Статті в журналах з теми "Children, Samoan - Care"

Objective: To describe a community-based single-session group intervention designed to address psychosocial needs of Samoan young people following a tsunami. Method: This programme resulted from collaboration between Samoan therapists, Samoan Catholic pastoral care workers and non-Samoan mental health clinicians. Informed by Samoan concepts of self and wellbeing, it incorporated cultural and spiritual practices familiar to Samoan young people and their families as well as body-centred therapeutic techniques, the ‘Tree of life’ exercise and provision of a cooked meal. Results: Following household visits to affected families in villages throughout southern and eastern Upolu and the island of Manono, the programme was devised and carried out in 11 villages with 1295 children participating. There was a high degree of acceptance of the programme by Pulenu’u (village governance leaders), young people, their families and community members. Conclusions: Interventions to address the psychological needs of Indigenous Pacific children and adolescents following a major disaster need to be embedded in the values of their communities. This paper describes an innovative programme based on Samoan values that was consistent with evidence-informed principles used to guide post-disaster responses.

BackgroundTsunamis most commonly occur in the “Ring of fire” in the Pacific due to frequency of earthquakes and volcanic activity. Damaging tsunamis occur 1–2 times yearly. On September 29, 2009, an earthquake on the Pacific floor caused a tsunami that struck American Samoa, Samoa and Tonga, with only 20 minutes warning.ObjectiveTo evaluate the disaster response in American Samoa by emergency medical services (EMS), the territorial hospital, and the Department of Health.MethodsA retrospective review of EMS logs, public health records, hospital emergency department charts, and key-informant interviews over a 2-week period. Descriptive statistics were used to evaluate data.ResultsThree 5-meter waves struck the American Samoan islands, with land inundation as far as 700 meters. Many low- lying villages, including the capital city Pago Pago were affected. A total of 33 people (8 male, 23 female, including 3 children) were killed by the water, with approximately 150 significantly injured. EMS runs increased 250% from normal daily averages, with island-wide responses significantly delayed by flood damage. The hospital in Pago Pago, situated near the shore and only 10 meters above sea level, utilized 75 staff to evacuate 68 in-patients to high ground as soon as tremors were felt. This process was completed in 20 minutes with no associated morbidity or mortality. Patient injury patterns for the event are similar to recent literature reports. Mobile clinics and alternate care sites established at outlying dispensaries were used to decentralize healthcare from the hospital. DMAT/DMORT teams from Oregon and Hawaii supported local healthcare initiatives. Post-disaster public health surveillance focused on identifying and limiting food/water-borne illnesses, dengue fever, and influenza-like-illness outbreaks, as well as disaster related PTSD.ConclusionThe disaster response to the tsunami in American Samoa was effective. Disaster planning was appropriate and rapidly implemented. Post-disaster public health emergencies were minimized.

INTRODUCTION: Hospital admissions for childhood skin infections in New Zealand (NZ) are on the increase. Pacific children make up a high number of those who are admitted. This study describes the parents of Pacific children’s understanding and management of skin sores in the home prior to the sores becoming infected and requiring hospital admission. METHODS: A descriptive qualitative approach combined with the Pacific research frameworks of Fa’afaletui and the Metaphor of Kakala were used to elicit parents’ understanding and management of children’s skin sores in the home. The semi-structured interviews were conducted in English or Samoan, and all transcribed into English. FINDINGS: Mothers of 11 Pacific children admitted with skin infections between 2006 and 2008 were interviewed. The children’s infections started with insect bites in some cases. Parents actively sought treatment to ensure children’s optimal health was maintained. Initial management included a ‘watch and see’ approach for some, until deterioration was noted. CONCLUSION: This is the first known study in New Zealand that has captured children’s experiences when sustaining a skin infection/s and the activities that took place while seeking treatment in the community. Although most of the children received medical attention in primary health care (PHC), this did not prevent the need for hospital admission. The acuteness and seriousness of children’s health on admission shows that preventive efforts need to increase and the early management of infections in PHC settings needs to be better understood. KEYWORDS: Children; Pacific health, primary health care; skin infections

INTRODUCTION: Providing quality maternity care for high-needs, socially deprived women from ethnic minority groups is challenging. Consumer satisfaction with maternity services is an important aspect of service evaluation for this group. This pilot study aimed to investigate the feasibility of using focus groups and interviews to gauge consumer satisfaction of maternity care by high-needs women, and to explore their perceptions of the Newtown Union Health Service (NUHS) model of a midwifery-led service embedded in primary care in Wellington, New Zealand (NZ). METHODS: Following a previous audit of consumer satisfaction surveys collected over a six-year period, a qualitative pilot study using a thematic analytic approach was conducted at the NUHS in late 2011. The study assessed use of focus groups and interviews, interpreted where necessary, and considered the experiences reported by women about the model of care. FINDINGS: Interviews and focus groups were successfully conducted with 11 women: two NZ European (individual interviews), six Cambodian (five in a focus group, one interview), and three Samoan (focus group). Using a thematic analytic approach, key themes identified from the focus group and interviews were: issues with survey form-filling; importance of accessibility and information; and relationships and communication with the midwifery team. CONCLUSION: Interviews and focus groups were well received, and indicated positive endorsement of the model of care. They also revealed some hitherto unknown concerns. Good quality feedback about satisfaction with a range of maternal and child health services helps service providers to provide the best possible start in life for children in high-needs families. KEYWORDS: Interprofessional; maternity care; New Zealand; patient care team; primary health care

BackgroundTsunamis are infrequent but devastating natural disasters. Loss of life, livelihood, and property contribute psychological stresses to an affected population, resulting in new psychiatric illness.ObjectiveTo describe post-disaster hospital, Department of Human Services (DHS), and Department of Education (DOE) methods of mental health resource dissemination, and their effectiveness.MethodsA retrospective review of after-action reports, psychiatric clinic charts, and key-informant interviews over a 4 month period was employed. Descriptive statistics were used to evaluate data.ResultsThe September 29, 2009 tsunami claimed 33 American Samoan lives. Hospital Family Assistance Center counselors aided families in the identification of 12 corpses, 9 missing persons, and providing psychiatric referral. Fifty-four hospital staff suffered loss. (Loss of: transportation, n = 13; utilities, n = 15; homes/shelter, n = 2). Coupled with the stresses of providing post-event medical care, the hospital staff was at high risk for psychiatric sequelae. Debriefing sessions for hospital staff were poorly attended due to conflicting work responsibilities, and an unfamiliar discussion format. DHS assembled four teams, each composed of one psychiatrist/psychologist leader and 6 crisis counselors. DOE school counselors utilized DHS mental health teams to screen all school aged children. The hospital psychiatry clinic remained the definitive referral destination. Federal mitigation grants provided funding for two psychiatrists, and two psychologists (including pediatric specialists) to augment hospital mental health capacity. Screening statistics and prevalence of psychiatric disease are further reported. Six month post-event rates of persistent psychiatric disease reflect that reported in recent literature (1-2%).ConclusionHospital critical incident stress management requires culturally acceptable counseling methods and administrative support. Family assistance counselors are key players in identifying the needs of families of the deceased. Student counseling services and collaborative mental health teams provide a novel approach to the dissemination of mental health services within a community.

INTRODUCTION: Pacific New Zealanders have a high prevalence of smoking, with many first smoking in their pre-adolescent years. AIM: To identify risk factors for tobacco smoking among Pacific pre-adolescent intermediate school children. METHODS: A cross-sectional survey of 2208 Pacific students aged between 10 and 13 years from four South Auckland intermediate schools who were asked about their smoking behaviour between the years 2007 and 2009. RESULTS: The prevalence of Pacific ever-smokers (for 2007) in Year 7 was 15.0% (95% Confidence Interval [CI] 12.0%–18.3%) and Year 8, 23.0% (95% CI 19.5%–26.7%). Multivariate modelling showed the risk factors for ever-smoking were Cook Island ethnic group (OR 1.72; 95% CI 1.26–2.36, ref=Samoan), boys (OR 1.47; 95% CI 1.14–1.89), age (OR 1.65; 95% CI 1.36–2.00), exposure to smoking in a car within the previous seven days (OR 2.24; 95% CI 1.67–3.01), anyone smoking at home within the previous seven days (OR 1.52; 95% CI 1.12–2.04) and receiving more than $NZ20 per week as pocket money/allowance (OR=1.91, 95% CI 1.23–2.96). DISCUSSION: Parents control and therefore can modify identified risk factors for Pacific children’s smoking initiation: exposure to smoking at home or in the car and the amount of weekly pocket money the child receives. Primary health care professionals should advise Pacific parents to make their homes and cars smokefree and to monitor their children’s spending. This study also suggests a particular need for specific Cook Island smokefree promotion and cessation resources. KEYWORDS: Adolescent; child; ethnic group; New Zealand; Pacific; smoking

Abstract Background Typhoid fever has been endemic on the island nation of Samoa (2016 population, 195 979) since the 1960s and has persisted through 2019, despite economic development and improvements in water supply and sanitation. Methods Salmonella enterica serovar Typhi isolates from the 2 hospitals with blood culture capability and matched patient demographic and clinical data from January 2008 through December 2019 were analyzed. Denominators to calculate incidence by island, region, and district came from 2011 and 2016 censuses and from 2017–2019 projections from Samoa’s Bureau of Statistics. Data were analyzed to describe typhoid case burden and incidence from 2008 to 2019 by time, place, and person. Results In sum, 53–193 blood culture-confirmed typhoid cases occurred annually from 2008 to 2019, without apparent seasonality. Typhoid incidence was low among children age < 48 months (17.6–27.8/105), rose progressively in ages 5–9 years (54.0/105), 10–19 years (60.7–63.4/105), and 20–34 years (61.0–79.3/105), and then tapered off; 93.6% of cases occurred among Samoans < 50 years of age. Most typhoid cases and the highest incidence occurred in Northwest Upolu, but Apia Urban Area (served by treated water supplies) also exhibited moderate incidence. The proportion of cases from short-cycle versus long-cycle transmission is unknown. Samoan S. Typhi are pansusceptible to traditional first-line antibiotics. Nevertheless, enhanced surveillance in 2019 detected 4 (2.9%) deaths among 140 cases. Conclusions Typhoid has been endemic in Samoa in the period 2008–2019. Interventions, including mass vaccination with a Vi-conjugate vaccine coadministered with measles vaccine are planned.

Circulating filarial antigen (Ag) prevalence, measured using rapid point-of-care tests, is the standard indicator used for monitoring and surveillance in the Global Program to Eliminate Lymphatic Filariasis. In 2015, the immunochromatographic test (ICT) was replaced with the filariasis test strip (FTS), which has higher reported sensitivity. Despite differences in sensitivity, no changes in recommended surveillance targets were made when the FTS was introduced. In 2016, we conducted lymphatic filariasis surveys in American Samoa using FTS, which found higher Ag prevalence than previous surveys that used ICT. To determine whether the increase was real, we assessed the concordance between FTS and ICT results by paired testing of heparinised blood from 179 individuals (63% FTS-positive). ICT had 93.8% sensitivity and 100% specificity for identifying FTS-positive persons, and sensitivity was not associated with age, gender, or presence of microfilariae. Based on these findings, if ICT had been used in the 2016 surveys, the results and interpretation would have been similar to those reported using FTS. American Samoa would have failed Transmission Assessment Survey (TAS) of Grade 1 and 2 children with either test, and community prevalence would not have been significantly different (4.1%, 95% CI, 3.3–4.9% with FTS vs. predicted 3.8%, 95%, CI: 3.1–4.6% with ICT).

Abstract Introduction Advances in the care of burn injured pediatric patients has improved mortality over the last 20 years. However, massive burn injuries in pediatric patients, while overall rare, have a significant morbidity and mortality. The primary aim for this study is to analyze outcomes in massive pediatric burn injuries. Methods After institutional review board approval, a retrospective study of children with burn injuries 50% TBSA or greater who were admitted to our pediatric burn center from 2009 to 2019 was conducted. Data collected include age, gender, ethnicity, race, country of residence, % TBSA, degree of burn, presence of inhalation injury, hospital duration, intensive care duration, presence of tracheostomy, number and types of surgeries performed and discharge outcomes. All mean values are mean±standard deviation, all median values are median (interquartile range), and p-value < 0.05 were considered significant. Results This study included 84 patients (60.7% male) with a mean age of 8±6 years old. The median time from injury to admission was 2(1–4) days. 56% of patients were from Mexico, 43% were from the United States and 1 patient was from American Samoa. 21% of the patients died. There was no difference in the extent of burn injury between patients who died (68±14% TBSA) versus those who lived (66±12% TBSA). The median length of stay was significantly shorter in the patients who died (19(5–44) vs. 74(35–138) days p=0.0001). Patients who died also suffered more inhalation injury (61% vs. 21%, p=0.01). After adjusting for age and TBSA, inhalation was a significant independent predictor of death (OR- 4.3, (1.4-13 95% CI), p=0.01). Conclusions Over the past decade, nearly 80% of children with massive burn injuries survived. The children who died as a result of their massive burn injury, died within the first month of admission. Inhalation injury significantly and independently increases the risk of dying in pediatric patients with a massive burn injury.

<p><em>This paper discusses the formation of women's identity in the novel Saman. Lately, women's social identity has changed in meaning with the times, so the author wants to analyze the identity of women in this novel. This novel has a background in the New Order era, the author wants to analyze how the formation of women's identity at that time. This </em><em>paperis a </em><em>qualitative </em><em>approach with descriptive</em><em> study by the writer reading the novel. The author uses Henri Tajfel's Theory of identity which explains that social identity is part of the concept of each individual who comes from his membership and is in a social group where the social group has the same values </em><em></em><em>and emotional significance in the membership. The results of the analysis show that there is a strong influence from the socialization stage of parents to children because parents are the first and foremost people who carry out social interactions with children. In addition, in the novel, during the New Order era, there was a state policy towards women or mothers/parents with the five dharma program so that it had an influence on the formation of women's identity, besides that the influence of the environment and policies in the New Order era had a strong influence on the formation of women's identity.</em></p><p><em><br /></em></p><p>Tulisan ini membahas tentang pembentukan identitas perempuan dalam novel Saman. Akhir akhir ini identitas sosial perempuan menjadi berubah arti seiring berkembangnya zaman, oleh sebab itu penulis ingin menganalisis tentang identitas perempuan pada novel ini. Novel ini berlatar belakang waktu pada zaman orde baru, penulis ingin menganalisis bagaimana pembentukan identitas perempuan pada zaman itu. Tulisan ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan studi deskriptif dengan cara penulis membaca novel tersebut. Penulis menggunakan Teori identitas Henri Tajfel menjelaskan terkait identitas sosial yaitu sebagai sebuah konsep pada setiap individu yang asal muasalnya dari keanggotaan komunitas dan berada dalam komunitas sosial tersebut, komunitas tersebut merupakan kelompok sosial yang memiliki kesamaan nilai serta kesamaan emosional dalam keanggotaan komunitas tersebut. Hasil analisis menunjukkan adanya pengaruh kuat dari tahap sosialisasi orang tua pada anak dikarenakan orang tua adalah orang pertama dan utama yang melakukan interaksi sosial dengan anak. Selain itu, dalam novel itu di masa orde baru ada kebijakan negara terhadap para perempuan atau ibu/orang tua dengan programnya panca dharma sehingga memberikan pengaruh pada pembentukan identitas perempuan, selain itu pengaruh lingkungan dan kebijakan pada zaman orde baru memberi pengaruh kuat dalam pembentukan identitas perempuan.</p>

<p><em>This paper discusses the formation of women's identity in the novel Saman. Lately, women's social identity has changed in meaning with the times, so the author wants to analyze the identity of women in this novel. This novel has a background in the New Order era, the author wants to analyze how the formation of women's identity at that time. This </em><em>paperis a </em><em>qualitative </em><em>approach with descriptive</em><em> study by the writer reading the novel. The author uses Henri Tajfel's Theory of identity which explains that social identity is part of the concept of each individual who comes from his membership and is in a social group where the social group has the same values </em><em></em><em>and emotional significance in the membership. The results of the analysis show that there is a strong influence from the socialization stage of parents to children because parents are the first and foremost people who carry out social interactions with children. In addition, in the novel, during the New Order era, there was a state policy towards women or mothers/parents with the five dharma program so that it had an influence on the formation of women's identity, besides that the influence of the environment and policies in the New Order era had a strong influence on the formation of women's identity.</em></p><p><em><br /></em></p><p>Tulisan ini membahas tentang pembentukan identitas perempuan dalam novel Saman. Akhir akhir ini identitas sosial perempuan menjadi berubah arti seiring berkembangnya zaman, oleh sebab itu penulis ingin menganalisis tentang identitas perempuan pada novel ini. Novel ini berlatar belakang waktu pada zaman orde baru, penulis ingin menganalisis bagaimana pembentukan identitas perempuan pada zaman itu. Tulisan ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dengan studi deskriptif dengan cara penulis membaca novel tersebut. Penulis menggunakan Teori identitas Henri Tajfel menjelaskan terkait identitas sosial yaitu sebagai sebuah konsep pada setiap individu yang asal muasalnya dari keanggotaan komunitas dan berada dalam komunitas sosial tersebut, komunitas tersebut merupakan kelompok sosial yang memiliki kesamaan nilai serta kesamaan emosional dalam keanggotaan komunitas tersebut. Hasil analisis menunjukkan adanya pengaruh kuat dari tahap sosialisasi orang tua pada anak dikarenakan orang tua adalah orang pertama dan utama yang melakukan interaksi sosial dengan anak. Selain itu, dalam novel itu di masa orde baru ada kebijakan negara terhadap para perempuan atau ibu/orang tua dengan programnya panca dharma sehingga memberikan pengaruh pada pembentukan identitas perempuan, selain itu pengaruh lingkungan dan kebijakan pada zaman orde baru memberi pengaruh kuat dalam pembentukan identitas perempuan.</p>

Abstract Background The Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices recommended a 1 dose varicella immunization program in 1996, expanding this to include 2 doses in 2006. As a result, more than 3.5 million cases of varicella, 9,000 hospitalizations, and 100 deaths are prevented annually in the United States. Since varicella infections have become uncommon, the response of health care providers (HCPs) to patients presenting with varicella symptoms may result in misdiagnosis and/ mistreatment. This study investigated the diagnostic and treatment strategies used by HCPs for managing varicella infections in US children. Methods An online cross-sectional survey of licensed HCPs was conducted, after an Institution review board approval and HCP consent. 8 clinical vignettes with information on patients with varying varicella symptoms (representing uncomplicated and complicated cases) were presented. For each vignette, HCPs selected a diagnosis and appropriate intervention(s) from pre-determined lists. Descriptive analyses were performed. Results A total of 153 HCPs (50 nurses, 103 doctors) completed the survey. Mean age was 44 years, 62% were female, and 82% were licensed after 1995. Varicella infection was correctly diagnosed 79% of the time. HCPs were able to recognize uncomplicated cases of varicella 85% of the time and complicated cases 61% of the time. HCPs recommended the correct intervention 43% of the time for uncomplicated cases and 25% of the time for complicated cases. For example, HCPs recommended antibiotics 17% of the time and/or antivirals 18% of the time (Table 1), of which 25% and 69% (respectively) were not appropriate per the American Academy of Pediatrics guidelines respectively. Antibiotics were incorrectly recommended 6% of the time for uncomplicated cases of varicella. Table 1. Additional Diagnosis & Treatment Results Conclusion Given the low incidence of varicella infections in the US, complicated cases of varicella may be under-recognized or inappropriately treated by some HCPs. Additional training may help HCPs better recognize/ treat cases of varicella. Further, ensuring high rates of varicella vaccination is important to avoid vaccine preventable conditions and to minimize unnecessary exposure to antimicrobial and antiviral therapies. Disclosures Jaime Fergie, MD, AstraZeneca (Speaker’s Bureau)Sobi, Inc. (Speaker’s Bureau) Manjiri D. Pawaskar, PhD, Merck & Co., Inc (Employee, Shareholder) Phani Veerkani, MD, DrPH, Merck (Research Grant or Support) Salome Samant, MBBS, MPH, Merck & Co., Inc., Kenilworth, NJ, USA (Employee, Shareholder) Carolyn Harley, PhD, Merck (Consultant) Joanna MacEwan, PhD, PRECISIONheor (Employee) Taylor T. Schwartz, MPH, Merck (Consultant, Grant/Research Support, Scientific Research Study Investigator, Research Grant or Support) Shikha Surati, MPH, Merck & Co., Inc. (Employee, Shareholder)

Robert Dean Frisbie (1896-1948) was one of the American writers who came to live in the South Pacific and wrote about his life among the natives. He published six books between 1929 and his death in 1948. Frisbie was horn in Cleveland, Ohio, on 16 April1896. He attended the Raja Yoga Academy at Point Loma in California. Later he enlisted in the U. S. army and was medically discharged from the army in 1918 with a monthly pension. After his work as a newspaper columnist and reporter for an army newspaper in Texas, and later for the Fresno Morning Republican, he left for Tahiti in 1920. In Tahiti he had ambitious writing plans but after four years of living in Tahiti, he left his plantation and sailed to the Cook Islands. He spent the rest of his life in the Cook Islands and married a local girl Ngatokorua. His new happiness gave him the inspiration to write. 29 sketches appeared in the United States in 1929, collected by The Century Company under the title of The Book of Puka-Puka. His second book My Tahiti, a book of memories, was published in 1937. After the death of Ropati 's beloved wife his goals were to bring up his children. But by this time Frisbie was seriously ill. The family left Puka-Puka and settled down on the uninhabited atoll of Suwarrow. Later on they lived on Rarotonga and Samoa where Frisbie was medically treated. Robert Dean Frisbie died of tetanus in Rarotonga on November 18, 1948. Frisbie wrote in a vivid, graceful style. His characters and particularly the atoll of Puka-Puka are memorably depicted. Gifted with a feeling for language and a sense of humor, he was able to capture on paper the charm, beauty, and serenity of life of the small islands in the South Pacific without exaggerating the stereotypical idyllic context and as such Frisbie's contribution to South Pacific literature went far deeper than that of many writers who have passed through the Pacific and wrote about their experiences. Frisbie's first book The Book of Puka-Puka was published in New York in 1929. It is the most endearing and the most original of his works. It was written during his lifetime on the atoll Puka-Puka in the Cook Islands. It is a collection of 29 short stories, episodic and expressively narrative in style. This is an account of life on Puka-Puka that criticizes European and American commercialism and aggressiveness, and presents the themes of the praise of isolation, the castigation of missionaries, and the commendation of Polynesian economic collectivism and sexual freedom. At the same time, the book presents a portrait of Frisbie himself, a journal of his day-to-day experiences and observations and avivid description of the natives on the island. Frisbie's unique knowledge of the natives and their daily lives enabled him to create in The Book of Puka-Puka an impressive gallery of vi vid, amusing, yet very real and plausible Polynesians. The second book of Robert Dean Frisbie to appear in print was My Tahiti (1937), a book of -memoirs, published in Boston. My Tahiti is a book of 30 short stories about the author and his living among Tahitians. Again, Robert Dean Frisbie is the main hero in the book and as such the book is autobiographical in a sense as well. This book is a personal record which has charm and distinction as it has sincerity, which is in the men, women and children of Tahiti, and which brings an effortless and unpretentious humor to depict a South Seas idyll and a quiet poise to withstand the insidious romance of the tropical islands, too.

Education in Oceania continues to reflect the embedded implicit and explicit colonial practices and processes from the past. This paper conceptualises a cultural approach to education and leadership appropriate and relevant to the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As elementary school leaders, we highlight Kanne Lobal, a traditional Marshallese navigation practice based on indigenous language, values and practices. We conceptualise and develop Kanne Lobal in this paper as a framework for understanding the usefulness of our indigenous knowledge in leadership and educational practices within formal education. Through bwebwenato, a method of talk story, our key learnings and reflexivities were captured. We argue that realising the value of Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices for school leaders requires purposeful training of the ways in which our knowledge can be made useful in our professional educational responsibilities. Drawing from our Marshallese knowledge is an intentional effort to inspire, empower and express what education and leadership partnership means for Marshallese people, as articulated by Marshallese themselves. Introduction As noted in the call for papers within the Waikato Journal of Education (WJE) for this special issue, bodies of knowledge and histories in Oceania have long sustained generations across geographic boundaries to ensure cultural survival. For Marshallese people, we cannot really know ourselves “until we know how we came to be where we are today” (Walsh, Heine, Bigler & Stege, 2012). Jitdam Kapeel is a popular Marshallese concept and ideal associated with inquiring into relationships within the family and community. In a similar way, the practice of relating is about connecting the present and future to the past. Education and leadership partnerships are linked and we look back to the past, our history, to make sense and feel inspired to transform practices that will benefit our people. In this paper and in light of our next generation, we reconnect with our navigation stories to inspire and empower education and leadership. Kanne lobal is part of our navigation stories, a conceptual framework centred on cultural practices, values, and concepts that embrace collective partnerships. Our link to this talanoa vā with others in the special issue is to attempt to make sense of connections given the global COVID-19 context by providing a Marshallese approach to address the physical and relational “distance” between education and leadership partnerships in Oceania. Like the majority of developing small island nations in Oceania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) has had its share of educational challenges through colonial legacies of the past which continues to drive education systems in the region (Heine, 2002). The historical administration and education in the RMI is one of colonisation. Successive administrations by the Spanish, German, Japanese, and now the US, has resulted in education and learning that privileges western knowledge and forms of learning. This paper foregrounds understandings of education and learning as told by the voices of elementary school leaders from the RMI. The move to re-think education and leadership from Marshallese perspectives is an act of shifting the focus of bwebwenato or conversations that centres on Marshallese language and worldviews. The concept of jelalokjen was conceptualised as traditional education framed mainly within the community context. In the past, jelalokjen was practiced and transmitted to the younger generation for cultural continuity. During the arrival of colonial administrations into the RMI, jelalokjen was likened to the western notions of education and schooling (Kupferman, 2004). Today, the primary function of jelalokjen, as traditional and formal education, it is for “survival in a hostile [and challenging] environment” (Kupferman, 2004, p. 43). Because western approaches to learning in the RMI have not always resulted in positive outcomes for those engaged within the education system, as school leaders who value our cultural knowledge and practices, and aspire to maintain our language with the next generation, we turn to Kanne Lobal, a practice embedded in our navigation stories, collective aspirations, and leadership. The significance in the development of Kanne Lobal, as an appropriate framework for education and leadership, resulted in us coming together and working together. Not only were we able to share our leadership concerns, however, the engagement strengthened our connections with each other as school leaders, our communities, and the Public Schooling System (PSS). Prior to that, many of us were in competition for resources. Educational Leadership: IQBE and GCSL Leadership is a valued practice in the RMI. Before the IQBE programme started in 2018, the majority of the school leaders on the main island of Majuro had not engaged in collaborative partnerships with each other before. Our main educational purpose was to achieve accreditation from the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC), an accreditation commission for schools in the United States. The WASC accreditation dictated our work and relationships and many school leaders on Majuro felt the pressure of competition against each other. We, the authors in this paper, share our collective bwebwenato, highlighting our school leadership experiences and how we gained strength from our own ancestral knowledge to empower “us”, to collaborate with each other, our teachers, communities, as well as with PSS; a collaborative partnership we had not realised in the past. The paucity of literature that captures Kajin Majol (Marshallese language) and education in general in the RMI is what we intend to fill by sharing our reflections and experiences. To move our educational practices forward we highlight Kanne Lobal, a cultural approach that focuses on our strengths, collective social responsibilities and wellbeing. For a long time, there was no formal training in place for elementary school leaders. School principals and vice principals were appointed primarily on their academic merit through having an undergraduate qualification. As part of the first cohort of fifteen school leaders, we engaged in the professional training programme, the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL), refitted to our context after its initial development in the Solomon Islands. GCSL was coordinated by the Institute of Education (IOE) at the University of the South Pacific (USP). GCSL was seen as a relevant and appropriate training programme for school leaders in the RMI as part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded programme which aimed at “Improving Quality Basic Education” (IQBE) in parts of the northern Pacific. GCSL was managed on Majuro, RMI’s main island, by the director at the time Dr Irene Taafaki, coordinator Yolanda McKay, and administrators at the University of the South Pacific’s (USP) RMI campus. Through the provision of GCSL, as school leaders we were encouraged to re-think and draw-from our own cultural repository and connect to our ancestral knowledge that have always provided strength for us. This kind of thinking and practice was encouraged by our educational leaders (Heine, 2002). We argue that a culturally-affirming and culturally-contextual framework that reflects the lived experiences of Marshallese people is much needed and enables the disruption of inherent colonial processes left behind by Western and Eastern administrations which have influenced our education system in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Kanne Lobal, an approach utilising a traditional navigation has warranted its need to provide solutions for today’s educational challenges for us in the RMI. Education in the Pacific Education in the Pacific cannot be understood without contextualising it in its history and culture. It is the same for us in the RMI (Heine, 2002; Walsh et al., 2012). The RMI is located in the Pacific Ocean and is part of Micronesia. It was named after a British captain, John Marshall in the 1700s. The atolls in the RMI were explored by the Spanish in the 16th century. Germany unsuccessfully attempted to colonize the islands in 1885. Japan took control in 1914, but after several battles during World War II, the US seized the RMI from them. In 1947, the United Nations made the island group, along with the Mariana and Caroline archipelagos, a U.S. trust territory (Walsh et al, 2012). Education in the RMI reflects the colonial administrations of Germany, Japan, and now the US. Before the turn of the century, formal education in the Pacific reflected western values, practices, and standards. Prior to that, education was informal and not binded to formal learning institutions (Thaman, 1997) and oral traditions was used as the medium for transmitting learning about customs and practices living with parents, grandparents, great grandparents. As alluded to by Jiba B. Kabua (2004), any “discussion about education is necessarily a discussion of culture, and any policy on education is also a policy of culture” (p. 181). It is impossible to promote one without the other, and it is not logical to understand one without the other. Re-thinking how education should look like, the pedagogical strategies that are relevant in our classrooms, the ways to engage with our parents and communities - such re-thinking sits within our cultural approaches and frameworks. Our collective attempts to provide a cultural framework that is relevant and appropriate for education in our context, sits within the political endeavour to decolonize. This means that what we are providing will not only be useful, but it can be used as a tool to question and identify whether things in place restrict and prevent our culture or whether they promote and foreground cultural ideas and concepts, a significant discussion of culture linked to education (Kabua, 2004). Donor funded development aid programmes were provided to support the challenges within education systems. Concerned with the persistent low educational outcomes of Pacific students, despite the prevalence of aid programmes in the region, in 2000 Pacific educators and leaders with support from New Zealand Aid (NZ Aid) decided to intervene (Heine, 2002; Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). In April 2001, a group of Pacific educators and leaders across the region were invited to a colloquium funded by the New Zealand Overseas Development Agency held in Suva Fiji at the University of the South Pacific. The main purpose of the colloquium was to enable “Pacific educators to re-think the values, assumptions and beliefs underlying [formal] schooling in Oceania” (Benson, 2002). Leadership, in general, is a valued practice in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Despite education leadership being identified as a significant factor in school improvement (Sanga & Chu, 2009), the limited formal training opportunities of school principals in the region was a persistent concern. As part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded project, the Improve Quality Basic Education (IQBE) intervention was developed and implemented in the RMI in 2017. Mentoring is a process associated with the continuity and sustainability of leadership knowledge and practices (Sanga & Chu, 2009). It is a key aspect of building capacity and capabilities within human resources in education (ibid). Indigenous knowledges and education research According to Hilda Heine, the relationship between education and leadership is about understanding Marshallese history and culture (cited in Walsh et al., 2012). It is about sharing indigenous knowledge and histories that “details for future generations a story of survival and resilience and the pride we possess as a people” (Heine, cited in Walsh et al., 2012, p. v). This paper is fuelled by postcolonial aspirations yet is grounded in Pacific indigenous research. This means that our intentions are driven by postcolonial pursuits and discourses linked to challenging the colonial systems and schooling in the Pacific region that privileges western knowledge and learning and marginalises the education practices and processes of local people (Thiong’o, 1986). A point of difference and orientation from postcolonialism is a desire to foreground indigenous Pacific language, specifically Majin Majol, through Marshallese concepts. Our collective bwebwenato and conversation honours and values kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness) (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Pacific leaders developed the Rethinking Pacific Education Initiative for and by Pacific People (RPEIPP) in 2002 to take control of the ways in which education research was conducted by donor funded organisations (Taufe’ulungaki, 2014). Our former president, Dr Hilda Heine was part of the group of leaders who sought to counter the ways in which our educational and leadership stories were controlled and told by non-Marshallese (Heine, 2002). As a former minister of education in the RMI, Hilda Heine continues to inspire and encourage the next generation of educators, school leaders, and researchers to re-think and de-construct the way learning and education is conceptualised for Marshallese people. The conceptualisation of Kanne Lobal acknowledges its origin, grounded in Marshallese navigation knowledge and practice. Our decision to unpack and deconstruct Kanne Lobal within the context of formal education and leadership responds to the need to not only draw from indigenous Marshallese ideas and practice but to consider that the next generation will continue to be educated using western processes and initiatives particularly from the US where we get a lot of our funding from. According to indigenous researchers Dawn Bessarab and Bridget Ng’andu (2010), doing research that considers “culturally appropriate processes to engage with indigenous groups and individuals is particularly pertinent in today’s research environment” (p. 37). Pacific indigenous educators and researchers have turned to their own ancestral knowledge and practices for inspiration and empowerment. Within western research contexts, the often stringent ideals and processes are not always encouraging of indigenous methods and practices. However, many were able to ground and articulate their use of indigenous methods as being relevant and appropriate to capturing the realities of their communities (Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Fulu-Aiolupotea, 2014; Thaman, 1997). At the same time, utilising Pacific indigenous methods and approaches enabled research engagement with their communities that honoured and respected them and their communities. For example, Tongan, Samoan, and Fijian researchers used the talanoa method as a way to capture the stories, lived realities, and worldviews of their communities within education in the diaspora (Fa’avae, Jones, & Manu’atu, 2016; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014; Vaioleti, 2005). Tok stori was used by Solomon Islander educators and school leaders to highlight the unique circles of conversational practice and storytelling that leads to more positive engagement with their community members, capturing rich and meaningful narratives as a result (Sanga & Houma, 2004). The Indigenous Aborigine in Australia utilise yarning as a “relaxed discussion through which both the researcher and participant journey together visiting places and topics of interest relevant” (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010, p. 38). Despite the diverse forms of discussions and storytelling by indigenous peoples, of significance are the cultural protocols, ethics, and language for conducting and guiding the engagement (Bessarab & Ng’andu, 2010; Nabobo-Baba, 2008; Sualii-Sauni & Aiolupotea, 2014). Through the ethics, values, protocols, and language, these are what makes indigenous methods or frameworks unique compared to western methods like in-depth interviews or semi-structured interviews. This is why it is important for us as Marshallese educators to frame, ground, and articulate how our own methods and frameworks of learning could be realised in western education (Heine, 2002; Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). In this paper, we utilise bwebwenato as an appropriate method linked to “talk story”, capturing our collective stories and experiences during GCSL and how we sought to build partnerships and collaboration with each other, our communities, and the PSS. Bwebwenato and drawing from Kajin Majel Legends and stories that reflect Marshallese society and its cultural values have survived through our oral traditions. The practice of weaving also holds knowledge about our “valuable and earliest sources of knowledge” (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019, p. 2). The skilful navigation of Marshallese wayfarers on the walap (large canoes) in the ocean is testament of their leadership and the value they place on ensuring the survival and continuity of Marshallese people (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019; Walsh et al., 2012). During her graduate study in 2014, Kathy Jetnil-Kijiner conceptualised bwebwenato as being the most “well-known form of Marshallese orality” (p. 38). The Marshallese-English dictionary defined bwebwenato as talk, conversation, story, history, article, episode, lore, myth, or tale (cited in Jetnil Kijiner, 2014). Three years later in 2017, bwebwenato was utilised in a doctoral project by Natalie Nimmer as a research method to gather “talk stories” about the experiences of 10 Marshallese experts in knowledge and skills ranging from sewing to linguistics, canoe-making and business. Our collective bwebwenato in this paper centres on Marshallese ideas and language. The philosophy of Marshallese knowledge is rooted in our “Kajin Majel”, or Marshallese language and is shared and transmitted through our oral traditions. For instance, through our historical stories and myths. Marshallese philosophy, that is, the knowledge systems inherent in our beliefs, values, customs, and practices are shared. They are inherently relational, meaning that knowledge systems and philosophies within our world are connected, in mind, body, and spirit (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Nimmer, 2017). Although some Marshallese believe that our knowledge is disappearing as more and more elders pass away, it is therefore important work together, and learn from each other about the knowledges shared not only by the living but through their lamentations and stories of those who are no longer with us (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014). As a Marshallese practice, weaving has been passed-down from generation to generation. Although the art of weaving is no longer as common as it used to be, the artefacts such as the “jaki-ed” (clothing mats) continue to embody significant Marshallese values and traditions. For our weavers, the jouj (check spelling) is the centre of the mat and it is where the weaving starts. When the jouj is correct and weaved well, the remainder and every other part of the mat will be right. The jouj is symbolic of the “heart” and if the heart is prepared well, trained well, then life or all other parts of the body will be well (Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). In that light, we have applied the same to this paper. Conceptualising and drawing from cultural practices that are close and dear to our hearts embodies a significant ontological attempt to prioritize our own knowledge and language, a sense of endearment to who we are and what we believe education to be like for us and the next generation. The application of the phrase “Majolizing '' was used by the Ministry of Education when Hilda Heine was minister, to weave cultural ideas and language into the way that teachers understand the curriculum, develop lesson plans and execute them in the classroom. Despite this, there were still concerns with the embedded colonized practices where teachers defaulted to eurocentric methods of doing things, like the strategies provided in the textbooks given to us. In some ways, our education was slow to adjust to the “Majolizing '' intention by our former minister. In this paper, we provide Kanne Lobal as a way to contribute to the “Majolizing intention” and perhaps speed up yet still be collectively responsible to all involved in education. Kajin Wa and Kanne Lobal “Wa” is the Marshallese concept for canoe. Kajin wa, as in canoe language, has a lot of symbolic meaning linked to deeply-held Marshallese values and practices. The canoe was the foundational practice that supported the livelihood of harsh atoll island living which reflects the Marshallese social world. The experts of Kajin wa often refer to “wa” as being the vessel of life, a means and source of sustaining life (Kelen, 2009, cited in Miller, 2010). “Jouj” means kindness and is the lower part of the main hull of the canoe. It is often referred to by some canoe builders in the RMI as the heart of the canoe and is linked to love. The jouj is one of the first parts of the canoe that is built and is “used to do all other measurements, and then the rest of the canoe is built on top of it” (Miller, 2010, p. 67). The significance of the jouj is that when the canoe is in the water, the jouj is the part of the hull that is underwater and ensures that all the cargo and passengers are safe. For Marshallese, jouj or kindness is what living is about and is associated with selflessly carrying the responsibility of keeping the family and community safe. The parts of the canoe reflect Marshallese culture, legend, family, lineage, and kinship. They embody social responsibilities that guide, direct, and sustain Marshallese families’ wellbeing, from atoll to atoll. For example, the rojak (boom), rojak maan (upper boom), rojak kōrā (lower boom), and they support the edges of the ujelā/ujele (sail) (see figure 1). The literal meaning of rojak maan is male boom and rojak kōrā means female boom which together strengthens the sail and ensures the canoe propels forward in a strong yet safe way. Figuratively, the rojak maan and rojak kōrā symbolise the mother and father relationship which when strong, through the jouj (kindness and love), it can strengthen families and sustain them into the future. Figure 1. Parts of the canoe Source: https://www.canoesmarshallislands.com/2014/09/names-of-canoe-parts/ From a socio-cultural, communal, and leadership view, the canoe (wa) provides understanding of the relationships required to inspire and sustain Marshallese peoples’ education and learning. We draw from Kajin wa because they provide cultural ideas and practices that enable understanding of education and leadership necessary for sustaining Marshallese people and realities in Oceania. When building a canoe, the women are tasked with the weaving of the ujelā/ujele (sail) and to ensure that it is strong enough to withstand long journeys and the fierce winds and waters of the ocean. The Kanne Lobal relates to the front part of the ujelā/ujele (sail) where the rojak maan and rojak kōrā meet and connect (see the red lines in figure 1). Kanne Lobal is linked to the strategic use of the ujelā/ujele by navigators, when there is no wind north wind to propel them forward, to find ways to capture the winds so that their journey can continue. As a proverbial saying, Kanne Lobal is used to ignite thinking and inspire and transform practice particularly when the journey is rough and tough. In this paper we draw from Kanne Lobal to ignite, inspire, and transform our educational and leadership practices, a move to explore what has always been meaningful to Marshallese people when we are faced with challenges. The Kanne Lobal utilises our language, and cultural practices and values by sourcing from the concepts of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). A key Marshallese proverb, “Enra bwe jen lale rara”, is the cultural practice where families enact compassion through the sharing of food in all occurrences. The term “enra” is a small basket weaved from the coconut leaves, and often used by Marshallese as a plate to share and distribute food amongst each other. Bwe-jen-lale-rara is about noticing and providing for the needs of others, and “enra” the basket will help support and provide for all that are in need. “Enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara” is symbolic of cultural exchange and reciprocity and the cultural values associated with building and maintaining relationships, and constantly honouring each other. As a Marshallese practice, in this article we share our understanding and knowledge about the challenges as well as possible solutions for education concerns in our nation. In addition, we highlight another proverb, “wa kuk wa jimor”, which relates to having one canoe, and despite its capacity to feed and provide for the individual, but within the canoe all people can benefit from what it can provide. In the same way, we provide in this paper a cultural framework that will enable all educators to benefit from. It is a framework that is far-reaching and relevant to the lived realities of Marshallese people today. Kumit relates to people united to build strength, all co-operating and working together, living in peace, harmony, and good health. Kanne Lobal: conceptual framework for education and leadership An education framework is a conceptual structure that can be used to capture ideas and thinking related to aspects of learning. Kanne Lobal is conceptualised and framed in this paper as an educational framework. Kanne Lobal highlights the significance of education as a collective partnership whereby leadership is an important aspect. Kanne Lobal draws-from indigenous Marshallese concepts like kautiej (respect), jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity), and jouj (kindness, heart). The role of a leader, including an education leader, is to prioritise collective learning and partnerships that benefits Marshallese people and the continuity and survival of the next generation (Heine, 2002; Thaman, 1995). As described by Ejnar Aerōk, an expert canoe builder in the RMI, he stated: “jerbal ippān doon bwe en maron maan wa e” (cited in Miller, 2010, p. 69). His description emphasises the significance of partnerships and working together when navigating and journeying together in order to move the canoe forward. The kubaak, the outrigger of the wa (canoe) is about “partnerships”. For us as elementary school leaders on Majuro, kubaak encourages us to value collaborative partnerships with each other as well as our communities, PSS, and other stakeholders. Partnerships is an important part of the Kanne Lobal education and leadership framework. It requires ongoing bwebwenato – the inspiring as well as confronting and challenging conversations that should be mediated and negotiated if we and our education stakeholders are to journey together to ensure that the educational services we provide benefits our next generation of young people in the RMI. Navigating ahead the partnerships, mediation, and negotiation are the core values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity). As an organic conceptual framework grounded in indigenous values, inspired through our lived experiences, Kanne Lobal provides ideas and concepts for re-thinking education and leadership practices that are conducive to learning and teaching in the schooling context in the RMI. By no means does it provide the solution to the education ills in our nation. However, we argue that Kanne Lobal is a more relevant approach which is much needed for the negatively stigmatised system as a consequence of the various colonial administrations that have and continue to shape and reframe our ideas about what education should be like for us in the RMI. Moreover, Kannel Lobal is our attempt to decolonize the framing of education and leadership, moving our bwebwenato to re-framing conversations of teaching and learning so that our cultural knowledge and values are foregrounded, appreciated, and realised within our education system. Bwebwenato: sharing our stories In this section, we use bwebwenato as a method of gathering and capturing our stories as data. Below we capture our stories and ongoing conversations about the richness in Marshallese cultural knowledge in the outer islands and on Majuro and the potentialities in Kanne Lobal. Danny Jim When I was in third grade (9-10 years of age), during my grandfather’s speech in Arno, an atoll near Majuro, during a time when a wa (canoe) was being blessed and ready to put the canoe into the ocean. My grandfather told me the canoe was a blessing for the family. “Without a canoe, a family cannot provide for them”, he said. The canoe allows for travelling between places to gather food and other sources to provide for the family. My grandfather’s stories about people’s roles within the canoe reminded me that everyone within the family has a responsibility to each other. Our women, mothers and daughters too have a significant responsibility in the journey, in fact, they hold us, care for us, and given strength to their husbands, brothers, and sons. The wise man or elder sits in the middle of the canoe, directing the young man who help to steer. The young man, he does all the work, directed by the older man. They take advice and seek the wisdom of the elder. In front of the canoe, a young boy is placed there and because of his strong and youthful vision, he is able to help the elder as well as the young man on the canoe. The story can be linked to the roles that school leaders, teachers, and students have in schooling. Without each person knowing intricately their role and responsibility, the sight and vision ahead for the collective aspirations of the school and the community is difficult to comprehend. For me, the canoe is symbolic of our educational journey within our education system. As the school leader, a central, trusted, and respected figure in the school, they provide support for teachers who are at the helm, pedagogically striving to provide for their students. For without strong direction from the school leaders and teachers at the helm, the students, like the young boy, cannot foresee their futures, or envisage how education can benefit them. This is why Kanne Lobal is a significant framework for us in the Marshall Islands because within the practice we are able to take heed and empower each other so that all benefit from the process. Kanne Lobal is linked to our culture, an essential part of who we are. We must rely on our own local approaches, rather than relying on others that are not relevant to what we know and how we live in today’s society. One of the things I can tell is that in Majuro, compared to the outer islands, it’s different. In the outer islands, parents bring children together and tell them legends and stories. The elders tell them about the legends and stories – the bwebwenato. Children from outer islands know a lot more about Marshallese legends compared to children from the Majuro atoll. They usually stay close to their parents, observe how to prepare food and all types of Marshallese skills. Loretta Joseph Case There is little Western influence in the outer islands. They grow up learning their own culture with their parents, not having tv. They are closely knit, making their own food, learning to weave. They use fire for cooking food. They are more connected because there are few of them, doing their own culture. For example, if they’re building a house, the ladies will come together and make food to take to the males that are building the house, encouraging them to keep on working - “jemjem maal” (sharpening tools i.e. axe, like encouraging workers to empower them). It’s when they bring food and entertainment. Rubon Rubon Togetherness, work together, sharing of food, these are important practices as a school leader. Jemjem maal – the whole village works together, men working and the women encourage them with food and entertainment. All the young children are involved in all of the cultural practices, cultural transmission is consistently part of their everyday life. These are stronger in the outer islands. Kanne Lobal has the potential to provide solutions using our own knowledge and practices. Connie Joel When new teachers become a teacher, they learn more about their culture in teaching. Teaching raises the question, who are we? A popular saying amongst our people, “Aelon kein ad ej aelon in manit”, means that “Our islands are cultural islands”. Therefore, when we are teaching, and managing the school, we must do this culturally. When we live and breathe, we must do this culturally. There is more socialising with family and extended family. Respect the elderly. When they’re doing things the ladies all get together, in groups and do it. Cut the breadfruit, and preserve the breadfruit and pandanus. They come together and do it. Same as fishing, building houses, building canoes. They use and speak the language often spoken by the older people. There are words that people in the outer islands use and understand language regularly applied by the elderly. Respect elderly and leaders more i.e., chiefs (iroj), commoners (alap), and the workers on the land (ri-jerbal) (social layer under the commoners). All the kids, they gather with their families, and go and visit the chiefs and alap, and take gifts from their land, first produce/food from the plantation (eojōk). Tommy Almet The people are more connected to the culture in the outer islands because they help one another. They don’t have to always buy things by themselves, everyone contributes to the occasion. For instance, for birthdays, boys go fishing, others contribute and all share with everyone. Kanne Lobal is a practice that can bring people together – leaders, teachers, stakeholders. We want our colleagues to keep strong and work together to fix problems like students and teachers’ absenteeism which is a big problem for us in schools. Demetria Malachi The culture in the outer islands are more accessible and exposed to children. In Majuro, there is a mixedness of cultures and knowledges, influenced by Western thinking and practices. Kanne Lobal is an idea that can enhance quality educational purposes for the RMI. We, the school leaders who did GCSL, we want to merge and use this idea because it will help benefit students’ learning and teachers’ teaching. Kanne Lobal will help students to learn and teachers to teach though traditional skills and knowledge. We want to revitalize our ways of life through teaching because it is slowly fading away. Also, we want to have our own Marshallese learning process because it is in our own language making it easier to use and understand. Essentially, we want to proudly use our own ways of teaching from our ancestors showing the appreciation and blessings given to us. Way Forward To think of ways forward is about reflecting on the past and current learnings. Instead of a traditional discussion within a research publication, we have opted to continue our bwebwenato by sharing what we have learnt through the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL) programme. Our bwebwenato does not end in this article and this opportunity to collaborate and partner together in this piece of writing has been a meaningful experience to conceptualise and unpack the Kanne Lobal framework. Our collaborative bwebwenato has enabled us to dig deep into our own wise knowledges for guidance through mediating and negotiating the challenges in education and leadership (Sanga & Houma, 2004). For example, bwe-jen-lale-rara reminds us to inquire, pay attention, and focus on supporting the needs of others. Through enra-bwe-jen-lale-rara, it reminds us to value cultural exchange and reciprocity which will strengthen the development and maintaining of relationships based on ways we continue to honour each other (Nimmer, 2017). We not only continue to support each other, but also help mentor the next generation of school leaders within our education system (Heine, 2002). Education and leadership are all about collaborative partnerships (Sanga & Chu, 2009; Thaman, 1997). Developing partnerships through the GCSL was useful learning for us. It encouraged us to work together, share knowledge, respect each other, and be kind. The values of jouj (kindness, love), kautiej (respect), and jouj eo mour eo (reciprocity) are meaningful in being and becoming and educational leader in the RMI (Jetnil-Kijiner, 2014; Miller, 2010; Nimmer, 2017). These values are meaningful for us practice particularly given the drive by PSS for schools to become accredited. The workshops and meetings delivered during the GCSL in the RMI from 2018 to 2019 about Kanne Lobal has given us strength to share our stories and experiences from the meeting with the stakeholders. But before we met with the stakeholders, we were encouraged to share and speak in our language within our courses: EDP05 (Professional Development and Learning), EDP06 (School Leadership), EDP07 (School Management), EDP08 (Teaching and Learning), and EDP09 (Community Partnerships). In groups, we shared our presentations with our peers, the 15 school leaders in the GCSL programme. We also invited USP RMI staff. They liked the way we presented Kannel Lobal. They provided us with feedback, for example: how the use of the sail on the canoe, the parts and their functions can be conceptualised in education and how they are related to the way that we teach our own young people. Engaging stakeholders in the conceptualisation and design stages of Kanne Lobal strengthened our understanding of leadership and collaborative partnerships. Based on various meetings with the RMI Pacific Resources for Education and Learning (PREL) team, PSS general assembly, teachers from the outer islands, and the PSS executive committee, we were able to share and receive feedback on the Kanne Lobal framework. The coordinators of the PREL programme in the RMI were excited by the possibilities around using Kanne Lobal, as a way to teach culture in an inspirational way to Marshallese students. Our Marshallese knowledge, particularly through the proverbial meaning of Kanne Lobal provided so much inspiration and insight for the groups during the presentation which gave us hope and confidence to develop the framework. Kanne Lobal is an organic and indigenous approach, grounded in Marshallese ways of doing things (Heine, 2002; Taafaki & Fowler, 2019). Given the persistent presence of colonial processes within the education system and the constant reference to practices and initiatives from the US, Kanne Lobal for us provides a refreshing yet fulfilling experience and makes us feel warm inside because it is something that belongs to all Marshallese people. Conclusion Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices provide meaningful educational and leadership understanding and learnings. They ignite, inspire, and transform thinking and practice. The Kanne Lobal conceptual framework emphasises key concepts and values necessary for collaborative partnerships within education and leadership practices in the RMI. The bwebwenato or talk stories have been insightful and have highlighted the strengths and benefits that our Marshallese ideas and practices possess when looking for appropriate and relevant ways to understand education and leadership. 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Permanent congenital and early-onset hearing impairment (PCEOHI) is the most common sensory disorder among newborns. The WHO recommends newborn and infant hearing screening for all member states to facilitate early identification and intervention for children with PCEOHI. Ethical implications of newborn/infant hearing screening in low-income and middle-income countries should be considered. Although the Pacific Island region is estimated to have among the highest global burden of hearing loss, hearing health services are limited and virtually non-existent in Pacific Island countries. The aim of this brief report is to consider the ethical implications of implementing hospital-based universal newborn hearing screening (UNHS) in Samoa. Based on well-acknowledged screening principles, this report found that the Samoan context does not satisfy the screening principles for such a programme, and that the implementation of UNHS would, therefore, be unethical. This conclusion was reached even after considering the hypothetical provision of necessary screening and diagnostic audiology equipment from external donors. We recommend that current efforts should be directed towards the wider professional community involved in the daily care of children with a permanent hearing loss. Given the high prevalence of paediatric ear disease in the Pacific Islander population, an interim ear and hearing programme could be considered at the community level. These strategies should provide the infrastructure and referral pathways required in the advent of UNHS in Samoa.

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><strong>Introduction</strong></p><p>Child health and maternal health are priority areas for Samoa. Good maternal health is critical for the welfare and survival of the household especially for children who rely on their mothers for their basic needs. We aimed to identify positive and effective mechanisms of advice and support that would improve the experiences of pregnancy for mothers, and improve health outcomes for mothers and babies.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Methods</strong></p><p>A qualitative approach was used with five focus group discussions with pregnant women (N= 32). All the focus groups were held in five different medical clinics four in Upolu and one in Savai’i. Interviews were transcribed and translated from Samoan to English and accompanying notes taken. Data were analysed using thematic analysis. Key themes which emerged provided categories which assisted in sorting of more comments to provide understanding and context to the participants’ views.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Findings</strong></p><p>Pregnant women cited physical symptoms, a lack of knowledge or understanding of pregnancy, relationship issues, and barriers to accessing health care and stress as the main issues. Travelling long distances by boat and buses for scans and appointments was challenging for most. Waiting times in clinics were long with little information available in Samoan on TV screens or pamphlets. Many women felt they couldn’t ask questions of the midwives/doctors and often the most prominent issues for women were in relation to relationships and mental wellbeing.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Conclusions</strong></p><p>A lack of funding and transportation were identified as barriers to implementing a sustainable programme to help pregnant women. Clinics should be set up closer to where their clients live so as to minimise travel. The wait times in clinics could be utilised to have pregnancy information displayed via videos along with pamphlets with the proviso they be in plain Samoan. </p>

James Eric Smith was born in Hull on 23 February 1909. His family originally came from Yorkshire in the North Riding near Malton, where his grandfather Benjamin (the youngest of a family of nine), was put in service in 1855 at the age of six to work as a bootboy and bird scarer on the estate of Sir Tatton Sykes north of Malton. He married Martha Consius, who had also been in service since she was very young, a tough hardworking and immensely caring woman. Eric’s grandparents evidently were both intelligent and hardworking, for they began together a small grocery business in Driffield, specializing in a large range of teas, and in lemon curd and jams, which Martha made at night. The business prospered and Benjamin and his wife then moved to Hull, where Eric’s father was born, one of nine children, seven of whom survived infancy. The family were devout Methodists, and one of Eric’s great-uncles, Ernest, became a successful Methodist minister, and another departed from the family environment by going to Samoa.

We live in an era in which the ‘active learner’ has become accepted as the fundamental goal of good teaching from early childcare to university education (Silberman; University of Melbourne University). In this paper we reflect upon the arts of stillness in contemporary classrooms based on research in schools across Sydney (Watkins and Noble).Part of the context for this paper is the way ‘activity’ has been uncritically elevated to a pedagogic principle in contemporary education. Over several decades a critique of traditional or more formal approaches to education has produced an increasing emphasis on learning that is said to be more engaged often under labels such as ‘discovery’ or ‘experiential’ learning, enquiry methods or ‘learning by doing’. This desire to give students a greater role in the educational process is admirable. It is also seen to be more democratic and ‘relevant’ to young people (Cope & Kalantzis). Positioned against a straw man of ‘passive learning’, characterised by the dominance of teacher direction, rote learning and individuated desk work, this active learning or progressivist perspective on education privileges student ‘ownership’ of curriculum, group-based activity and the ‘doing’ of things. Stillness is characterised as a ‘problem of passivity’, a ‘disease’ of ‘chalk and talk’ (Lucas 84-85). In its most extreme form, this emphasis on activity has been translated into ‘educational kinesiology’ and ‘brain gym’, in which physical movement is seen to have a direct, beneficial effect on learning, often in place of content-based curriculum (Lucas 50). In this paper we don’t engage in a critique of ‘active learning’ per se; rather, taking seriously Foucault’s insistence on the productivity of discipline, we argue stillness is crucial to scholarly labour.Part of the context for this research is public anxiety about ‘Asian success’ within Australian education systems. Students from ‘Asian’ backgrounds are often perceived as having a cultural proneness towards educational achievement (Duffy 28). These perceptions rest on assumptions about ‘Asian values’ of family, sacrifice, hard work and success (Robinson). These assumptions, however, are problematic (Wu and Singh), and carry a concern that such students are ‘passive’ in the classroom, deferential to traditional forms of education and obsessed with exams. Certainly, despite their success, these students don’t conform to what many teachers favour as the ideal learner within the dominant paradigm of progressivism (Cope & Kalantzis 4). These anxieties have also emerged in response to the proliferation of coaching colleges which are seen to transgress western notions of childhood.The research – based on a parent survey in 10 primary schools, interviews with Year 3 teachers, parents and students and classroom observations in six of these schools – explored the extent to which a ‘disposition’ to academic achievement can be explained by ethnicity or relates to a complex set of socio-cultural factors. The report from this study engages with the broad question of the relationship between ethnicity and, what we call, following Bourdieu, the ‘scholarly habitus’ (Watkins & Noble). Against a pathologising of cultural background, it examines the ways achievement is embodied as orientations to learning through different home and school practices. Here we use examples drawn from the observations to focus on the capacities for self-discipline and stillness that can foster achievement. Against the tendency to equate stillness with inaction, we argue that a 'productive stillness' underlines capacities for sustained attention and self-direction. This bodily discipline entails a state of composure, a 'staying' of movement which entails a readiness for action necessary for academic tasks. While not all stillness is ‘productive’, we argue there are forms of stillness which are conducive to the formation of the 'scholarly habitus' (Bourdieu, Logic). The Bodily Capacity for Scholarly LabourBourdieu (State) refers to dispositions that are valued in education: self-discipline, the ability to work intensively, confidence, independence, contemplation, abstraction and the value of excellence. Yet he is less interested in exploring these capacities in relation to teaching practice than in discussing them as forms of social distinction. Educational applications of Bourdieu also focus on the social reproduction of inequality, separate to the technical competencies of schooling, although Bourdieu does not differentiate between them (Lareau and Weininger). To understand the uneven distribution of educational competencies, however, they first need to be examined as bodily capacities that are enabling.To do this, let us contrast two classrooms in Broughton PS, a large school in a low-to-mid SES area in Sydney’s inner south-west with large numbers of Arabic-speaking and Asian students, and smaller groups of Anglo, Pasifika and African students. One class is an enrichment class, in which high ability students are placed and where there is a strong focus on academic work. The other class has many of the least able students. The enrichment class comprises students of mostly Chinese background, with a smaller number of Vietnamese, Indian and Anglo background. There is one Arabic-speaking student but no Pasifika students. The second class is more diverse, and has many Pasifika students, with fewer Chinese, Arabic and Anglo students.The first time we saw the enrichment class was after recess. Students shuffled into their classroom and sat down at their desks with minimum fuss. Many of them pulled out books and read them while waiting for their teacher, Heather, to enter. If they talked, it was quietly, and often about what they were reading. They sat still: the posture of most students was upright, even when they were working. Some students occasionally rocked back, stretching arms and legs. Overall, however, these students had mastered the arts of stillness. Sonia, of Chinese background, is a case in point – she was always work-focused, sitting still and getting on with it. Even during unstructured discussion she remained task-orientated displaying a substantial investment in her work.In the second class the students bustled in, taking a while to settle. Kids stood around chatting, playing, shoving each other until the teacher, Betty, shouted at them, which she did a lot. The noise of the students never abated, even as the teacher was giving instructions, and it frequently reached high levels. There was constant movement as students came in late, and teachers and students wandered in and out. Kids visited other kids; one student rolled on the floor. When they were directed to sit at the front, several squatted, some sat away from the area, several simply stood. When they were at their desks, many slouched forward or leant back; a large number of the students rocked on their chairs during the sessions, some constantly. The directions of the teacher to put ‘feet on floor’ and ‘hands on heads’, or putting her fingers to her lips to gesture for them to be quiet, shouting or by counting back from 5 had little effect. This class was a very active group, but little work got done. They did not have sustained capacities of stillness appropriate for academic activities. In the enrichment class, the teacher didn’t have to check noise or movement very often – the students had internalised these behaviours as capacities that directed their work. Occasionally, they policed each other if they were disrupted. There was occasional talk, but it tended to be in whispers. If the task required it, there was plenty of discussion; and some of the students didn’t hesitate in challenging the teacher when she made a mistake. These students’ stillness and quiet was by-and-large productive and appropriate. We call this a state of composure, a readiness for activity. When required, this class was capable of concentration and application; or, alternatively, discussion. We call it composure because it links to Foucault’s (162-3) insight that modern forms of discipline rest on a ‘composition of forces’ which not only produce an efficient organisation but individuals with a disposition towards acting skilfully.Betty’s class, in contrast, was in a state of decomposure, with unproductive movement and noise. They were rarely still, posture was poor, and many students spent little time attending to work or the teacher. They were rarely ready for work when the teacher called them to it. Rather they saw a change in activity as a chance for movement and chatter. This was not the caged resentment that Willis described in his analysis of resistance to school amongst working class boys. It was not a form of conscious insubordination, though a similar form of ‘self-damnation’ was evident.Sonny, a Samoan boy in this class, in contrast to Sonia, struggled to stay on-task for more than a few minutes, and clearly had little investment in his work. He generally didn’t care where he was at with the task, and expected the teacher to constantly direct him. Sonny was a very large child – the teacher commented that his physical presence in the class was an ongoing problem as he was unaware of other children, constantly bowling them over. The teacher struggled to manage Sonny’s body. He talked frequently and loudly, and leant back on his chair despite being placed in a way that pinned him against a cupboard. His location in the class was telling. He was sitting at a table with students who followed tasks, separated from the usual troublemakers. This is significant for another reason of which Sonny was not fully conscious. At one stage in the lesson he sat bolt upright and pointing at each of his tablemates, yelled, ‘Miss, why am I sitting with all Chinese?’ Betty apparently hoped that being with the quieter Chinese students Sonny would not only be out of harm’s way, he might absorb the skills of application they possessed!This uneven distribution of capacities was also seen in the way different classes undertook a maths assessment task on fractions. While other classes treated it as a general lesson, in the enrichment class it was completed in test conditions, which the teacher later commented the kids loved. The teacher explained the task and the conditions – that there should be no copying, to work in silence, concentrate on the questions, the amount of time they’d get and what to do when they finished (further maths work). She initiated an enthusiastic class discussion of the topic (fractions), reminded them of work they had completed in this area and got them to go through basic aspects of fractions. The task was distributed and students immediately filled in their name and the date. When they commenced their work she moved around the room monitoring their progress. Occasionally she directed a student to reread the instructions and towards the end she reminded them to check their work and then gave them a five-minute warning. There was little movement, fiddling or talk, unless it was a question of clarification directed to the teacher. Most finished and moved quickly onto their maths workbooks. There was a lively discussion afterwards as the class went through the questions and discussed the answers and procedure. Overall, there was a clear sense of a strong investment in the process and the product: with many showing real annoyance when they got things wrong, and deep pleasure when they were correct. While the contrast between these classes is clear, and show an uneven distribution of particular capacities, we should be careful not to make a simple assumption that stillness, quiet and obedience are good, and their opposites bad. Apart from the fact that the enrichment class showed itself capable of vociferous and physical behaviour (as when they were completing a craft activity), the point is really about the appropriateness and productivity of these embodied competencies for particular tasks, and the ability to move between these capacities when necessary.Stillness, and its attendant capacities described above, is not a good in and of itself. There is another kind of stillness that we found in a class in another school we observed. Chestervale PS was in a middle class area in a northern suburb of Sydney that was favoured by parents of Chinese background. This class was by no means as unruly as Sonny’s – classroom behaviour was generally well managed by the teacher, and the students were fairly adept at following tasks. Two students we observed – Walter (of Chinese background) and Eric (of Anglo background) – seemed at first glance to be well-behaved students who did their work. Watching these boys for several hours, however, we became aware of the fact that for large chunks of the classroom time they did nothing, but were not recognised as doing so. Walter spent 45 minutes without adding anything to his writing – a straightforward comprehension task. This was also run in near-test-like conditions of quiet concentration, and Walter, apart from a few minor distractions, seemed to be focused on the pages in front of him but actually wrote nothing in the lesson. The teacher strolled around checking students’ work and giving advice or praise as needed – she managed the class quite well – but seemed not to notice when she checked Walter’s work that he hadn’t written anything. Eric, rather more obviously distracted, but who nevertheless seemed to complete 1-2 questions, got by with little work by being, like Walter, generally quiet. His distractions amounted to little more than staring at the contents of the shelf next to him and fidgeting. Walter and Eric were acquiring specific types of capacities – skills in getting out of work that are also fundamentally unproductive. Walter’s general abilities allowed him to float through the class, but Eric’s failure to develop productive capacities was demonstrated in his poor reading and writing levels. We don’t wish to participate in the academic romanticisation of such tactics as ‘resistance’, however, because while this ‘ordinary art’ is diversionary it does not ultimately work to ‘the advantage’ of the student (de Certeau 29-31). Rather, it is simply disabling.This example highlights two important points. First, as mentioned, stillness and quiet are not in themselves signs of educational ‘productivity’ – such capacities always have to be seen in context, related to specific tasks and aims. Many teachers may encourage stillness and quiet – even reward it – simply because it produces an orderly classroom. Second, we should be wary of looking to ethnicity as an explanation of the uneven distribution of capacities: Eric, as an Anglo student, isn’t subject to the kind of cultural pathologising usually reserved for students of particular ethnic backgrounds and Walter, clearly, did not match the stereotype of an academically engaged Chinese student. These issues are taken up in the larger report. Disciplining the Scholarly HabitusOur point is not just to outline some differences in abilities, but to begin to analyse how these contribute to the dispositions, or lack thereof, of the scholarly habitus, to think about how these capacities relate to particular kinds of practices at home and school which instil specific kinds of discipline, and thus eventually to elaborate links between schooling and cultural background. Neither popular pathologies of cultural difference nor sociologies of education which reduce these complexities to either class or gender adequately account for the capacities and practices at stake here (Watkins and Noble).The comparative account of these vignettes of classroom practice provide examples of different disciplinary forms demonstrating the ways in which school structures and pedagogic practices affect students’ engagement in learning and overall performance at school. As indicated, the notion of discipline used here does not simply pertain to control, operating as a negative force inhibiting learning – though a disabling discipline of control was apparent in the pedagogy some teachers employed and also framed some whole school practices. Discipline, here, has a broader meaning. As Foucault intended, it also refers to the knowledge and skills which need to be mastered in order to achieve success in particular fields. Foucault famously analyses the roles of discipline in the functioning of modern institutions. He describes the emergence of the school in modern times as ‘a machine for learning’. Despite his much-repeated insistence on the productive and enabling nature of discipline (and his insight that discipline ‘is no longer simply an art of distributing bodies, … but of composing forces in order to obtain an efficient machine’), it is the machine-like and oppressive quality of discipline that is often the focus. In relation to the nineteenth century school, for example, he describes it as a ‘morality of obedience’ based on a prescriptive discipline of absolute silence and a Pavlovian process of ‘signalisation’ and response (164-7).Sonia’s class (the enrichment class), however, is not one where passivity or docility is the rule – and illustrates better the form of disciplined, productive stillness crucial to educational activity. As this first group of students demonstrates, this discipline takes a material form, whereby students’ bodies are capacitated through the control and focus they embody. This recalls Foucault’s other focus captured in his view that ‘a disciplined body is the prerequisite of an efficient gesture’ (152). This discipline predisposes students towards particular types of endeavour; a discipline that takes the form of dispositions as in the scholarly habitus. Differing degrees of discipline resulting from the repeated performance of certain practices is what distinguishes the three groups of students in this paper.Writing, listening and talking in class are all forms of labour that require bodily control as well as forms of knowledge. Sonia, for example, evinced capacities of stillness, quiet, attention, self-direction and self-discipline which disposed her to engaged learning. This is a state of composure which evinces a readiness for activity. When required, she was capable of sustained application. This is not to be mistaken for docility – her stillness and quiet were productive for academic engagement. In contrast, many in Sonny’s class were far from composed. They did not have sustained capacities of stillness and quiet or the capacity for self-control in an educational environment. They manifested different types of bodily capacities which incline them, like Sonny, towards disengagement. Eric and Walter are different cases yet again. They displayed a degree of quiet and stillness that was unproductive, that didn’t ready them for engaged activity.This sense of bodily control also operates at basic levels of mastery as well as readiness for intellectual activity. Indeed, low-order capacities are stepping stones for higher order skills. It is difficult to develop literacy, for example, without mastering the physical skills of writing. Such skills require a certain posture and control for perfecting letter and word formation. Such mastery, for example, is needed for writing to become ‘transparent’: the student stops ‘thinking’ about forming the letter or word with the pen, and concentrates on the content of their writing. The physical nature of the labour of writing stops being a conscious task and becomes a largely unconscious capacity, which lends itself to the development of capacities in composition, analysis and abstraction. Neither Walter nor Eric had developed a mastery of the pen or their own body. In the case of Eric, Deirdre, his teacher, commented that he had ‘immature fine motor skills’, which affected his writing. She pointed out that ‘when your writing doesn’t come easy it is going to take longer’, which meant Eric ‘rarely completes things’. ConclusionAs Vitalis argued thousands of years ago, with writing, the whole body labours (cited in Ong 95). But this form of labour entails stillness, self-control and the bodily capacity for sustained intellectual engagement. Educational practice needs to not only return to an appreciation of the arts of stillness but to rethink the ways in which activity in learning is understood; the ways in which an active mind is reliant upon a composed yet capacitated body and the particular pedagogies that, from the early years of school, can promote this form of corporeal governance. ReferencesBourdieu, Pierre. The Logic of Practice. Trans. Richard Nice. Cambridge: Polity, 1990.———. The State Nobility. Trans. Lauretta Clough. 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