Дисертації з теми "China. Constitutional law"
Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: China. Constitutional law.
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся з топ-34 дисертацій для дослідження на тему "China. Constitutional law".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Переглядайте дисертації для різних дисциплін та оформлюйте правильно вашу бібліографію.
1
Ling, Wai-kwan, and 連鏸君. "The interpretation of the Basic Law: a study of the common law and Chinese principles of constitutionalinterpretation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31227624.
Повний текст джерела
2
Tu, Kai. "Towards constitutional law of peoples : China and its peripheral societies." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/14208.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis addresses issues surrounding Chinese constitutional arrangement to Tibet, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. It contends that in light of the Chinese State’s constitutional accommodation of, and integration with, the peripheral societies of Tibet, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, a re-conceptualisation of Chinese constitutional law in on the verge of maturity, which, informed by realistic ideals, would be conductive to establishing a constitutional order of peace and stability that is embodied in a legal structure in which multiple societies, as self-governing people-s, could sustain healthy constitutional relationship and abstain from violent conflicts.
3
Ho, Ka-ki Lawrence. "Implementation of China's Hong Kong policy a study of the drafting of Hong Kong Basic Law, 1985-90 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkuto%5Ftoc%5Fpdf?B22753199.
Повний текст джерела
4
Tang, Kwok-wah Danny. "The impact of the Basic Law to the future of Hong Kong." Thesis, Hong Kong : School of Professional and Continuing Education, University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/HKUTO/record/B36195145.
Повний текст джерела
5
Xu, Yan. "Taxation and constitutionalism in the People's Republic of China." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2008. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B41758080.
Повний текст джерела
6
Chen, Gengzhao, and 陈耿釗. "Implementing housing rights in China : reinterpreting Chinese constitutional property." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/193458.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explores the impact of housing rights jurisprudence on Chinese legal and policy frameworks in the housing sector, examines the key related issues, and assesses whether current practices are in line with international best practice. The thesis considers three major questions, viz.
1 What are housing rights?
2 What is the significance of housing rights in the Chinese context?
3 Given the features and nature of housing rights, and China’s transitional societal background, how could housing rights be implemented?
By looking at the jurisprudence and jurisprudential development of housing rights in international law and related humanitarian jurisprudence, this thesis proposes a three-layer framework of housing rights, which encompasses property and resource dimensions. While the property dimension requires the state to refrain from interfering in property interest in housing, the resource dimension establishes a set of principles for directing governmental duties in utilizing and redistributing resources. The governments should enable equal and equitable access to housing and housing-related resources, and ensure housing development is a human-centered, sustainability-oriented process.
China is a transitional society, where the Constitution shows a trend towards strengthening property rights protection, but institutional constraints on property rights remain. There are also transformative schemes in the housing sector that take the form of land reform and public housing programs. An overview of the housing regime in China identifies three primary limitations: an incoherent legal framework of Chinese takings law related to the property dimension of housing rights; problems with equal and equitable access to land resource as reflected by the urban-rural divide in the land tenure system; and the lack of a sustainability vision in public housing development. It is, therefore, argued that implementing housing rights involves enshrining values and principles related to housing rights in the domestic constitution. This can take the form of reinterpreting the Chinese constitutional property according to the three-layer framework of housing rights. Such a reinterpretation sheds further light on how to resolve the key issues in the current housing regime.
This study concludes that housing rights require Chinese constitutional property to strike a balance between protecting existing property-holdings and the transformative schemes in the housing sector. For the property dimension of Chinese constitutional property, housing rights help to construct a coherent jurisprudence for Chinese takings law. The resource dimension of housing rights serves as an assessment tool for the policy framework to guide both the utilization and redistribution of land resources and the development of public housing programs. This facilitates the legal and policy framework in the housing sector to be informed by humanitarian jurisprudence and be in line with international best practice.
The pioneering nature of this thesis lies in its exploration of humanitarian jurisprudence which is new to Chinese constitutional reasoning, and the extension of jurisprudential discussion of housing rights to public policy formulation. It is also innovative in proposing the three-layer framework of housing rights. Some of the findings from the discussion of international jurisprudence may be extended not only to the Chinese setting but also to other transitional economies which face similar housing issues and concerns in their policy-making.published_or_final_version
Real Estate and Construction
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
7
Xu, Yan, and 許炎. "Taxation and constitutionalism in the People's Republic of China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2008. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B41758080.
Повний текст джерела
8
Zhai, Guoqiang. "The practice of judicial review in China." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115759.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author classifies constitutional control models in the world inthree groups: Constitutional Court model, judicial revision and parliamentary control. China’s model is the last one. Then, underlines, two main goals of constitutional control: human rights protection and constitutional control of the legal system. Finally, suggests a debate about which body should bein charge of the constitutional control, whether that important work shall continue under the National People’s Congress, become a non legislative body or if it shall stay in charge of China’s Superior Court.El autor clasifica en tres grupos los modelos de control constitucional en el mundo: el modelo de Tribunal Constitucional, el derevisión judicial y el control parlamentario, ubicando a China en este último. Posteriormente, resalta las dos finalidades principales del control de constitucionalidad: la protección de los derechos humanos y el control de constitucionalidad del sistema legal. Finalmente, el autor plantea el debate sobre el órgano que debería estará cargo del control de constitucionalidad, vale decir, si esa importante labor debe continuar en la Asamblea Popular Nacional, transformarse de un órgano legislativo a uno no legislativo o si debe quedar a cargo de la Corte Superior de China.
9
Ng, Hon-wah, and 吳漢華. "Counter-majoritarian difficulty?: constitutional review : Singapore and Hong Kong compared." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45158290.
Повний текст джерела
10
Tang, Shuk-tak Karen, and 鄧淑德. "An analysis of the Basic Law consultative and drafting process." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1990. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31963845.
Повний текст джерела
11
Ho, Ka-ki Lawrence, and 何家騏. "Implementation of China's Hong Kong policy: astudy of the drafting of Hong Kong Basic Law, 1985-90." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31194485.
Повний текст джерела
12
Lui, Chui-chi, and 雷翠芝. "Language and law: a critical-semantic approach to the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special AdministrativeRegion." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31221440.
Повний текст джерела
13
Pang, Wai-cheong Derek, and 彭偉昌. "From colony to SAR: aspects of change in HongKong's legal status." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31963948.
Повний текст джерела
14
Shek, Chung-man Niki, and 石仲文. "Reflections on the standards of judicial interpretation under "One Country, Two Systems"." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31228355.
Повний текст джерела
15
羅沛然 and Pui-yin Lo. "Judicial construction of the Basic Law : the independent judicial power of the courts of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/193081.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region established the legal and judicial systems of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of the People’s Republic of China. The courts of the HKSAR are vested under the Basic Law with the independent judicial power of the HKSAR, and are authorized to interpret the Basic Law. The common law based legal system is maintained in the new order under the Basic Law.
The HKSAR courts have interpreted the Basic Law as the constitution of the HKSAR, and, using the traction provided by the constitutionalization of the Basic Law, made and filled for themselves the role of a constitutional check on the executive and legislative branches of government to ensure that they act in accordance with the Basic Law, with the constitutional jurisdiction to invalidate executive decisions and legislations found to be inconsistent with the Basic Law.
This Thesis considers the exercise of judicial power in the HKSAR along three trajectories. The first tackles the challenges to the legality and legitimacy of the constitutional jurisdiction of the courts of the HKSAR to review legislations of the HKSAR, principally propounded by Mainland Chinese scholarship. The arguments set out in the most representative of such scholarship are each examined and rebutted. Nevertheless, the courts of the HKSAR are vulnerable to the exercise of the power of interpretation by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) of certain provisions of the Basic Law touching upon the review of legislation and the adjudication of cases.
The second concerns the relationship between the HKSAR courts and the coordinate branches of government of the HKSAR, namely the executive authorities and the legislature. Through an examination of the methodologies and procedures in which the HKSAR courts review legislation, it is found that they have calibrated and tempered the process of review, including the countering of justification with deference and the innovation in remedies, to palliate the effect of judicial scrutiny.
The third examines the incidents where the exercise of judicial power in the HKSAR impinges upon a national law element under the Basic Law, the chief of which is the Court of Final Appeal making a reference of provisions of the Basic Law to the NPCSC for interpretation before final adjudication. The Court adopted strategies to resist the making of a reference to the NPCSC, taking a ‘second-best’ approach in limiting the effect and influence of Mainland legislative measures and legal theory in the HKSAR. It is possible for the Court to act as a last bastion of the autonomy of the HKSAR.
This Thesis concludes with a cautious look at the erosive risks to the duty of the HKSAR courts to exercise constitutional jurisdiction posed by the findings above and the trend of indigenization of jurisprudence. The jurisprudence of the HKSAR must, in its own interest, stay cosmopolitan.The Best PhD Thesis in the Faculties of Architecture, Arts, Business & Economics, Education, Law and Social Sciences (University of Hong Kong), Li Ka Shing Prize, 2010-11.
published_or_final_version
Law
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
16
Ip, Eric Chi Yeung. "Constitutionalism under China : strategic interpretation of the Hong Kong basic law in comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cc5aa191-d745-44ef-93b5-5101d097572f.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The scholarly consensus on the political foundations of independent constitutional review – that it invariably stems from electoral and inter-branch competition – has been weakened by recent empirical discoveries which demonstrated that constitutional courts in a number of authoritarian states are actually more activist than previously assumed. This dissertation examines this phenomenon using the case of Hong Kong, an authoritarian polity first under the sovereignty of Britain and then of China. It is widely believed that the competence of the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal – a cosmopolitan common law final appellate court – to strike down legislative and executive acts, and its ability to induce the regime’s compliance with its rulings, is intrinsic to the Basic Law, just as it is in liberal democracies. Nevertheless, two interrelated anomalous phenomena – the Court’s repeated issuance of activist rulings with near-complete impunity, and the continuing forbearance of China’s foremost constitutional authority, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC), faced with the Court’s aggressive assertions – necessitates careful explanation. This dissertation proposes an explanatory Constitutional Investment Theory, which highlights the similarities between “investment” in constitutional review and investment in financial assets, to explain the activation, consolidation, and ascendancy of independent constitutional review in authoritarian settings. It shows how strong incentives to signal its ideological commitment to the “One Country, Two Systems” scheme, both internationally and domestically, first drove the NPCSC to acquiesce in the Court’s self-aggrandisement; how internal divisions within and external opposition to the Hong Kong regime have rendered retaliation a costly option; and how the Court’s strategic resolution of the Basic Law’s ambiguities has encouraged continuous political investment in its jurisdiction and autonomy. Altogether, these have contributed to the formation of a dynamic equilibrium of constitution control, under which the Court and the NPCSC dynamically developed their own jurisprudence within their respective bailiwicks.
17
Yang, Xiaonan, and 楊曉楠. "The interpretation of the Hong Kong Basic Law: an institutional analysis." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2009. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42181999.
Повний текст джерела
18
Madima, Reshoketswe. "A case study of whether South Africa's foreign policy with Zimbabwe and China is informed by its constitutional and international human rights obligations." Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32336.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
South Africa is a country that in the past has experienced gross human rights violations, and therefore has sought never again to have such violations. The government has sought to protect people's human rights by including them in the country's Constitution. Furthermore, South Africa has engaged with various international human rights bodies to further advocate for good human rights practices. However, the country has encountered some domestic challenges, with inequality and poverty being rife in the country. These challenges have implications for South Africa's economic foreign policy goals. This study explores South Africa's foreign policy with the Chinese government and the Zimbabwean government to explain why the country has chosen countries with poor human rights such as these. The research study will be centred around the period from 2008 to 2017. The offensive realism theory formed the theoretic framework of this research study. The study employed a qualitative research strategy as well as an interpretivist research paradigm. The findings show that when it comes to South Africa's foreign policy agenda, the government's goal is to establish a partnership with another country that will ultimately benefit the economic interests of South Africa, regardless of the country's human rights principles.
19
Lam, Chai Teng. "As relacoes entre a Constituicao da Republica Popular da China e a Lei Basica da Regiao Administrativa Especial de Macau." Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1447911.
Повний текст джерела
20
Lam, Weng Tong. "As relacoes entre a Constituicao da Republica Popular da China, a Lei Basica da Regiao Administrativa Especial de Macau e a Lei de Producao Legislativa." Thesis, University of Macau, 2007. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636979.
Повний текст джерела
21
Li, Guoming. "The constitutional relationship between China and Hong Kong : a study of the status of Hong Kong in China’s system of government under the principle of ‘one Country, two systems’." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/172/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis investigates the sustainability of constitutional review practised in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) within a broader political and legal system of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in post-1997 era. Theoretical questions regarding the compatibility and workability of this type of review have been raised, particularly with respect to the constitutional interpretation of the Hong Kong Basic Law. Setting the scene against the background of thirteen years of implementation of the Hong Kong Basic Law, this thesis examines the challenge presented both to the HKSAR and the Chinese authorities working within the frame of ‘one country, two systems’. It examines practical and theoretical aspects of the interpretation of the Basic Law and of the nature of this unique constitutional relationship between the HKSAR and the PRC. This thesis explores the constitutional relations between the PRC and the HKSAR through the lens of constitutional jurisdiction of the Hong Kong Basic Law, whose interpretation has triggered huge debate in both Hong Kong and mainland China. This thesis finds that the cause for the disparity over the interpretation issue has its origins in the understanding of the fundamental concepts of sovereignty and constitution. The thesis concludes that the Hong Kong Basic Law provides the frame for a new type of constitutional relationship between the PRC and the HKSAR. The Basic Law does not solve the constitutional questions raised but rather serves as a basic framework through which the Central Authorities of the PRC and the HKSAR are enabled to evolve in an on-going process of constitutional norm-formation. My research also aims to contribute to the study on the special constitutional arrangements under the circumstances of Chinese political theory and legal system, and to offer reflections on the road towards constitutionalism in China.
22
Reifenrath, Carola. "Das Vertragsrecht Hongkongs und dessen zukünftige Entwicklung : unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des englischen Common Law /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/504880136.pdf.
Повний текст джерела
23
Letteau, Gabrielle Tracey. "A court without resort?: comparative aspects of the "Act of State" doctrine : traditional limitations on thejudiciary's power of review, and its implications for Hong Kong'scourt of final appeals." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B38627826.
Повний текст джерела
24
盧鑑榮. "淸末立憲派個案硏究 : 江蘇立憲派與江蘇諮議局 = A case study of late Qing constitutionalist : Jiangsu Consultative Council and Jiangsu Constitutionalist". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2003. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/466.
Повний текст джерела
25
Givens, John Wagner. "Suing dragons? : taking the Chinese state to court." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a016f84a-3df8-4df7-88bb-4475372022f0.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation analyses the ability of Chinese lawyers to use administrative litigation to protect individuals and groups from an authoritarian state that frequently infringes on their rights. These plaintiffs fill administrative courts in China, opposing the overzealous tactics of police, challenging the expropriation of their land, and disputing the seizure and demolition of their homes. Empirically, it relies on several unique data sources in a mixed-methodological approach. Qualitative and small-n quantitative data from 126 interviews with a random sample of Chinese lawyers and 52 additional interviews are supplemented by documentary sources. These findings are then tested against official data and a large survey of Chinese lawyers. This research demonstrates that administrative litigation is part of a polycentric authoritarian system that helps the Chinese state to monitor its agents, allows limited political participation, and facilitates economic development (Chapter One). By giving ordinary Chinese a chance to hold their local governments accountable in court, administrative litigation represents a significant step towards rule of law, but its limited scope means that it has not been accompanied by dramatic liberalisation (Chapter Three). In part, this is because the most prolific and successful administrative litigators are politically embedded lawyers, insiders who challenge the state in court but eschew the most radical cases and tactics (Chapter Four). The tactics that allow politically embedded lawyers to successfully litigate administrative cases rely on and contribute to China’s polycentric authoritarianism by drawing in other state, quasi-state, and non-state actors (Chapter Five). Multinationals in China are largely failing to contribute to the development of China’s legal system because they readily accept preferential treatment from the Chinese state as an alternative to litigation (Chapter Six). While administrative litigation bolsters China’s polycentric authoritarianism in the short term, it offers tremendous potential for rationalisation, liberalisation, and even democratisation in the long term.
26
Hsu, Yu-Wei. "Les compétences du Président de la République à Taïwan : fondements et évolution depuis 1988." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D009.
Повний текст джерела
27
Xiao, Wei, and 肖伟. "The compensation for land expropriation in rural China under the constitution in People's Republic of China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/209485.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Land has always been the focus of public debates among scholars, policy makers and local populations due to its scarcity in face of population explosion and rapid urban growth. This is particularly so in the case of China. In order to support an unprecedented rate of urbanization, the institutional mechanism of land expropriation has been widely adopted by the government of the People's Republic of China over the last three decades.
However, the effect of this institutional mechanism in rural China has become increasingly controversial. On one side, it is one of the most powerful tools to assemble land for urban development. Moreover, by means of land expropriation and land conveyance, local governments are capable of collecting substantial revenues to fund urban development. On the other side, the exclusive power of local governments over land expropriation, which is derived from the land management system, makes it possible for local governments to manipulate the price at which land is taken from farmers. In practice, local governments expropriate suburban or rural land at a low price and then lease it at a much higher price in land market. Therefore, inequitable compensation for land expropriation has led to numerous conflicts and social tensions between local governments and land-loss farmers. The issue of land expropriation and compensation has been identified as one of most primary sources of social discontents and complaints.
Even though a growing number of studies have been conducted on the urbanization and regional development in China, a thorough cause–effect elaboration of the issue of land expropriation and compensation in rural China has rarely been carried out within the political regime. This thesis analyzes the institutional framework of land expropriation and compensation in rural China from the perspectives of property rights and land management system. In addition, it discloses the opportunities for Chinese legal system to solve this issue by borrowing legal norms, wisdoms and experience from other jurisdiction, such as the United States and Germany. Furthermore, it aims to improve and reconstruct the legal framework of compensation by elaborating the concept of long-term reciprocity. Three primary questions would be elaborated in this thesis. Is the compensation for land expropriation in rural China equitable? If the compensation is not equitable, how has such an inequity been caused? And most importantly, how to improve the compensability of land expropriation?published_or_final_version
Real Estate and Construction
Doctoral
Doctor of Philosophy
28
Wang, Wei. "Le contrôle de constitutionnalité en Chine au regard de l'expérience française." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM1027.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Le contrôle de constitutionnalité, pour la plupart des juristes en Chine, incarne une problématique primordiale : celle de la définition des limites au pouvoir politique et de l'encadrement de la relation entre les gouvernants et les gouvernés. Néanmoins, la présentation du système actuel de contrôle de constitutionnalité en Chine et le constat des obstacles à son effectivité conduisent à des interrogations : pourquoi faut-il améliorer ce contrôle de constitutionnalité ? Comment faire respecter les valeurs sociales par les normes juridiques? Par quelle voie l'écart entre les normes et la réalité peut-il disparaître ? Dans le contexte de transformation de l'État et de tendance à la mondialisation, l'ordre juridique et la réalité sociale en Chine convergent dans l'affirmation du besoin d'un réel contrôle de constitutionnalité. La thèse montre ainsi dans un premier temps que ce dernier est justifié par les liens étroits qui le lient désormais non seulement à l'Etat de droit, mais aussi à la démocratie. Pour répondre à ce besoin, deux scénarios sont dans un second temps envisagés. Le premier, celui de la spécialisation du contrôle par l'institution d'un organe en ayant la charge exclusive, propose une voie d'évolution interne à l'Assemblée nationale populaire, qui s'accompagnerait d'une procédure plus complète qu'à l'heure actuelle. Le second est au contraire celui de l'autonomisation du contrôle de constitutionnalité par la mise en place d'une juridiction constitutionnelle et l'affirmation d'une jurisprudence constitutionnelleThe majority of the chinese jurists hold the opinion of enforcing the constitutional review, in order to build a limited governement and to reduce the tension between the citizens and the governors. This thesis investigated why this system of constitutional review should be better evolved and how to improve its efficiency ? In order to answer these questions, this study of the constitutional review in China is trying to elucidate the relationship among the value, norms and reality of the Constitution. This study discussed the rule of law and the democratic transition which are the main constitutional values and exigences but have yet been penetrated into the norms because of some political objections. Therefore, we studied the development of the constitutional review in two scenarios. Firstly, we discussed designing a special organ and improving the procedural justice within the actual system; Secondly, we argued the possibilities of the establishment of a constitutional court in China with the affirmation of constitutionnal jurisprudence, as well as commented on the major ideas and suggestions related to it. The last scenario seems to be ambitious, but we might be able to find some roots in chinese judicial order
29
Tang, Yuanxiang. "La protection constitutionnelle du droit de propriété en Chine : étude réalisée à la lumière du droit français." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0687.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
En Chine, avec l’établissement progressif du système d’économie de marché socialiste, les formes et la quantité de propriété privée des citoyens ont connu une évolution constante. L’amendement constitutionnel de 2004 a officiellement consacré la protection du droit de propriété privée dans la constitution. Un système juridique initial de protection du droit de propriété privée, qui a objectivement favorisé l’essor de l’économie chinoise, a été établi. Cependant, nous devons être conscients que la situation actuelle de la protection du droit de propriété privée n’est pas optimiste en Chine. Le point essentiel du problème réside non seulement dans les divers défauts de système juridique de la propriété privée, mais également dans le fait que les normes constitutionnelles sur la garantie du droit de propriété des citoyens n’ont pas été efficacement mises en œuvre. Le 19ème Congrès national du Parti communiste chinois de 2017 a proclamé officiellement l’objectif de faire progresser le système de contrôle de constitutionnalité, et ensuite, l’amendement constitutionnel de 2018 a établi une nouvelle commission spéciale destinée à effectuer un examen constitutionnel. Ces deux événements signifient-ils que la Chine s’est bien préparée pour la construction d’un État de droit, qui a pour effet d’améliorer le système actuel de protection constitutionnelle du droit de propriété des citoyens ? Partant de cette question, la présente thèse choisit donc une perspective de mise en œuvre de la constitution et utilise l’expérience du droit français comme référence, afin d’étudier le système de la protection du droit de propriété privée en ChineIn China, with the gradual establishment of the socialist market economy, the form and quantity of ownership of citizens have evolved constantly. The constitutional amendment of 2004 has formally consecrated the property rights in the constitution. An initial legal system of protection of property right, which has objectively favored the development of the Chinese economy, has been established. However, we must be aware that the current situation of the protection of property rights is not optimistic in China. The essential point of the problem lies not only in the various deficiencies of the legal system of property, but also in the fact that the constitutional laws on the guarantee of the property right of the citizens have not been effectively implemented. The 19th National congress of the Chinese communist party has formally proclaimed the purpose of advancing the constitutional examination system, and then the constitutional amendment of 2018 established a new special commission to carry out it. Do these two events mean that China has prepared well for the construction of the rule of law, which has the effect of improving the current system of constitutional protection of the property rights of citizens? Starting from this question, the present thesis thus chooses a perspective of the implementation of the constitution and uses the experience of the French law as reference, in order to study the system of the protection of the property right in China
30
Shaw, Yung-Djong. "Gefährdung der Verfassungsordnung im Kontext der Regionalen Integration." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18134.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Im Idealfall bilden die Kopenhagener Kriterien zusammen mit dem Art.-7-Verfahren EUV einen lückenlosen Schutzmechanismus der EU-Werte. Die Verfassungskrisen in Ungarn und Polen haben allerdings nicht nur die Schwächen des Art.-7-Verfahren aufgedeckt, sondern auch die Frage aufgeworfen, ob die gegenwärtige Anwendungsweise des Kopenhagener Mechanismus ausreichend ist.
Da das Beitrittsverfahren an sich Regierung-zentrisch ist, ist es offenkundig, dass dieses Verfahren nicht viel dazu beiträgt, die Bürger in den politischen Prozess ihres Landes einzubinden und die Zivilgesellschaft zu stärken. Es dauert eine gewisse Zeit, bis die konstitutionelle Grundwerte in die Herzen der Bürger eines neulich demokratisierten Landes gebracht werden. Die EU wurde allerdings dadurch unter Zeitdruck gesetzt, dass sie die Osterweiterung in einem relativ kurzen Zeitraum vollenden musste, um die Gunst der Stunde für ein vereintes Europa nutzen können.
Der aktuellen Zustand der EU entspricht dem echten Bund im Schmittschen Sinn. Die Substanz der Homogenität in einem echten Bund ist das Produkt des Zusammenspiels der Verfassungsordnung des Bundes und seiner Mitglieder. Daraus ergibt sich, dass mit jedem Beitritt eines neuen Mitgliedstaats die Verfassungsidentität der EU mit einer neuen Verfassungsidentität angereichert und wesentlich geändert wird. Wenn man die Eingriffskapazität der EU in die innerstaatlichen Verfassungsordnungen über die heutige Intensität hinaus noch verstärken will, darf man die politische Natur der Werte-Frage in einem echten Bund nicht außer Acht lassen.
Der Priorisierung der politischen Kriterien vor den wirtschaftlichen Kriterien, mit der die EU die Beitrittsverhandlungen durchgeführt hat, ist für Taiwans China-Politik ebenso wichtig. Eine entscheidende Aufgabe für Taiwan ist, klar zu machen, dass Taiwan politische Verhandlungen nur mit einem Ansprechpartner führen wird, der die gleichen politischen Werte einhält.In the course of developing a general theory aiming at reversing and preventing the deterioration of political values in the European and East-Asian context, this study answered two sets of questions. First, on the empirical level, how reasonable and effective are the current pre-accession evaluations? Regarding the existing deterioration in the post-accession context, does it reflect any short coming in the way the EU implements the Copenhagen Criteria? Since Taiwan has not established such monitoring mechanism yet, what are the damages already done to Taiwan’s constitutional values? Second, on the normative level, this study followed two very different approaches. On the one hand, it clarified where the limits of judicial solution to this problem are. The fact that the sanction procedures prescribed in the current Art. 7 TEU take the form of collective actions revealed that what is at stake here is a shared value system. On the other hand, this study took into account the interaction between law and politics. The accession of new member states, as well the sanction against member states which failed to respect the political values of the Union, are in essence political decisions of the European Union. Since Taiwan needs to set up political conditions for it negotiations with China, the task is highly political, too. By identifying elements that caused or prevented the deterioration of political values, this study proposed suggestions for correcting and preventing deterioration by understanding its operation. A protective mechanism for Taiwan’s political values can create a reverse “lock-in effect.” By enunciating stringent negotiation guidelines and a code of conduct for Taiwanese government that requires cautiousness and vigilance, this mechanism will place the cross-strait negotiations under a legal framework which ensures that any given Taiwanese government could not sacrifice Taiwan’s constitutional values in exchange for advancing its political agenda.
31
"The dynamic presidency and the evolution of constitutional law in China." Thesis, 2010. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074931.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Adopting historical, legal and comparative methods and incorporating knowledge and findings from multiple disciplines, this thesis not only explores political implications of those constitutional provisions and amendment regarding the Chinese presidency, constitutional significance of the CPC's political practices of decision-making such as Mao Zedong's "power of last say", his idea of "two fronts", his controversial abolition of the chairmanship, Deng Xiaoping's idea of "the core of leadership", and "diplomacy of the head of state" by Chinese presidents, thus negating the mainstream constitutional and political idea that the Chinese president is (or should be) the head of state of China, but also sheds new lights from the institutional perspective on the on-going academic discussions about the situation of rule of law in China. Since China is a great Eastern and developing country "building socialism with Chinese characteristics", this thesis also contributes to research in areas such as cold war history, the socialist government system and legal development in developing countries.By pioneering an all-around examination on legal and political development of the Chinese presidency since its origin through different historical stages from both normative and positive aspects within the framework of the party-state, it is concluded that the Chinese presidency has evolved from a traditional Chinese title into a governmental position, and then a state institution that has a constitutional appearance of a Western semi-presidency. However, it has functioned politically in a Stalinist party-state with Chinese characteristics, whose candidate has by far been produced according to the CPC's step-by-step succession rules designated by the paramount leaders and real political decision-making power has mainly not only been limited by these succession rules, but also decided by his role and status within the CPC's supreme collective decision-making body. Underlined such decades of constitutional evolution and political dynamics have been the changing foreign influences and local demands on China. As China becomes more globalized and its traditions of "rule of man" gradually die out, law and politics surrounding this office has been more compatible, thus giving rise to a nascent rule of law.
It is widely-accepted that the constitutional office of Chinese president has undergone dramatic changes since its establishment in 1954, to its abolition in 1975, and its revival in 1982. This has been commonly attributed either to the importation of the Russian model, or the personal influences of the CPC's leaders Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, or political considerations, such as the need for a head of state. This thesis questions these general, yet sometimes contradictory, account and quests for more coherent explanations for those twists and turns in the evolution of the office of president.
Zhang, Runhua.
Adviser: Michael Pendleton.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 72-04, Section: A, page: .
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 285-314).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstract also in Chinese.
32
Burnham, Sherryll. "Becoming Chinese: The Construction of Language and Ethnicity in Modern China." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/30530.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explores how the standardization of language in China has been as a means to unify the empire and restructure relations between citizens and the state through processes of identification. Looking in at the case of China's minzu (ethnic groups), I argue that the current trend instituted through policies at the top-level is to eliminate linguistic and cultural diversities through the promotion of Putonghua as the lingua franca and to eventually amalgamate all minzu of the multi-minzu state into a mono-minzu, Zhonghua Minzu (citizens of the Chinese nation). Beginning with an overview of the historical practices of language standardization, I show how the ideological nature of politically influenced terminologies in the Chinese language has contributed to this restructuring of identity. With identity tied closely to language, recently enacted laws in mainland China have brought the government a step closer to achieving its ultimate goal of creating a mono-minzu state.
33
Sakmárová, Dominika. "Pojem vlády zákona v Čínské lidové republice." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-352464.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The objective of this Master's thesis is to analyse the term of "rule of law" and its Chinese variations (fazhi 法治 , fazhi 法制 , yifazhiguo 依法治国 ) since establishment of the People's Republic of China until present, with the emphasis on contemporary understanding of the concept, affected by political environment. The concept of the rule of law is presented throughout analysis of collected works of influential political leaders, namely Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Xi Jinping, reflected in official documents crucial to the legal system, such as the Constitution. Each historical period represents a different stance on the conception of rule of law and position of legal system, which results in analysis of current situation with a prospective future attitude to this issue. Keywords: rule of law, constitutional rule, Communist Party of China, China
34
Prince, Peter Herman. "Aliens in their own land. 'Alien' and the rule of law in colonial and post-federation Australia." Phd thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/101778.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis argues that the ‘rule of law’ was not followed in
colonial and post-federation Australia in relation to a
fundamental principle of the common law. According to the rule in
Calvin’s Case (1608), no person born as a ‘subject’ in any
part of the King’s dominions could be an ‘alien’. This was
the legal position in Australia from the reception of English law
until well after federation.
In colonial and post-federation Australia the racial meaning of
‘alien’ was consistently used in political and legal contexts
instead of its proper legal meaning. In legislation and
parliamentary debates, cases and prosecutions, inter-colonial
conferences and conventions it was employed to refer not merely
to those who were ‘aliens’ under the common law but also to
people regarded as ‘aliens’ in the broader or racial sense of
the word, especially those of non-European background. Chinese
and Indian settlers, Pacific islanders and even indigenous
Australians were treated as ‘aliens’ in Australia even if
under British law they were actually ‘subjects’ of the Crown
and not ‘aliens’ at all in the accepted legal sense.
In the 1820s and 1830s the New South Wales Supreme Court thought
it inconceivable that ‘barbarous’ indigenous inhabitants
could ‘owe fealty’ or allegiance to the British Crown,
considering their legal position analogous to that of
‘foreigners’ or ‘strangers’. In debates on exclusionary
legislation in the 1870s and 1880s, parliamentarians in the
Australian colonies portrayed all Chinese settlers as
‘aliens’, despite acknowledging that many came from Hong
Kong, the Straits Settlements or other British possessions.
Immigrants from British India were generally treated the same
way. Delegates to Australia’s constitutional conventions in the
1890s, including prominent legal figures, repeated this mistake.
And in the 1900s Pacific islanders born in Australia as British
subjects were deported as ‘aliens’ with the approval of the
Australian High Court. The misuse of ‘alien’ in this case
contributed to a defective judgment still cited today in support
of the Commonwealth’s claims to extensive exclusionary power.
Between federation and the Second World War, Queensland’s
dictation test legislation and industrial awards regulating
various occupations provide many examples of the misuse and
manipulation of the term ‘alien’ in a legal context. In
prosecutions under these laws the word was used as a weapon
against non-Europeans whether they were ‘aliens’ under the
law or not.
Commentators both in the early years of federation and in more
recent times have failed to identify the misuse of ‘alien’–
and have made the same error themselves. This mistake is critical
because of the continued force of the term in Australian law. The
Commonwealth’s sweeping power to define who shall be citizens
of Australia and to exclude, detain indefinitely without trial
and deport ‘aliens’ is still justified by reference to
colonial and post-federation cases and constitutional convention
debates where ‘alien’ was incorrectly used in its racial
sense contrary to the rule of law.