Статті в журналах: "Christian Arabic"

1

Bassal, Ibrahim. "HEBREW AND ARAMAIC ELEMENTS IN THE ISRAELI VERNACULAR CHRISTIAN-‐ARABIC AND IN THE WRITTEN CHRISTIAN ARABIC OF PALESTINE, SYRIA, AND LEBANON." Levantine Review 4, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v4i1.8721.

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This essay examines the Hebrew and Aramaic residues in the Arabic vernacular spoken by Israeli Christians and the written Arabic of Christians in the Holy Land, Syria, and Lebanon. The corpus of the spoken Christian-Arabic under consideration here is based on cassette recordings of elderlies who live in Christian villages in northern Israel - namely in Fassuta, Me’ilya, Tarshiha, Bqe’a, Jiish, Kufir Yasif, Ekreth, Bir’im, Ibilleen and Shfa’amir.The corpus of the written Christian-Arabic being reviewed is based mainly on folk tales, poems, proverbs, dictionaries, Bible translations, books of interpretations, and liturgical sources.

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2

Griffith, Sidney H. "When Did the Bible Become an Arabic Scripture?" Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 1, no. 1-2 (2013): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20130102.

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While the circumstances were favorable to the translation of the Jewish and Christian scriptures into Arabic in writing in pre-Islamic times, there is no compelling evidence to support the conclusion that such a translation was ever made. Rather the evidence of the Qurʾān along with other considerations suggests that prior to the rise of Islam, Jewish and Christian scripture texts circulated orally in Arabic and that the earliest Arabic translations in writing appeared first among the Christians in the monastic communities in Palestine and probably in part at least in response to the appearance of the Arabic Qurʾān itself in writing at the turn of the seventh and eighth centuries.

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3

Griffith, Sidney H. "Christians and the Arabic Qurʾān: Prooftexting, Polemics, and Intertwined Scriptures". Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 2, № 1-2 (2014): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00201015.

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‭Christians living in the World of Islam have had a lively interaction with the Qurʾān ever since it became widely available in the Arabic-speaking milieu of Umayyad and Abbasid times. This article discusses the multifaceted aspects of this interaction as they are disclosed in texts written by Christians in Greek, Syriac, and Arabic from the eighth through the thirteenth centuries. Christian writers quoted from the Islamic scripture, imitated its diction and style, wrote polemics against it, used its words and phrases as proof texts in their own apologetic texts, and appealed to the religious authority of the Qurʾān for its probative value. In many ways the Qurʾān effectively structured Christian religious discourse in Arabic and this article explores some of the ways this was the case.‬

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4

Krotkoff, Georg, and Farida Abu-Haidar. "Christian Arabic of Baghdad." Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 3 (July 1996): 602. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605226.

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5

Colominas Aparicio, Mònica. "Spanish Islam in Arabic Script." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 8, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00702012.

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Abstract The present study discusses language as a tool of identity construction by Muslims from the Late Medieval and Early Modern Christian Iberian Peninsula who could practice Islam by law in exchange for paying taxes (Mudejars). Their writings, as well as those of the group who were later forced to convert to Christianity (Moriscos), are in various languages and scripts. The Arabic (Aljamiado) used to transcribe Romance is distinctive and abundant evidence of it is left from the later Morisco period. The earlier uses of language by the Mudejars are nonetheless essential to understand how Muslims negotiated their community boundaries within a Christian majority society. My analysis will concentrate on two Mudejar polemics against the Christians and the Jews, which were most likely composed in fourteenth-century Aragon. In these works, approaches to language and the interplay of Arabic—both as a target language and as a script—with Romance escape discrete definitions of religion and culture.1

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6

Martin, Geoffrey. "Arabic-Speaking Christians and Toledo, BCT MS Cajón 99.30 in High Medieval Spain." Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 18 (July 21, 2021): 177–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v18i0.1190.

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This article interprets the Arabic notes of a Christian who made a primer of Latin grammatical texts—primarily Donatus’ Ars grammatica—in order to shore up his Latin vocabulary. The copyist on the whole offers excellent evidence for Latin learning among Iberia’s Arabic-speaking Christians, who thrived in much of the peninsula between the tenth and thirteenth centuries

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7

Stokes, Phillip W. "Orthography and Phonology in Vocalized Medieval Christian Arabic Gospel Manuscripts." Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 19 (October 17, 2022): 131–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v19i.15256.

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Pre-modern vocalized Arabic manuscripts can reveal a great deal about a variety of linguistic features represented in each text. Recent work has demonstrated the potential that vocalized manuscripts have, specifically for revealing aspects of the phonology of the corpora including the Quran, Judaeo-Arabic, and later ‘Middle Arabic’ texts. Christian Arabic texts, however, have been less frequently studied in this manner. Blau’s grammar of the Christian Arabic of south Palestine in the 9th/10th centuries CE4 draws primarily on unvocalized manuscripts, and therefore the phonological details he provides are inferred primarily from consonantal orthographic patterns. While a few others have focused on Christian Arabic manuscripts from the medieval period,6 there has been little work that undertakes a phonological description of vocalized Christian manuscripts in a thorough and systematic way.

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8

TEULE, Herman G. B., and Vic SCHEPENS. "Christian Arabic Bibliography 1990-1995." Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 57, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 129–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jecs.57.1.2003120.

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9

TEULE, Herman G. B., and Vic SCHEPENS. "Christian Arabic Bibliography 1996-2000." Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 58, no. 3 (December 31, 2006): 265–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/jecs.58.3.2020832.

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10

García-Arenal, Mercedes. "The Religious Identity of the Arabic Language and the Affair of the Lead Books of the Sacromonte of Granada." Arabica 56, no. 6 (2009): 495–528. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/057053909x12544602282277.

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AbstractThis article deals, in the first place, with the religious identity of the Arabic language as defined by the ongoing debate, in 16th-17th century Spain, about its identification with Islam. Many new Christians of Muslim origin (Moriscos) tried to break this identification in an effort to salvage part of their culture, and specially the language, by separating it from Islam. I will argue that the Morisco forgery known as the Lead Books of the Sacromonte in Granada—an Arabic Evangile dictated by the Virgin Mary to Arabic disciples who came to Spain with the Apostle Saint James—was part of this effort. When the Lead Books were taken to the Vatican to be informed, they were studied by Maronite scholars who decided that they were written in “Muslim Arabic” and therefore could not be authentic Christian texts. The Maronites were engaged in creating and consolidating their own version of Christian Arabic to define and legitimise their own position inside the Roman world. The second part of the essay adresses the theological considerations and the defence of different cultural identities which are implied in these different versions of Arabic.

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11

Christys, Ann. "The Qur’ān as History for Muslims and Christians in al-Andalus." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 5, no. 1 (July 26, 2018): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2018-0003.

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Abstract This paper explores the vocabulary of the Qur’ān in texts composed in Latin and Arabic by Christians in al-Andalus in the period up to the end of the ninth century. The main focus of the paper is a comparison between the Arabic translation of Orosius’ Seven books of history against the pagans and the History attributed to Ibn Ḥabīb (d. 853). Both are works of universal history showing the hand of God at work in the history of humankind. The Qur’ān was crucially important for Ibn Ḥabīb in conveying this message. Did this translate into Christian universal history in Arabic?

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12

Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro. "Traductores bilingües latino-árabes andalusíes: textos y contextos." Cuadernos del CEMyR, no. 29 (2021): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cemyr.2021.29.03.

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The interestingt task carried out by the bilingual Andalusi Latin-Arabic translators helped to build a literary heritage of enormous importance for the Christians of al-Andalus. The high level of Arabization exhibited by these texts informs us about how Christian intellectuals participated in the knowledge coming from the East, but also allowed them to transfer part of their Latin legacy to the new language of the Andalusi State, the Arabic language. Although the number of surviving texts is certainly scarce, however the quality of these texts allows us not only to assume that there were more texts, but also to know the cultural level of these translators and to obtain relevant information about various aspects of the Andalusi Arabized Christian communities.

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13

Melikyan, Sofia, and Anastasia Edelshtain. "From the poetic heritage of Sulayman, bishop of Gaza (10th–11th cent.)." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 73 (December 30, 2022): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202273.135-150.

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The publication presents a commented interlinear and literary translation of two qasidas (poems) from the Divan (collection) of the first known Arab Christian poet – Sulayman al-Ghazzi, bishop of Gaza in Palestine (Xth-XIth cent.). His poetic work is the earliest attempt at using the metrical and stylistic tools of classical Arabic poetry for purely Christian subjects. The Divan also contains multiple autobiographical data and important historical evidence of Christian persecution under the Fatimid caliph al-Hakim, including the destruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Despite their unique significance, very few of Sulayman’s poems have been translated into a modern language. The two selected qasidas belong to the opposite traditional genres of Arabic poetry – reproach and praise. In the first one the Jews who rejected Christ are targeted; the other one is focused on righteous Christians and their liturgy. In addition, the first qasida is rich in biblical allusions and quotations, loosely reworked by the author in a poetic vein, and the second one gives a detailed description of the divine service and is therefore a valuable evidence of the liturgical life of Palestinian Christians in Sulayman’s era.

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14

Dorroll, Philip. "Christian Polemic and the Nature of the Sensual: Depicting Islam in Arabic Christian Theology." Studies in World Christianity 20, no. 3 (December 2014): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2014.0092.

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This paper analyses major examples of some of the earliest Christian theological texts written in Arabic, authored within two centuries of the first Christian contact with Islam. These texts also comprise the first systematic Christian theological critiques of Islam written in Arabic. As with many later Christian polemical engagements with Islam, these texts attempt to associate Islam with violence and sensuality. This paper analyses this highly influential theological and rhetorical strategy and shows that it in fact reveals some of the key theological differences between Christian and Muslim theological paradigms. This analysis suggests that Christian and Muslim theological misunderstanding may be discursively located within differing theologies of the body and materiality.

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15

Zaborowski, Jason. "From Coptic to Arabic in Medieval Egypt." Medieval Encounters 14, no. 1 (2007): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138078507x254631.

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AbstractThe question of when and where Egyptian Christians began to disuse the Coptic language and adopt Arabic remains a puzzle. The Apocalypse of Samuel of Qalamūn (ASQ) offers interesting hints about the process of language change by referring to the loss of Coptic in church functions. This paper argues that the ASQ represents Christians from the specific region of the Fayyūm and their struggle of identity maintenance that occurred after the Coptic language had generally fallen into disuse. Some scholars have speculated that the ASQ has a Coptic Vorlage, even though it is only extant in Arabic. This paper argues that the ASQ may have been originally an Arabic composition, perhaps written as late as the fourteenth century, as a means of connecting the Christian community to the Coptic language at a time when they were unable to access their tradition through Coptic-language texts.

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16

Tikhonova, Oxana V. "Romance and Arabic Names of Mozarabs in Al-Andalus (in the Archive of the Toledo’s Mozarabs of the 12th and 13th Centuries)." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2019): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2019.2.10-16.

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The archive of Toledo’s Mozarabs was translated from Arab into Spanish and published in four volumes by Anhel Gonzales Palencia in 1926–1930. The territory of Toledo was numerous times reoccupied by either Spaniards or Arabs during the Reconquista period. The chronological frames are 1083–1315. The archive includes a collection of the 1175 documents: legal papers with the registration of property arrangements between individuals and religious institutions. Most of the documents are related to the Toledo Cathedral of St. Mary. Every Mozarab document (with the exception of 25) is written in Arabic which emphasizes the official status of Arabic language in Toledo even at the beginning of the 14th century. In Arabic texts, there are words in aljamiado, (Spanish words written with Arabic letters). This phenomenon is of great philological interest. Traces of Mozarabs’ aljamiado, the language of Spaniards on the territory conquered by Arabs, is not present in any of written documents so the earlier period of Spanish language history has been documented very poorly. The archive of Toledo’s Mozarabs is an important source of vocabulary in aljamiado of Moriscos. In these texts, there are Spanish toponyms; Christian onomatology; designation of church posts; names of Christian holidays; designations of a number of secular court posts; references to family connections, etc. Documents are very often written in Arabic and Romance. In many documents, there are names both in Arabic and Romance. The cases of name identification which show that the names used in daily life were those in Arabic and not in Romance are quite frequent. With Arabic names including elements of Spanish morphology, names in Romance, in contrast, were formed following the pattern of Arabic names including the distinctive characteristic such as mentioning of several generations. Particular attention should be paid to the transcription of names in Romance in Arabic documents. Some of these transfer the particularities of pronunciation which is closer to the Latin ones than Spanish. To identify Muslims among signers is especially difficult as Christians also had Arabic names.

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17

Maxton, Rosie. "Sulayman al-Ghazzi and Christian Arabic Poetry." Bulletin for the Council for British Research in the Levant 12, no. 1 (January 2017): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17527260.2017.1556956.

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18

Martens-Czarnecka, Małgorzata. "The Christian Nubia and the Arabs." Studia Ceranea 5 (December 30, 2015): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.05.08.

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Nubia constituted the area in the Nile Valley in the present day Sudan, the area which spread from the first cataract up to the place where the White Nile meets the Blue Nile. The area was inhabited by the population using a common language – Old Nubian. In the second half of the sixth century thanks to the missions send by the Byzantine Court, Nubia accepted Christianity as a state religion. Nubia immediately found itself in the area of influence of Byzantine culture. Byzantine administration, liturgy of the Eastern Church and the Greek language were introduced. In 641 the Arab conquest of Egypt took place. Soon after that in 642, the Arab army entered the Nubian territory and from this date centuries of clashes and peace treaties characterized relations between Nubians and Arab peoples. The 13th century marks slow decline of the kingdom of Nubia. Hostile Negro tribes from the South and South-West appear in the Mid Valley of Nile. Fights weaken the kingdom; slow islamization of the country follows, royal rule and Christian faith falls and together with those culture and arts deteriorates. The history of military as well as political or commercial Nubian-Arabic contacts over entire period of existence of Christian kingdom of Nubia undoubtedly had to bring about certain artistic trends in Nubia originating from rich heritage of Muslim culture. The culture of Christian Nubia originally based to considerable extent on Byzantine art, in course of time, subjected to more and more intense Arabic influence, significantly changed. Arabic components seen in Nubian church architecture, wall painting and art crafts became predominant, which over following centuries led to creation of Arabic culture of the contemporary Sudan.

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19

Treiger, Alexander. "Christian Graeco-Arabica: Prolegomena to a History of the Arabic Translations of the Greek Church Fathers." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 3, no. 1-2 (2015): 188–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00301008.

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Whereas Graeco-Arabic translations of philosophical and scientific literature, centered in Baghdad, have been the focus of sustained scholarly effort for over a century and a half, Arabic translations of the Greek Church Fathers, carried out by Arabic-speaking Christians for their ecclesiastical needs, have received very limited attention. This contribution attempts to chart a history of the Arabic versions of the Greek Church Fathers from the eighth century to the present, with emphasis on the translations produced in the monasteries of Palestine in the eighth, ninth, and early tenth centuries and in Antioch during the period of Byzantine rule. It shows how philological methods of Graeco-Arabic Studies can be successfully applied to these unduly neglected Arabic translations of Patristic works.

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20

Davis, Stephen J. "Introducing an Arabic Commentary on the Apocalypse: Ibn Kātib Qaysar on Revelation." Harvard Theological Review 101, no. 1 (January 2008): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816008001739.

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Ibn Kātib Qayṣar's long-neglectedCommentary on the Apocalypse of Johnis a veritable treasure trove for those interested not only in the early transmission of the biblical text and its history of interpretation, but also in the way ancient definitions of prophecy and vision were reconceived in Arabic Christian theology. Written in Cairo by a thirteenth-century Egyptian author, it is one of only two large-scale medieval commentaries on Revelation produced in the Arabic language. The other such commentary was composed by a fellow Copt, Būlus al-Būshī, who was a near contemporary of Ibn Kātib Qayṣar. Together, these two works provide a compelling witness to the currency of this apocalyptic biblical text among Christians living in Islamic Egypt.

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21

Holt, Edward L. "Between “Tyranny” and “Gentleness”: The Construction of Fernando III and Christian Kings in Arabic-Islamic Sources." Medieval Encounters 28, no. 1 (June 14, 2022): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340121.

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Abstract This article examines the construction of the memory of Fernando III of Castile-León in Arabic-Islamic texts in order to explore the cross-cultural geopolitics of the western Mediterranean. It argues that historiographical attempts to define righteous authority transcended religious affiliation among military and political elites. In support of this claim, this article first provides a macro-historical survey of Arabic-Islamic texts to ascertain common sociocultural features used in describing Iberian kings. While stereotypes of Christian monarchs exist, Muslim depictions of individuals had a broad spectrum of associations. Second, the focused example of the memory of Fernando III demonstrates how Muslim authors were strategic in deciding whether to describe Christian monarchs or remain silent about them, to praise them or criticize/vilify them. Ultimately, in contrast to Western traditions of intensely scrutinizing the conquest narratives in Christian chronicles, which has led to a polarized view opposing Muslim and Christian rhetoric, the Arabic-Islamic sources depict Fernando III within the framework of the collapse of the Almohad state as one ruler among many, thus reflecting a broader sense of Maghrebi geopolitics as a larger struggle to define righteous authority.

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22

Weitz, Lev. "Islamic Law on the Provincial Margins: Christian Patrons and Muslim Notaries in Upper Egypt, 2nd-5th/8th-11th Centuries." Islamic Law and Society 27, no. 1-2 (February 20, 2020): 5–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685195-00260a07.

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Abstract This article examines the interaction of Coptic Christians with Islamic legal institutions in provincial Egypt on the basis of a corpus of 193 Arabic legal documents, as well as relevant Coptic ones, dating to the 2nd-5th/8th-11th centuries. I argue that around the 3rd/9th century Islamic Egypt’s Christian subjects began to make routine use of Islamic legal institutions to organize their economic affairs, including especially inheritance and related matters internal to Christian families. They did so in preference to the Christian authorities and Coptic deeds that had been their standard resource in the first two centuries of Muslim rule. The changing character of the Egyptian judiciary encouraged this shift in practice, as qāḍīs who adhered to fiqh procedural rules increasingly filled judicial roles formerly held by administrative officials. By eschewing and nudging into disuse a previously vital Coptic legal tradition, Christian provincials participated in the Islamization of ʿAbbāsid and Fāṭimid Egypt.

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23

Hjälm, Miriam L. "A Paleographical Study of Early Christian Arabic Manuscripts." Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 17 (July 20, 2020): 37–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v17i0.1148.

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24

Swanson, Mark N. "Resurrection Debates: Qur’anic Discourse and Arabic Christian Apology." Dialog 48, no. 3 (September 2009): 248–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6385.2009.00468.x.

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25

al-Salameen, Zeyad, Hani Falahat, Salameh Naimat та Fawzi Abudanh. "New Arabic-Christian inscriptions from Udhruḥ, southern Jordan". Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 22, № 2 (13 жовтня 2011): 232–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0471.2011.00336.x.

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26

Petrova, Yu. "Christian Liturgical Terminology in Arabic: Development and Functioning." World of the Orient 2019, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/orientw2019.03.054.

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27

Lindgren, Miriam, and Ronny Vollandt. "An Early Copy of the Pentateuch and the Book of Daniel in Arabic (MS Sinai—Arabic 2): Preliminary Observations on Codicology, Text Types, and Translation Technique." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 1, no. 1-2 (2013): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20130104.

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This jointly written article provides a preliminary description of a Christian Arabic manuscript, today preserved at St Catherine’s monastery. MS Sinai—Arabic 2 exhibits ancient Arabic versions of the Pentateuch and Daniel. A codicological and palaeographical study of this unique manuscript is presented, along with an investigation into the respective provenances, textual affinities and translation techniques of the two translations.

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Mahdi, Athraa' Ammar, and Mahmood A. Dawood. "Directive Speech Acts in Muslim Eid and Christian Easter Sermons." Al-Adab Journal 2, no. 141 (June 15, 2022): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v2i141.3712.

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The utterances produced by people have speech acts, especially in the English teaching learning process. One of them is directive speech acts. The main aim of the study is to ascertain contrastively, in English and Arabic, how directive speech acts are represented in religious discourse and what the underlying syntactic structure. For the purpose of the investigation, the directive speech acts of two sermons, one in English and another in Arabic, were extracted and analyzed. A classification taxonomy, was created in order to categorize the different types of directive speech acts and determine their level of (in) directness depending on Bach and Harnish's types of the directive speech acts (1979), The results show that that directive speech acts have the highest occurrences of frequency in Arabic sermon than that in English sermon, since that Islamic sermons belong to the teachings of the Islamic religion which have to be applied the guidelines literally and without ambiguity. Also, Both Arabic and English selected sermons have the highest rate in the form of directness over indirectness in directive speech acts as the speaker wants to send his/her utterances and expressions clearly and without any confusion.

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29

Mauntel, Christoph, Klaus Oschema, Jean-Charles Ducène, and Martin Hofmann. "Mapping Continents, Inhabited Quarters and The Four Seas. Divisions of the World and the Ordering of Spaces in Latin-Christian, Arabic-Islamic and Chinese Cartography in the Twelfth to Sixteenth Centuries. A Critical Survey and Analysis." Journal of Transcultural Medieval Studies 5, no. 2 (November 1, 2018): 295–367. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jtms-2018-0022.

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Abstract This paper explores the presence and development of large-scale geographic categories in pre-modern cartography (twelfth to sixteenth centuries) in a combination of comparative and transcultural perspectives. Analysing Latin-Christian, Arabic-Islamic and Chinese maps, we demonstrate the varying degrees of importance accorded to large-scale geographic structures. The choice of related as well as independent traditions allows for the identification of specific emphases which reflect the influence of the respective cultural backgrounds and strategies applied in the ordering of space. While the analysed Chinese material concentrates on a geographical space that was perceived to form an ideal political and cultural unity without representing the entire physical world, Latin-Christian and Arabic-Islamic traditions share the focus on the whole “oecumene” that they both inherited from antique models. However, only Latin-Christian maps consistently and explicitly present a tripartite world that resonates with Trinitarian structures in Christian thought.

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30

Busic, Jason. "Between Latin Theology and Arabic Kalām: Samson’s Apologeticus contra perfidos (864 CE) and Ḥafṣ b. Albar al-Qūṭī’s Extant Works (fl. Late Ninth/Early Tenth Centuries)". Medieval Encounters 25, № 5-6 (18 листопада 2019): 553–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340056.

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Abstract The Latin authors of ninth-century Umayyad Córdoba Eulogius, Albarus, and Samson are known for their opposition to acculturation, Arabic learning, and, in the case of Eulogius and Albarus, their defense of the martyrs’ movement of the 850s. One generation later, the first known Christian-Arabic theologian of Hispanic origin appears, Ḥafṣ b. Albar. His adoption of Islamized Arabic has traditionally represented an ideological break from the previous generation of Christian intellectuals in Córdoba. This article questions this discontinuity through analysis of Samson’s Apologeticus contra perfidos (864 CE) and Ḥafṣ’s extant work. The article argues that the Apologeticus engages kalām and proves relevant for its Islamic context. Further, the article argues that Ḥafṣ’s work continues the project laid out by Samson, though with a more polemical eye towards Islam.

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31

van Saane, Wilbert. "Christian Witness in the Middle East." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2019): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265378819831843.

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This contribution discusses the reception to and relevance of ‘Christian witness in a multi-religious world’ in the Middle East. After a brief survey of the reception and some comments on the Arabic translation of the document, it argues that the guidelines offered in ‘Christian witness’ are especially relevant with regard to intra-Christian proselytism, relief and development work, and religious freedom and conversion.

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32

Cassar, Carmel. "Malta and the study of Arabic in the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries." Turkish Historical Review 2, no. 2 (2011): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187754611x603083.

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AbstractThe Holy See became aware of the potential evangelising role of the Maltese in Ottoman lands at least from the mid-sixteenth century. This had much to do with Malta's geographical proximity to North Africa, coupled with the ability of the Maltese to speak a native Semitic language, believed to be close to Arabic, while at the same time being fervently Catholic Christians. Malta was singled out for this role mainly because the majority of Levantine Christian communities, then largely under Ottoman rule, were known to speak some form of Arabic. The combination of these factors appeared to be an excellent combination of circumstances to the Catholic Church authorities in Rome who believed that Malta was ideally suited for the teaching of Arabic. In Rome there was a general belief that the establishment of a school of Arabic in Malta, would help make the Catholic Church more accessible to the Christians of the Levant. However, despite continuous efforts, throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, by the Holy Congregation of Propaganda Fide, the teaching of Arabic never really took off in Malta. Under British colonial administration, in the early nineteenth century, Arabic remained on the list of subjects taught at the University of Malta and was later introduced at the Lyceum and the Valletta Government School. The British colonial authorities may even have encouraged its teaching and for a brief time, in the mid-nineteenth century, the well known Lebanese scholar Ahmad Faris al-Shidyaq, was lecturer of Arabic at Valletta. The end of Arabic teaching during World War One coincided with the emergence of the belief, pushed by Lord Gerald Strickland, that the Maltese descended from the Phoenicians. It was believed that the Maltese had preserved ancient Phoenician, rather than Arabic, over the millennia. By associating the Maltese with the ancient Phoenicians Strickland was simply saying that the Maltese might have had Semitic origins but that did not mean they were Arabs.

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Serikoff, N. I. "Maronite writer Jibri`il Jarmanus Farhat (1670–1732) and his attempts to include the works of Christian Arab authors in the “virtual catalogue” of Arabic Muslim literature." Orientalistica 3, no. 1 (March 29, 2020): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2020-3-1-143-159.

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The article deals with the activities of the Maronite patriarch Gabriel German Farhat (1670–1732) in the field of the Arab bibliography. The author argues that by the 18th century AD in the Arabic-speaking literature of the Middle East, were used two types of introductions to the written texts, the Muslim and the Christian. The metalanguage, which was employed by Muslim authors in the introductions to their texts, was very convenient for constructing book-titles that by themselves built the “data base” of the so-called the Arabic Islamic “virtual catalogue”. The metalanguage used by Christian authors was different, and therefore in the library world of the Middle Ages two traditions were incompatible and therefore existed without intersecting. The Maronite Patriarch Gabriel German Farhat, being a bibliophile and a librarian, in his writings proposed organizing introductions to Christian texts in a Muslim manner, however, preserving their Christian content.The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.

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Kong, Il Joo. "Arabic Bible Translation and The Influence of Muslim Arabic on Arab Christian Language Use." ACTS Theological Journal 22 (December 20, 2014): 171–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.19114/atj.22.6.

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Pecorini Goodall, Leone. "‘The ʿAbbas after Whom Those Who Rule in Baghdad Are Named’". Al-ʿUsur al-Wusta 30 (29 листопада 2022): 384–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/uw.v30i.8881.

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This article is concerned with the representation of al-ʿAbbās b. al-Walīd’s involvement in the Muhallabid revolt (102/720) and the third fitna (126–36/744–54) across Arabic-Islamic and Christian sources. The contribution makes a case for the study of “minor figures” as a means to contend with the eulogizing and historiographical re-imagining of the Marwānid past by later ʿAbbāsid compilers. It sheds light on the status of concubine-born sons of Marwānid caliphs, who were unable to become caliph until precisely this period and the generational shift that occurred in the 120s/740s. Al-ʿAbbās appears in Arabic-Islamic sources as foreshadowing the impending fitna, warning of its consequences and attempting to dissuade his brother, Yazīd b. al-Walīd (d. 126/744), from revolting against the caliph al-Walīd b. Yazīd (d. 126/744). Eventually “captured” by his brother Yazīd b. al-Walīd’s supporters, al-ʿAbbās’ bayʿa (oath of allegiance) turns the tide in Yazīd’s favor. In contrast, late antique Christian sources in Arabic, Armenian, Greek, and Syriac see him as instrumental in the fall of al-Walīd b. Yazīd, wanting the caliphate for himself and betraying his cousin. The following analysis will demonstrate how Christian sources employed figures internal to their own traditions to understand and explain caliphal history. The overlapping but competing historiographies of al-ʿAbbās shed light on the source material and agendas of Arabic-Islamic and Christian late antique sources. This study also helps to disentangle some of the conflicting elements of the fitna narrative, while underlining the polycentric nature of Marwānid rule and how members of the imperial elite were legitimized and exerted authority.

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Vicens, Belen. "Swearing by God: Muslim Oath-Taking in Late Medieval and Early Modern Christian Iberia." Medieval Encounters 20, no. 2 (March 27, 2014): 117–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342162.

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Abstract This paper examines Muslim oaths found in Christian legal texts in late medieval and early modern Iberia, especially in the Crown of Aragon. Whereas lawmakers in Castile used Castilian to record Muslim oaths, in the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia these formulas appeared in Arabic, though written in Latin characters. This paper traces the evolution of these Arabic formulas during four centuries, from the abbreviated forms of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, such as “baylle ylloe,” to the more elaborate forms of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which include references to the qibla (the direction of prayer), the Qurʾān, and Ramadan. Comparing these formulas with those found in Muslim legal compilations produced in Christian Iberia shows that despite different emphases (on location, timing, and manner of oath taking), both Christian and Muslim legal texts recognized and established that Muslims swear by God. Although attitudes towards Muslims grew increasingly hostile in the latter Middle Ages, this analysis of Muslim oaths shows that Arabic continued to mediate the legal interaction between the two communities and that Islamic rituals, as mentioned in the oaths, were still very much a part of the multicultural landscape of late medieval and early modern Iberia.

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Hager, Anna. "The Orthodox Issue in Jordan: The Struggle for an Arab and Orthodox Identity." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 3 (December 2018): 212–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0228.

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Scholarship on Christians in the Middle East has paid little attention to the role the Christian laity has played in defining and maintaining Christian identity and community boundaries. The so-called Orthodox issue (al-qaḍya al-urthudhuksiyya in Arabic) enhances our understanding of this role. It is an ongoing conflict within the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem between the church leadership of Greek extraction and the Arab – usually lower-ranking – clergy and laity. This article uses a case-study approach to a series of protests in Jordan in 2014 against a decision by the Patriarchate to relocate a local reform-minded cleric. Using ethnographic, historical and philological methods, I argue that through their engagement in this struggle, Greek Orthodox Jordanians assert their identity as Christians, as Arabs and as loyal Jordanians. This offers a perspective into the complex interplay between church—community relations, the issue of pastoral care, and this community's identity.

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Griffith, Sidney H. "Anthony David of Baghdad, Scribe and Monk of Mar Sabas: Arabic in the Monasteries of Palestine." Church History 58, no. 1 (March 1989): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167675.

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Forty years ago George Every called the attention of the scholarly world to the likelihood that in the oriental patriarchates after the time of John of Damascus the Arabic language increasingly became the language of the Melkite, or Roman (rūmī), community of Christians in the caliphate. They came to use Arabic, Every suggested, not only for scholarly purposes, but even for the divine liturgy, at least for the Scripture lessons.1In the years since Every made these observations it has become increasingly clear that not only was there such an increase in the use of Arabic in the church during the first Abbasid century, but that the crescendo in the use of Arabic went hand in hand with the diminishment of Greek as a language of church scholarship in the monasteries of the Holy Land from early Abbasid times, perhaps even until the Ottoman period, when the so-called “Rūm Millet” reintroduced the control of Greek speakers in the Jerusalem patriarchate.2Accordingly, one might speak of the first flowering of Christian life in Arabic in the Holy Land as having occurred during the three centuries stretching from 750, the beginning of the Abbasid caliphate, to around the year 1050, the eve of the crusader period in Near Eastern history.3And the documentary evidence for the literary activity of the Holy Land monks who wrote in Arabic during this period is largely the archive of “old south Palestinian texts” which Joshua Blau studied for his Grammar of Chrtstian Arabic.4

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Salem, Salem A. "Muslims and Christians Face to Face." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2187.

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Muslims and Christians Face to Face is an academic research work thatobserves the various response of Muslims to Christianity and Christians toIslam. It is written by Kate Zebiri, who is a lecturer in Arabic and IslamicStudies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.In the first chapter, "Factors Influencing Muslim-Christian Relations," Zebiridiscusses the four factors that affect Mu Jim and Christian perceptions of eachother.The first factor is what the Qur'an says about Christians and Christianity, andthe way in which the Qur'anic material has been interpreted. With regards to thisfactor the author discusses the Qur'anic awareness of religious plurality, theQur'anic perception of Jesus, the earthly end of Jesus in the Qur'an, and what theQur'anic verses say about the salvation of the People of the Book in the hereafter.Moreover, Zebiri tries to draw attention to the difference between what theQur'an says about Christians and Christianity, and the way in which the Qur'anicmaterial has been interpreted, and the difference between the commentators' andjurists' positions toward Christianity, in both the classic and contemporary periods.The second factor is the history of Muslim-Christian relations and the affectof historical memory. Here the author describes the relation between the ArabMuslim conquest and the Byzantine Christian Empire; the situation ofChristians under Muslim rule; the affect of the Crusades on the Muslims' attitudesto Christianity; the development of the Christian attitude to Islam fromignorance during the European Christendom, to anti-Muslim polemic attitude toconduct studies on Islam based on reliable sources after the Renaissance, tousing Islam as a theme in internal Christian polemic during the time of theReformation, to admiring Islam for its own sake in the Enlightenment; and finally,the attitude of both liberal and conservative Christians to Islam today.The third factor is the relationship between Christian missions and imperialismand the influence this has on the Muslim attitude toward Christianity today.With regards to this factor, the author explores the interrelationship betweenColonialism and Christian missions, and how it has been implanted in theMuslim consciousness and become part of the anti-Western discourse.The fourth factor is Christian and Muslim views on dialogue. In this pare theauthor shows the Christian acknowledgment of Islam as a result of the Christianecumenical movement She states that Muslims have been slow to initiate andparticipate in organized dialogue. In addition, she mentions that many Christiansand Muslims see dialogue as antithetical to their mission or da'wah, believingthat one compromises the other ...

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Pollock, James W. "Two Christian Arabic Manuscripts in the Bryn Mawr Library." Journal of the American Oriental Society 110, no. 2 (April 1990): 330. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604538.

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Lory, Pierre, Samir Khalil Samir, and Jorgen S. Nielsen. "Christian Arabic Apologetics during the Abbassid Period (750-1258)." Studia Islamica, no. 83 (1996): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595745.

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al-Shdaifat, Younis, Ahmad Al-Jallad, Zeyad al-Salameen, and Rafe Harahsheh. "An early Christian Arabic graffito mentioning ‘Yazīd the king’." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 28, no. 2 (November 2017): 315–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aae.12105.

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43

Bulakh, Maria. "Christian terminology in the Arabic-Ethiopic Glossary (14th century)." St.Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 45, no. 5 (December 31, 2015): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii201545.20-29.

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VILA, DAVID. "The Struggle over Arabisation in Medieval Arabic Christian Hagiography." Al-Masāq 15, no. 1 (March 2003): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0950311032000057112.

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Pietruschka, Ute. "Das Mäṣḥafä fälasfa ṭäbiban und sein Verhältnis zu griechischen und arabischen Gnomensammlungen". Aethiopica 5 (8 травня 2013): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.451.

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The Mäṣḥafä fälasfa ṭäbiban (The Book of the Wise Philosophers) is the only literary work in Gǝʿǝz which can be reckoned among philosophical literature in the strict sense of the word. It is a translation of a Christian Arabic gnomologium, entitled Kitāb al-Bustān, which dates from the 16th century CE. The present article discusses previous studies in the Mäṣḥafä fälasfa ṭäbiban and deals with the lines of tradition of Arabic collections of sayings going back to Greek gnomologia. The Arabic original of the Mäṣḥafä fälasfa ṭäbiban was compiled about the end of the 10th century CE and contains besides sayings of Greek and Persian origin also doxographical material. The view concerning the central role of Ḥunain ibn Isḥāq’s Nawādir al-falāsifa in the tradition of sayings in the Kitāb al-Bustān, must be revised. An edition and a detailed comparison of the Kitāb al-Bustān with other Arabic and Greek gnomologia are still to be expected, and the question how the Christian gnomologium and thus the Ethiopic Mäṣḥafä fälasfa ṭäbiban are to be placed in the Hellenistic tradition of gnomologia, is still to be established.

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Yahya, Yuangga Kurnia. "Nama Tuhan dalam Alquran dan Injil Berbahasa Arab." Religió: Jurnal Studi Agama-agama 9, no. 1 (March 20, 2019): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/religio.v9i1.1232.

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This research aimed to understanding the concept of divinity in Arabic culture through lexemes which mean God used in the Qur’an dan Arabic Gospel. Lexeme is a smallest unit of meaning that formes a word. From the lexem, words, phrases, clauses, and discourses are formed according to Arabic’s concept of divinity. This research uses a semantic approach, through discussion on form and meaning, Brown-Yule’ s idea of text and co-text, and Sapir-Whorf hypothesis on culture and language. This research found that the lexeme of Allah (God) has been known by Arabic people before the birth of Islam and Christian. This lexeme means the name of the highest God in Arabic polytheism and was estimated to be used from the fifth century BC. Arabic Christians used this lexeme as the translation of “God” and referred to “The Only One God” about 500 years before Muhammad’s birth. The lexemes of God in the Quran could be named as Allah, Rabb, Ilah, dhmir (ana, anta, huwa, and nahnu), and the names of Allah (sifat-Allah wa asma-Allah), while the lexemes of God in Arabic Gospels are Allah, Rabb, Ilah, ab (father), Yasu’ (Jesus), al-Ruh al-Quds (Holy Spirit), al-Ibn (Son), as-Sayyid (Lord), al-Mu’allim (Master), al-Malik (King), and dhamir (ana, anta, and huwa). The lexeme of Allah, Rabb, and Ilah are found in both the Qur’an and Arabic Gospel, but these lexemes have some differences in word category, sintaxis function, and semantic role. Furthermore, another lexeme are used with same purpose, such as presenting a more complete and more familiar picture of God.

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Del Rio Sánchez, Francisco. "ARABIC-KARSHUNI: AN ATTEMPT TO PRESERVE MARONITE IDENTITY; THE CASE OF ALEPPO." Levantine Review 2, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v2i1.5079.

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Ferre, Lola, and José Martínez Delgado. "Arabic into Hebrew, A Case Study: Isaac Israeli’s Book on Fevers." Medieval Encounters 21, no. 1 (March 27, 2015): 50–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342183.

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Translations in the Middle Ages were the clearest route for the transmission of knowledge between countries and cultures. Furthermore, translation led to the creation a body of scientific terminology for languages that lacked their own, as in the case of Medieval Hebrew. This paper examines one of these translations: Isaac Israeli’s Book on Fevers. Two paragraphs from the Hebrew translation of the Book on Fevers (one from the opening, the other describing medicinal substances) have been selected to analyze how the translator worked with a medical text in Hebrew. The terminology in both was compared with that of other medieval medical books in Hebrew to better understand how a medical lexicon was built and how it developed in the Christian environment where these translations were made. The conclusion of this study contributes to the understanding of translation as part of the intellectual interaction among Jews, Muslims and Christians.

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Fischer, Jens G. "Aljamiado-Literatur als Kontaktphänomen. Die Coplas del Alhichante de Puey Monzón im literaturhistorischen Kontext." Der Islam 99, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 142–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2022-0007.

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Abstract In much of the existing research concerning Aljamiado literature, we can observe attempts to assign individual texts or even the whole corpus unequivocally to a Spanish or Arabic/Islamic tradition. However, these attempts fail to adequately address the specificities of these texts and sometimes actively obscure important connections. This can be shown through an analysis of the Coplas del Alhichante de Puey Monzón, a pilgrimage narrative in verse from the sixteenth century that has so far mostly been seen as a continuation of the Arabic riḥla. This paper provides an overview of the history, past research and editions, and poetical form of the text, as well as a proposed date for its production, followed by a detailed analysis concerning its possible function which serves as a basis for comparing it to pilgrimage narratives from the Arabic/Islamic tradition and its Spanish/Christian counterparts. Contrary to what is usually assumed, the Coplas have more in common with the latter than with Arabic riḥla texts. They can therefore be interpreted as a product of a cultural “contact zone” as defined by Mary Louise Pratt. Rather than merely trying to preserve their Islamic heritage and passively receiving Christian influence, Mudéjares and Moriscos actively participated in contemporary developments in Spanish literature and used them for their own ends.

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Noble, Samuel. "Byzantine Adab and Falsafah in 11th Century Antioch." Journal of Arabic Literature 53, no. 3-4 (September 21, 2022): 246–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570064x-12341460.

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Abstract Both medieval Arab historians and modern Byzantinists have generally ignored the Arabophone cultural life of Antioch during its period under Byzantine rule from 969–1084 CE, preferring to equate Christian rule with Greek culture. Nevertheless, lay intellectuals closely connected to the Melkite Patriarchate of Antioch were active in promoting the translation of Greek patristic works into Arabic during this period. This article examines the career of the deacon ʿAbd Allāh ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī, whose translations, compilations, and original works evince close familiarity with contemporary intellectual trends in Baghdad and a desire to produce translations of high literary quality. Moreover, in Ibn al-Faḍl’s criticisms of local philosophers who had strayed from Christian dogma, we find further evidence for Byzantine Antioch as a center of Arabic literary and philosophical activity.

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