their work in organizing the New York club an exercise in leadership, nor might they have called themselves feminists or seen their club as a haven for feminist work. However, by using modern leadership theories, the study can gain insight into how these women instantiated feminist ideals through a transformational leadership paradigm. Thus, the historical documents provide insight into the leadership roles and styles of some of the first women working in American advertising in the early parts of the 20th century. Findings Archival documents from the women’s advertising clubs can help us to understand women’s leadership practices and to reconstruct a history of women’s leadership in the advertising industry. Eight years before women in America could vote, the first five presidents shared with the club their wealth of collective experience – over two decades worth – as advertising managers, copywriters and space buyers. The first league presidents oversaw the growth of an organization would benefit both women and the advertising industry when they proclaimed that the women’s clubs would “improve the level of taste, ethics and knowledge throughout the communications industry by example, education and dissemination of information” (Dignam, 1952, p. 9). In addition, the club structure gave ad-women a collective voice which emerged through its members’ participation in building the club and through the rallying efforts of transformational leaders. Social implications Historically, the advertising industry in the USA has been “pioneered” by male industry leaders such as Claude Hopkins, Albert Lasker and David Ogilvy. However, when the authors look to archival documents, it was found that women have played leadership roles in the industry too. Drawing on historical methodology, this study reconstructs a history of women’s leadership in the advertising and marketing industries. Originality/value This paper helps to understand how women participated in leadership roles in the advertising industry, which, in turn, enabled other women to build careers in the industry.
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27

Poloni, Marco. "Marxist Film Theory and Fight Club, Anna Kornbluh (2019)." Film Matters 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/fm_00140_5.

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28

Kenney, Lance. "Louis Menand: The Metaphysical Club: A Story of Ideas in America. 2001. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. 546 pp." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 9, no. 1 (August 15, 2003): 201–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v9i1.123.

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Louis Menand’s The Metaphysical Club, daunting in its choice of subject matter, closely aligns itself with the ancient sense of the word ‘history’ as a fluid, almost epic narrative. The Metaphysical Club of the title was a conversation group that met in Cambridge for a few months in 1872. Its membership roster listed some of the greatest intellectuals of the day: Charles Peirce, William James, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Chauncey Wright, amongst others. There is no record of the Club’s discussions or debates—in fact, the only direct reference to the Club is made by Peirce in a letter written thirty-five years later. Menand utilizes the Club as a jumping-off point for a sweeping analysis of the beliefs of the day. The subtitle of the book belies its true mission: ‘a story of ideas in America.’ Menand discusses the intellectual and social conditions that helped shape these men by the time they were members of the Club. He then shows the philosophical, political, and cultural impact that these men went on to have. In doing so, Menand traces a history of ideas in the United States from immediately prior to the Civil War to the beginning of the Cold War.
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29

Betjemann, Peter. "Race, Violence, and the Textual Politics of the New York Sketch Club." Archives of American Art Journal 60, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/717524.

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30

Teo, Thompson S. H., Sheryl E. Kimes, and Zhiyi Yong. "Case—The Rise and Fall of Taxi Club Management in New York." INFORMS Transactions on Education 20, no. 1 (September 2019): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/ited.2019.0207cs.

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31

Lazerwitz, Michael R. "The Moot: A Colonial New York Lawyers’ Club in the Early 1770s." American Journal of Legal History 56, no. 2 (May 6, 2016): 265–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajlh/njw002.

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32

Burg, A. "Yearbook and Church Directory 1985. New York, Orthodox Church in America. 23 x 21½, 104 p." Het Christelijk Oosten 38, no. 1 (November 12, 1986): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497663-03801032.

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33

Weltman, A. C., N. M. Bennett, D. A. Ackman, J. H. Misage, J. J. Campana, L. S. Fine, A. S. Doniger, G. J. Balzano, and G. S. Birkhead. "An outbreak of hepatitis A associated with a bakery, New York, 1994: The 1968 ‘West Branch, Michigan’ outbreak repeated." Epidemiology and Infection 117, no. 2 (October 1996): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0950268800001515.

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SummaryIn a community hepatitis A outbreak in the Rochester, New York area, 64 of 79 (81 %) people with anti-hepatitis A 1gM-antibodies and onset of symptoms from 9 April–31 May 1994, recalled eating food obtained from a retail buyer's club. Eleven (65%) of 17 households with cases contained club members compared with 7 (21%) of 34 neighbourhood-matched control-households (matched odds ratio 8·5; 95% CI 1·7–41·6). Club employees who ate sugar-glazed baked goods were at fourfold increased risk for hepatitis. The source of infection was an 1gM- positive baker who contaminated baked goods while applying sugar glaze. Computer-generated purchase lists implicated 11–12 March and 21–24 March as the most likely dates when contamination occurred. This investigation demonstrates the importance of food workers adhering to established hygiene practices. Computer-generated commercial datasets can be useful in epidemiologic investigations.
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34

Dolya, Evgenii V. "PATRIARCHAL ESTATE IN PINE BUSH (NEW YORK STATE). HISTORICAL AND DOCUMENTARY HERITAGE." History and Archives, no. 4 (2023): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2023-5-4-77-95.

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This article considers the initiation history of the compound of the Patriarch of Moscow and All Russia in Pine Bush, New York State (USA). The materials of the R-6991 foundation (the Foundation of the Council for Religious Affairs attached to the Council of Ministers of the USSR), of the State Archives of the Russian Federation, as well as the Archives of the Department for External Church Relations of the Moscow Patriarchate were used as sources of the research base. The documents identified and introduced into scientific circulation for the first time made it possible to find out the reasons for the purchase of the real estate and to disclose the plans for its development among the leadership of the American Exarchate. The main factor that caused the purchase was a difficult financial situation of the Patriarchal parishes in the USA. The initiators of the purchase hoped to develop the commercial potential of the property and create an additional source of Exarchate income from it. The archival documents indicate the sale of part of the Patriarchal Estate land for residential development and for a cemetery, and at the same time there were attempts to establish a children’s camp and a private nursing home on its territory. In addition, the complex of sources made it possible to identify the hitherto unknown stages and details of the construction of the Church in Honor of All the Saints in the Land of Russia Shining – the church located within the boundaries of the courtyard. It was determined that the construction of the church began in November 1963, and in 1969 the building had been completely built. At the same time, the article answers the question why the Pine Bush estate became the subject of discussion during the negotiations between the Moscow Patriarchate and the American Metropolitanate.
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35

Baer, Hans A., and Ingrid Overacker. "The African American Church Community in Rochester, New York, 1900-1940." American Historical Review 105, no. 4 (October 2000): 1315. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651470.

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36

Gribble, Richard. "A Conversion of Conviction: The Spiritual Journey of Fr. Lewis (Paul James Francis) Wattson, SA." American Catholic Studies 135, no. 1 (March 2024): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/acs.2024.a923447.

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ABSTRACT: The spiritual journey of Father Paul James Francis was marked by faith, courage, and determination. Born Lewis Thomas Wattson, he became an Episcopal priest. He served as rector of a parish in Kingston, New York and Superior of the Associate Mission in Omaha, Nebraska, before returning to New York to found the Franciscan Friars of the Atonement in 1898. Father Paul, as he was and is known historically, always held a "high church" theological perspective. Gradually, over an approximate ten-year period he made the transition and in October 1909 was, along with his community, corporately received into the Roman Catholic Church. His decision came about because of three events: (1) The realization that papal primacy was indeed true, (2) The rejection of a sermon he gave to an archdeaconry meeting in New York, and (3) A change in Episcopal canon law that allowed any person approved by a local rector or bishop to preach in an Episcopal church. Harassed by both the Episcopal communion and the Catholic community for "living in both camps," Father Paul nevertheless achieved his lifetime goal to become a Catholic and to found a religious society based on church unity and mission.
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37

Teo, Thompson S. H., Sheryl E. Kimes, and Zhiyi Yong. "Case Article—The Rise and Fall of Taxi Club Management in New York." INFORMS Transactions on Education 20, no. 1 (September 2019): 26–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/ited.2019.0207ca.

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38

Happersett, Susan. "The Cartesian MathArt Hive Exhibition, The Bowery Poetry Club, New York, 2009–2010." Journal of Mathematics and the Arts 4, no. 3 (September 2010): 163–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17513472.2010.490756.

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39

Lawson, Ronald. "From American Church to Immigrant Church: The Changing Face of Seventh-Day Adventism in Metropolitan New York." Sociology of Religion 59, no. 4 (1998): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712121.

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40

Luvaas, Brent. "Post No Bill: The Transience of New York City Street Style." Fashion Studies 1, no. 1 (2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.38055/fs010101.

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The sidewalks outside New York Fashion Week are lined with makeshift plywood walls. They are designed to keep pedestrians out of construction zones, but they have become the backdrops of innumerable “street style” photographs, portraits taken on city streets of self-appointed fashion “influencers” and other stylish “regular” people. Photographers, working to build a reputation within the fashion industry, take photos of editors, bloggers, club kids, and models, looking to do the same thing. The makeshift walls have become a site for the staging and performance of urban style. This photo essay documents the production of style in urban space, a transient process made semi-permanent through photography.
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41

McGowan, Matthew. "Teaching Latin in New York City’s Public Schools: A Panel Discussion Sponsored by the New York Classical Club, May 4, 2012." Classical World 107, no. 2 (2013): 255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2013.0128.

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42

Van Stee, Elena. "Barron, Jessica M. and Rhys H. Williams. 2017. 'The Urban Church Imagined: Religion, Race, and Authenticity in the City'." Fieldwork in Religion 13, no. 2 (December 20, 2018): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.37801.

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Barron, Jessica M. and Rhys H. Williams. 2017. The Urban Church Imagined: Religion, Race, and Authenticity in the City. New York: New York University Press. viii + 240pp. ISBN: 978-1 4798-7766-9 $89 (hbk); ISBN: 978-1-4798-8710-1 $30.00 (pbk).
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43

Bird, Jess. "Fire in the Bronx: Austerity, Quality of Life, and Nightlife Regulation in New York City Post-1975." Journal of Urban History 46, no. 4 (March 22, 2019): 836–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144219836930.

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America’s underground economy has grown strikingly since the 1970s, reflecting consumer demand for cheap prices, workers’ search for alternative sources of income, and government intervention. Far from unregulated, this economy has been managed in crucial ways, revealing a fundamental paradox in free market rhetoric. This was particularly striking in New York City in the latter decades of the twentieth century, where a set of uneven responses to the underground economy expanded its boundaries through new licensing, zoning, and permitting requirements that many businesses could not conform to. A tragic fire at an immigrant social club in March 1990 revealed the problematic turns in municipal policy taken in the aftermath of the city’s fiscal crisis. The lead up and response to the Happy Land Social Club fire by city officials demonstrated a rise in punitive regulation aimed at New York’s marginalized residents in an era of alleged deregulation and small government fetish.
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44

Cartwright, Derrick R. "Church or Factory: Radical Inclusivity and Vanguard Practice in 1960s New York." World Futures 73, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02604027.2017.1311131.

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45

Barr, B. A. "Jerome. By Rebenich. New York: Routledge: The Early Church Fathers, 2002. np." Journal of Church and State 46, no. 3 (June 1, 2004): 656–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/46.3.656.

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46

Lee, Mitchell. "Self and The City: Social Identity and Ritual at New York City Football Club." Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 47, no. 3 (November 24, 2016): 367–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891241616677581.

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This article addresses the construction of a singing culture at New York City Football Club (NYCFC) over the course of its inaugural season in Major League Soccer (MLS). Although being a supporter can provide many of the feelings associated with the term “community,” in order to capture the fluid reality of twenty-first-century group formation, this article rejects that label, preferring to understand NYCFC fandom as an emerging “social identity.” Such an approach enables us to recognize the many layers of identification that form people’s self-concepts. I argue that NYCFC fandom, and perhaps social identities more broadly, are realized through ritual interaction in the form of normative group behavior. In this case, song is the meeting point of the converging worlds of soccer fandom and New York City, negotiating a shared musical culture that gives meaning to a new social identity.
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47

Dierenfield, Bruce J. "Secular Schools? Religious Practices in New York and Viginia Public Schools Since World War II." Journal of Policy History 4, no. 4 (October 1992): 361–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006990.

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Scholars examining the controversy over church-state relations in the modern era have concentrated almost exclusively on its constitutional aspects. This is to be expected since the U.S. Supreme Court has handed down epic decisions that have drawn an increasingly sharper picture of the First Amendment's guideline concerning the government's involvement in religion. The Court did, in fact, lead the way in establishing or reestablishing the doctrine called “separation of church and state.” But the Court touched off a furious debate within the states that has intermittently yet persistently influenced public policy since the early 1960s. It is time that scholars examine more closely the participants outside of the Court.
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FERNANDEZ, CIELITO THEA, and RUSSELL JEUNG. "ETHNIC CHURCH MEETS MEGA CHURCH: INDIAN AMERICAN CHRISTIANITY IN MOTION. By Prema A. Kurien. New York, NY: New York University Press, 2017. xiv + 281 pp. $99.00 cloth, $35.00 paper." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 57, no. 2 (June 2018): 411–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12516.

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49

O'toole, James M. "From Advent to Easter: Catholic Preaching in New York City, 1808–1809." Church History 63, no. 3 (September 1994): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167534.

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The recent interest in reconstructing the history of spirituality and religious belief is nowhere more welcome than in the history of Roman Catholicism in the United States. From the very point of its emergence as a recognizable subdiscipline at the turn of the century and lasting into very recent scholarship, American Catholic history has been a relentlessly “topdown”affair. It focused on the leaders of the church—almost all of them white males—and on official church institutions. Episcopal biography was the preferred form and, as often as not, “progress” was the theme: the hierarchy established itself steadily along the advancing frontier; populations of clergy, religious, and laity all increased heroically; immigrants once despised were transformed into the American mainstream. There was even an inspirational final chapter to the tale, as one American Catholic finally grasped the brass ring of acceptance and moved into the White House. The story was a deliberately edifying one, but it was a story primarily for insiders. Perhaps for that reason alone, American Catholic history seemed to remain, as Leslie Tender has recently observed, “on the margins” of serious scholarly discourse.
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50

Rowbotham, David J. "Analgesics: the Dawn of a New Era?" British Journal of Anaesthetic and Recovery Nursing 2, no. 2 (May 2001): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742645600000528.

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Iam fortunate, if that is the correct word, to have several responsibilities other than those of my day job. One of these is Chairman of the Scientific Programme Committee of the Pain Society. Indeed, as I sit writing this missive with one hand, the other hand is busy packing my bags for this year's annual 4–day meeting in York. The General Synod of the Church of England hold their meeting on the University of York campus every year, so it will be no surprise for those of you who know any members of the Pain Society that it is perfect for their needs.
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