Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Chant populaire traditionnel"

Telemedicine is the mixed structure of tele-communication technologies and quality health care making it feasible for general populace to obtain superlative healthcare. Starting from video chat for medical services in 2000 to e-Sanjeevani OPD 2020, Indian healthcare reform has come a long way in achieving sustainable healthcare in which, the setting up of the National Telemedicine Taskforce by the Health Ministry of India, in 2005, played a huge role for various projects like the ICMR-AROGYASREE, NeHA and VRCs. Despite the lack of awareness among common public on Tele-medicine, it has a lot of benefits on existing health care settings which makes it to thrive and progress within a decade. Health systems and polices have a critical role in determining the manner in which health services are delivered, utilized and affect health outcomes. This article in brief discusses on the changes and advancement of traditional healthcare system, realizing the pace of timeline in bringing Tele-medicine into practice. As, international telemedicine initiatives are attaining quality healthcare, this article also describes the challenges of telemedicine in Indian healthcare settings.

It is difficult to see any correlation between proverbs, songs, chants and COVID 19. It will take only an avid researcher to observe the surreptitious and subtle correlation observed here. The world of science has produced various vaccines to tackle the menace that is COVID 19 and governments the world over are doggedly fighting insecurity. No sooner have we found a vaccine than mutation and difficult strands of the COVID are springing up here and there, telling us that the battle is only half won. From the medical point of view the solution remains in distancing, washing of hands, wearing masks and observing COVID 19 protocols. Another area that is most effective in curbing this dreaded disease is in creating sufficient awareness. The people that are enlightened will not fall prey to the dreaded monster. This is where proverbs, songs, chants, myths, folklore, folktales, legends, traditional stories, and received wisdom become very powerful tools for checking this global pandemic. In the first instance, there is no nation in Africa without this troika (proverbs, songs and folktales). All we need to do is deploy them in creating sufficient awareness in handling loved ones affected by this death. The western world is depending on the television, radio, newspaper, magazine, social media outlets and other means of mass communication to disseminate information on how to deal and relate with this hydra headed monster. But these are luxuries that we in the developing world cannot afford, and even the few that can afford them, there is no constant light to power the instruments and enable us to get the message. Illiteracy is another big hindrance, a lot of us cannot use English effectively, and a lot more cannot understand messages spread via the medium of English. The most reliable means of communication with the people remains their mother tongue. Therefore, this paper argues that governments and agencies of government must embark on translating their messages into songs, chants and proverbs. These will resonate with the rural populace more easily than radio or TV adverts. The data collected and analysed in this paper prove the claim that language is a powerful tool in tackling insecurity and generating sufficient awareness for COVID 19.

In this article, we analyze the common uses that adolescents of the City of Buenos Aires display in the Facebook platform. From the review of the state of the art and the empirical evidence gathered by 30 in-depth interviews, 24 months of daily virtual observation and the analysis of 200 profiles in Facebook, it is displayed that for both groups of adolescents the social network is their central entertainment and communication environment. At the same time, the primary uses they give to Facebook within the site refer to self presentation, interchanging personal information between friends, sex-affective relationship searches, and exploring different aspects of their sociability and identity. We examine the most «popular» posts between adolescents (photos, personal texts). Besides, we describe the most usual ludic-communication uses: chat, upgrading status, photographic prosumption and streaming. In this sense, we acknowledge that daily use of the resource bythis population is the sharing of intimate performances with the goal of increasing sociability between peers and accomplish a higher visibility both in and out of the site. Thus, by studying the images in the timeline’s of adolescents, evidence is exposed showing that gender representations are in conflict with traditional models and new forms of masculinity and femininity. En este artículo se abordan los usos comunes que realizan los adolescentes de la ciudad de Buenos Aires en la plataforma Facebook. A partir de la revisión del estado de la cuestión y de la evidencia empírica recogida en 30 entrevistas en profundidad, 24 meses de observaciones virtuales diarias y el análisis de contenido de 200 perfiles de Facebook, se muestra que para ambos grupos de adolescentes la red social es su entorno central de entretenimiento y comunicabilidad. A su vez, que sus principales usos dentro de este sitio son la autopresentación, el intercambio de contenidos personales entre amistades, la búsqueda de relaciones sexo-afectivas y la exploración de distintos aspectos de su sociabilidad e identidad. Se indaga en los tipos de publicaciones más «populares» entre los adolescentes (fotos y textos personales). Además, se describen los usos lúdico-comunicacionales más habituales: chat, actualizar estados, prosumo fotográfico y streaming. En este sentido, se observa que un recurso de uso cotidiano entre esta población es el intercambio de performances de intimidad con el objetivo de aumentar la sociabilidad entre pares y lograr una mayor visibilidad dentro y fuera del sitio. Asimismo, por medio del análisis de imágenes de los muros de los adolescentes, se aporta evidencia acerca de que las representaciones de género se encuentran en conflicto entre los modelos tradicionales y las nuevas formas de masculinidad y feminidad.

Babies and toddlers are amassing huge followings on social media, achieving microcelebrity status, and raking in five figure sums. In East Asia, many of these lucrative “micro­-microcelebrities” rise to fame by inheriting exposure and proximate microcelebrification from their social media Influencer mothers. Through self-branding techniques, Influencer mothers’ portrayals of their young’ children’s lives “as lived” are the canvas on which (baby) products and services are marketed to readers as “advertorials”. In turning to investigate this budding phenomenon, I draw on ethnographic case studies in Singapore to outline the career trajectory of these young children (under 4yo) including their social media presence, branding strategies, and engagement with their followers. The chapter closes with a brief discussion on some ethical considerations of such young children’s labour in the social media age.Influencer MothersTheresa Senft first coined the term “microcelebrity” in her work Camgirls as a burgeoning online trend, wherein people attempt to gain popularity by employing digital media technologies, such as videos, blogs, and social media. She describes microcelebrities as “non-actors as performers” whose narratives take place “without overt manipulation”, and who are “more ‘real’ than television personalities with ‘perfect hair, perfect friends and perfect lives’” (Senft 16), foregrounding their active response to their communities in the ways that maintain open channels of feedback on social media to engage with their following.Influencers – a vernacular industry term albeit inspired by Katz & Lazarsfeld’s notion of “personal influence” that predates Internet culture – are one type of microcelebrity; they are everyday, ordinary Internet users who accumulate a relatively large following on blogs and social media through the textual and visual narration of their personal lives and lifestyles, engage with their following in “digital” and “physical” spaces, and monetize their following by integrating “advertorials” into their blog or social media posts and making physical appearances at events. A pastiche of “advertisement” and “editorial”, advertorials in the Influencer industry are highly personalized, opinion-laden promotions of products/services that Influencers personally experience and endorse for a fee. Influencers in Singapore often brand themselves as having “relatability”, or the ability to persuade their followers to identify with them (Abidin). They do so by make consciously visible the backstage (Goffman) of the usually “inaccessible”, “personal”, and “private” aspects of mundane, everyday life to curate personae that feel “authentic” to fans (Marwick 114), and more accessible than traditional celebrity (Senft 16).Historically, the Influencer industry in Singapore can be traced back to the early beginnings of the “blogshop” industry from the mid-2000s and the “commercial blogging” industry. Influencers are predominantly young women, and market products and services from diverse industries, although the most popular have been fashion, beauty, F&B, travel, and electronics. Most prominent Influencers are contracted to management agencies who broker deals in exchange for commission and assist in the production of their vlogs. Since then, the industry has grown, matured, and expanded so rapidly that Influencers developed emergent models of advertorials, with the earliest cohorts moving into different life stages and monetizing several other aspects of their personal lives such as the “micro-microcelebrity” of their young children. What this paper provides is an important analysis of the genesis and normative practices of micro-microcelebrity commerce in Singapore from its earliest years, and future research trajectories in this field.Micro-Microcelebrity and Proximate MicrocelebrificationI define micro-microcelebrities as the children of Influencers who have themselves become proximate microcelebrities, having derived exposure and fame from their prominent Influencer mothers, usually through a more prolific, deliberate, and commercial form of what Blum-Ross defines as “sharenting”: the act of parents sharing images and stores about their children in digital spaces such as social networking sites and blogs. Marwick (116-117), drawing from Rojek’s work on types of celebrity – distinguishes between two types of microcelebrity: “ascribed microcelebrity” where the online personality is made recognizable through the “production of celebrity media” such as paparazzi shots and user-produced online memes, or “achieved microcelebrity” where users engage in “self-presentation strateg[ies]”, such as fostering the illusion of intimacy with fans, maintaining a persona, and selective disclosure about oneself.Micro-microcelebrities lie somewhere between the two: In a process I term “proximate microcelebrification”, micro-microcelebrities themselves inherit celebrity through the preemptive and continuous exposure from their Influencer mothers, many beginning even during the pre-birth pregnancy stages in the form of ultrasound scans, as a form of “achieved microcelebrity”. Influencer mothers whose “presentational strategies” (cf. Marshall, “Promotion” 45) are successful enough (as will be addressed later) gain traction among followers, who in turn further popularize the micro-microcelebrity by setting up fan accounts, tribute sites, and gossip forums through which fame is heightened in a feedback loop as a model of “ascribed microcelebrity”.Here, however, I refrain from conceptualizing these young stars as “micro-Influencers” for unlike Influencers, these children do not yet curate their self-presentation to command the attention of followers, but instead are used, framed, and appropriated by their mothers for advertorials. In other words, Influencer mothers “curate [micro-microcelebrities’] identities into being” (Leaver, “Birth”). Following this, many aspects of their micro-microcelebrities become rapidly commodified and commercialized, with advertisers clamoring to endorse anything from maternity hospital stays to nappy cream.Although children of mommybloggers have the prospect to become micro-microcelebrities, both groups are conceptually distinct. Friedman (200-201) argues that among mommybloggers arose a tension between those who adopt “the raw authenticity of nonmonetized blogging”, documenting the “unglamorous minutiae” of their daily lives and a “more authentic view of motherhood” and those who use mommyblogs “primarily as a source of extra income rather than as a site for memoir”, focusing on “parent-centered products” (cf. Mom Bloggers Club).In contrast, micro-microcelebrities and their digital presence are deliberately commercial, framed and staged by Influencer mothers in order to maximize their advertorial potential, and are often postured to market even non-baby/parenting products such as fast food and vehicles (see later). Because of the overt commerce, it is unclear if micro-microcelebrity displays constitute “intimate surveillance”, an “almost always well-intentioned surveillance of young people by parents” (Leaver, “Born” 4). Furthermore, children are generally peripheral to mommybloggers whose own parenting narratives take precedence as a way to connect with fellow mothers, while micro-microcelebrities are the primary feature whose everyday lives and digital presence enrapture followers.MethodologyThe analysis presented is informed by my original fieldwork with 125 Influencers and related actors among whom I conducted a mixture of physical and digital personal interviews, participant observation, web archaeology, and archival research between December 2011 and October 2014. However, the material presented here is based on my digital participant observation of publicly accessible and intentionally-public digital presence of the first four highly successful micro-microcelebrities in Singapore: “Baby Dash” (b.2013) is the son of Influencer xiaxue, “#HeYurou” (b.2011) is the niece of Influencer bongqiuqiu, “#BabyElroyE” (b.2014) is the son of Influencer ohsofickle, and “@MereGoRound” (b.2015) is the daughter of Influencer bongqiuqiu.The microcelebrity/social media handles of these children take different forms, following the platform on which their parent/aunt has exposed them on the most. Baby Dash appears in all of xiaxue’s digital platforms under a variety of over 30 indexical, ironic, or humourous hashtags (Leaver, “Birth”) including “#pointylipped”, #pineappledash”, and “#面包脸” (trans. “bread face”); “#HeYurou” appears on bongqiuqiu’s Instagram and Twitter; “#BabyElroyE” appears on ohsofickle’s Instagram and blog, and is the central figure of his mother’s new YouTube channel; and “@MereGoRound” appears on all of bongqiuqiu’s digital platforms but also has her own Instagram account and dedicated YouTube channel. The images reproduced here are screenshot from Influencer mothers’ highly public social media: xiaxue, bongqiuqiu, and ohsofickle boast 593k, 277k, and 124k followers on Instagram and 263k, 41k, and 17k followers on Twitter respectively at the time of writing.Anticipation and Digital EstatesIn an exclusive front-pager (Figure 1) on the day of his induced birth, it was announced that Baby Dash had already received up to SGD25,000 worth of endorsement deals brokered by his Influencer mother, xiaxue. As the first micro-microcelebrity in his cohort (his mother was among the pioneer Influencers), Baby Dash’s Caesarean section was even filmed and posted on xiaxue’s YouTube channel in three parts (Figure 2). xiaxue had announced her pregnancy on her blog while in her second trimester, following which she consistently posted mirror selfies of her baby bump.Figure 1 & 2, screenshot April 2013 from ‹instagram.com/xiaxue›In her successful attempt at generating anticipation, the “bump” itself seemed to garner its own following on Twitter and Instagram, with many followers discussing how the Influencer dressed “it”, and how “it” was evolving over the weeks. One follower even compiled a collage of xiaxue’s “bump” chronologically and gifted it to the Influencer as an art image via Twitter on the day she delivered Baby Dash (Figure 3 & 4). Followers also frequently speculated and bantered about how her baby would look, and mused about how much they were going to adore him. Figure 3 & 4, screenshot March 2013 from ‹twitter.com/xiaxue› While Lupton (42) has conceptualized the sharing of images that precede birth as a “rite of passage”, Influencer mothers who publish sonograms deliberately do so in order to claim digital estates for their to-be micro-microcelebrities in the form of “reserved” social media handles, blog URLs, and unique hashtags for self-branding. For instance, at the 3-month mark of her pregnancy, Influencer bongqiuqiu debuted her baby’s dedicated hashtag, “#MereGoRound” in a birth announcement on her on Instagram account. Shortly after, she started an Instagram account, “@MereGoRound”, for her baby, who amassed over 5.5k followers prior to her birth. Figure 5 & 6, screenshot March 2015 from instagram.com/meregoround and instagram.com/bongqiuqiuThe debut picture features a heavily pregnant belly shot of bongqiuqiu (Figure 5), creating much anticipation for the arrival of a new micro-microcelebrity: in the six months leading up to her birth, various family, friends, and fans shared Instagram images of their gifts and welcome party for @MereGoRound, and followers shared congratulations and fan art on the dedicated Instagram hashtag. During this time, bongqiuqiu also frequently updated followers on her pregnancy progress, not without advertising her (presumably sponsored) gynecologist and hospital stay in her pregnancy diaries (Figure 6) – like Baby Dash, even as a foetus @MereGoRound was accumulating advertorials. Presently at six months old, @MereGoRound boasts almost 40k followers on Instagram on which embedded in the narrative of her growth are sponsored products and services from various advertisers.Non-Baby-Related AdvertorialsPrior to her pregnancy, Influencer bongqiuqiu hopped onto the micro-microcelebrity bandwagon in the wake of Baby Dash’s birth, by using her niece “#HeYurou” in her advertorials. Many Influencers attempt to naturalize their advertorials by composing their post as if recounting a family event. With reference to a child, parent, or partner, they may muse or quip about a product being used or an experience being shared in a bid to mask the distinction between their personal and commercial material. bongqiuqiu frequently posted personal, non-sponsored images engaging in daily mundane activities under the dedicated hashtag “#HeYurou”.However, this was occasionally interspersed with pictures of her niece holding on to various products including storybooks (Figure 8) and shopping bags (Figure 9). At first glance, this might have seemed like any mundane daily update the Influencer often posts. However, a close inspection reveals the caption bearing sponsor hashtags, tags, and campaign information. For instance, one Instagram post shows #HeYurou casually holding on to and staring at a burger in KFC wrapping (Figure 7), but when read in tandem with bongqiuqiu’s other KFC-related posts published over a span of a few months, it becomes clear that #HeYurou was in fact advertising for KFC. Figure 7, 8, 9, screenshot December 2014 from ‹instagram.com/bongqiuqiu›Elsewhere, Baby Dash was incorporated into xiaxue’s car sponsorship with over 20 large decals of one of his viral photos – dubbed “pineapple Dash” among followers – plastered all over her vehicle (Figure 10). Followers who spot the car in public are encouraged to photograph and upload the image using its dedicated hashtag, “#xiaxuecar” as part of the Influencer’s car sponsorship – an engagement scarcely related to her young child. Since then, xiaxue has speculated producing offshoots of “pineapple Dash” products including smartphone casings. Figure 10, screenshot December 2014 from ‹instagram.com/xiaxue›Follower EngagementSponsors regularly organize fan meet-and-greets headlined by micro-microcelebrities in order to attract potential customers. Photo opportunities and the chance to see Baby Dash “in the flesh” frequently front press and promotional material of marketing campaigns. Elsewhere on social media, several Baby Dash fan and tribute accounts have also emerged on Instagram, reposting images and related media of the micro-microcelebrity with overt adoration, no doubt encouraged by xiaxue, who began crowdsourcing captions for Baby Dash’s photos.Influencer ohsofickle postures #BabyElroyE’s follower engagement in a more subtle way. In her YouTube channel that debut in the month of her baby’s birth, ohsofickle produces video diaries of being a young, single, mother who is raising a child (Figure 11). In each episode, #BabyElroyE is the main feature whose daily activities are documented, and while there is some advertising embedded, ohsofickle’s approach on YouTube is much less overt than others as it features much more non-monetized personal content (Figure 12). Her blog serves as a backchannel to her vlogs, in which she recounts her struggles with motherhood and explicitly solicits the advice of mothers. However, owing to her young age (she became an Influencer at 17 and gave birth at 24), many of her followers are teenagers and young women who respond to her solicitations by gushing over #BabyElroyE’s images on Instagram. Figure 11 & 12, screenshot September 2015 from ‹instagram.com/ohsofickle›PrivacyAs noted by Holloway et al. (23), children like micro-microcelebrities will be among the first cohorts to inherit “digital profiles” of their “whole lifetime” as a “work in progress”, from parents who habitually underestimate or discount the privacy and long term effects of publicizing information about their children at the time of posting. This matters in a climate where social media platforms can amend privacy policies without user consent (23), and is even more pressing for micro-microcelebrities whose followers store, republish, and recirculate information in fan networks, resulting in digital footprints with persistence, replicability, scalability, searchability (boyd), and extended longevity in public circulation which can be attributed back to the children indefinitely (Leaver, “Ends”).Despite minimum age restrictions and recent concerns with “digital kidnapping” where users steal images of other young children to be re-posted as their own (Whigham), some social media platforms rarely police the proliferation of accounts set up by parents on behalf of their underage children prominently displaying their legal names and life histories, citing differing jurisdictions in various countries (Facebook; Instagram), while others claim to disable accounts if users report an “incorrect birth date” (cf. Google for YouTube). In Singapore, the Media Development Authority (MDA) which governs all print and digital media has no firm regulations for this but suggests that the age of consent is 16 judging by their recommendation to parents with children aged below 16 to subscribe to Internet filtering services (Media Development Authority, “Regulatory” 1). Moreover, current initiatives have been focused on how parents can impart digital literacy to their children (Media Development Authority, “Empowered”; Media Literacy Council) as opposed to educating parents about the digital footprints they may be unwittingly leaving about their children.The digital lives of micro-microcelebrities pose new layers of concern given their publicness and deliberate publicity, specifically hinged on making visible the usually inaccessible, private aspects of everyday life (Marshall, “Persona” 5).Scholars note that celebrities are individuals for whom speculation of their private lives takes precedence over their actual public role or career (Geraghty 100-101; Turner 8). However, the personae of Influencers and their young children are shaped by ambiguously blurring the boundaries of privacy and publicness in order to bait followers’ attention, such that privacy and publicness are defined by being broadcast, circulated, and publicized (Warner 414). In other words, the publicness of micro-microcelebrities is premised on the extent of the intentional publicity rather than simply being in the public domain (Marwick 223-231, emphasis mine).Among Influencers privacy concerns have aroused awareness but not action – Baby Dash’s Influencer mother admitted in a national radio interview that he has received a death threat via Instagram but feels that her child is unlikely to be actually attacked (Channel News Asia) – because privacy is a commodity that is manipulated and performed to advance their micro-microcelebrities’ careers. As pioneer micro-microcelebrities are all under 2-years-old at present, future research warrants investigating “child-centred definitions” (Third et al.) of the transition in which they come of age, grow an awareness of their digital presence, respond to their Influencer mothers’ actions, and potentially take over their accounts.Young LabourThe Ministry of Manpower (MOM) in Singapore, which regulates the employment of children and young persons, states that children under the age of 13 may not legally work in non-industrial or industrial settings (Ministry of Manpower). However, the same document later ambiguously states underaged children who do work can only do so under strict work limits (Ministry of Manpower). Elsewhere (Chan), it is noted that national labour statistics have thus far only focused on those above the age of 15, thus neglecting a true reflection of underaged labour in Singapore. This is despite the prominence of micro-microcelebrities who are put in front of (video) cameras to build social media content. Additionally, the work of micro-microcelebrities on digital platforms has not yet been formally recognized as labour, and is not regulated by any authority including Influencer management firms, clients, the MDA, and the MOM. Brief snippets from my ethnographic fieldwork with Influencer management agencies in Singapore similarly reveal that micro-microcelebrities’ labour engagements and control of their earnings are entirely at their parents’ discretion.As models and actors, micro-microcelebrities are one form of entertainment workers who if between the ages of 15 days and 18 years in the state of California are required to obtain an Entertainment Work Permit to be gainfully employed, adhering to strict work, schooling, and rest hour quotas (Department of Industrial Relations). Furthermore, the Californian Coogan Law affirms that earnings by these minors are their own property and not their parents’, although they are not old enough to legally control their finances and rely on the state to govern their earnings with a legal guardian (Screen Actors Guild). However, this similarly excludes underaged children and micro-microcelebrities engaged in creative digital ecologies. Future research should look into safeguards and instruments among young child entertainers, especially for micro-micrcocelebrities’ among whom commercial work and personal documentation is not always distinct, and are in fact deliberately intertwined in order to better engage with followers for relatabilityGrowing Up BrandedIn the wake of moral panics over excessive surveillance technologies, children’s safety on the Internet, and data retention concerns, micro-microcelebrities and their Influencer mothers stand out for their deliberately personal and overtly commercial approach towards self-documenting, self-presenting, and self-publicizing from the moment of conception. 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Bernard Lallement, chef de choeur et diplomate français, passe toute sa carrière professionnelle au service du ministère des Affaires étrangères. Nommé en 1965 à Berlin dans le climat de la guerre froide et la dynamique du traité de l'Élysée signée deux années plus tôt, par Charles de Gaulle et Konrad Adenauer, il use de sa qualité de diplomate pour développer la coopération entre Allemands et Français autour du chant choral. En l'espace de quinze ans, il crée les quatre premières chorales franco-allemandes (CFAs) dans les villes où il exerce ses fonctions : Berlin, Munich, Paris et Bonn. En 1982, il fonde la Fédération des CFAs qui compte aujourd'hui dix chorales en Allemagne et sept en France. Sa ténacité fait de lui un des maillons incontournables de la société civile engagée dans les relations amicales et humaines. Convaincu, tout comme les signataires du traité, que la réconciliation et la coopération passent par la jeunesse, il occupe de 1979 à 1983 le poste de secrétaire général adjoint de l'Office Franco-Allemand pour la Jeunesse (OFAJ). La musique jalonne le parcours professionnel de Bernard Lallement, que compositions et direction accompagnent. Musique et Politique se croisent lors des concerts franco-allemands commémoratifs. Et depuis la signature du traité en 1963 jusqu'à sa plus récente actualisation à Aix-la Chapelle en 2019, le diplomate musicien oeuvre à la coopération, à l'approfondissement des relations et à l'intégration des peuples français, allemands et européens. Si l'OFAJ est une référence pour la jeunesse d'autres pays, le chant choral est devenu quant à lui, et grâce à Bernard Lallement, le vecteur d'une amitié franco-allemande durable dont les CFAs sont les ambassadrices
Bernard Lallement, French choir director and diplomat, spent his entire professional career in the service of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was the first posted to Berlin in 1965 at the time of the Cold War. In the framework of the Élysée Treaty signed two years earlier by Charles de Gaulle and Konrad Adenauer, he used his diplomatic skills to develop cooperation between the Germans and the French around choral singing. In fifteen years, he created the first four Franco-German choirs (CFAs) in the cities where he was in office : Berlin, Munich, Paris and Bonn. In 1982, he founded the Federation of CFAs, which includes today ten choirs in Germany and seven choirs in France. His tenacity has made him a key player in civil society engaged in cultural and human relations. Bernard Lallement has always been convinced, together with the signatories of the treaty that young people have a major to play in reconciliation and cooperation. He worked as Deputy Secretary General of the Franco-German Youth Office (OFAJ) from 1979 to 1983. Alongside his professional career, music has been an integral part of his life, both with his composing and direction of choirs. Music and Politics come together on the occasion of the Franco-German commemorative concerts. From the singing of the Treaty in 1963 until its most recent update in Aachen in 2019, the musician diplomat has promoted the cooperation and the deepening of integration between French, German and wider European citizens. OFAJ has become the reference for the youth of other countries. Thanks to Bernard Lallement, the choirshave become the best ambassadors from promoting lasting franco-german relationships

Ce travail de recherche vise surtout a démontrer l'aspect traditionnel de la poésie populaire andalouse. Pour ce faire, les procédés d'expression favoris sont répertoriés dans un premier temps. Ensuite, on étudiera davantage la question de fond, les influences probables de tel ou tel mouvement littéraire pour finalement déboucher sur le problème de l'intertextualité dans la poésie dite traditionnelle et populaire et la poésie nationale, plus savante. A ce stade de la recherche, il a été démontré que la poésie des chants flamencos et partant la poésie populaire ne forme pas un genre secondaire et pas davantage une poésie rudimentaire mais une poésie autonome qui mérite sa place dans la tradition littéraire d'un pays, l'Espagne
The essential purpose of this research is to underline the traditional aspect of andalousian popular poetry. To do so, the most common means of expression will first of all be listed before dealing in more detail with the basic content matter as well as the likely influence of other various literary trends. Last o all, we shall study the problem of the relationship existing between what may be called the traditional poetry of the masses and its more intellectual counterpart - that of national poetry. At this point of our research, it may be concluded that the poetry found in both flamenco songs that which is popular is to be considered neither of lesser importance nor more primitive than any other form but rather as an independent means of expression deserving its place of honour in the literary tradition of a country such as Spain

This book explores the intersections of values and meanings in two types of replay: where video games meet classical music, and vice versa. From the bleeps and bloops of 1980s arcades to the world’s most prestigious concert halls, classical music and video games have a long history together. Medieval chant, classical symphonies, postminimalist film scores, and everything in between fill the soundtracks of many video games, while world-renowned orchestras frequently perform concerts of game music to sold-out audiences. Yet combining video games and classical music also presents a challenge to traditional cultural values around these media products. Classical music is frequently understood as high art, insulated from the whims of popular culture; video games, by contrast, are often regarded as pure entertainment, fundamentally incapable of crossing over into art. By delving into the shifting and often contradictory cultural meanings that emerge when classical music meets video games, Unlimited Replays offers a new perspective on the possibilities and challenges of art in contemporary society.

Abstract This chapter analyses the rhythmic verve of L’Allegro and Il Penseroso. The unique poise of the four-beat or tetrameter verse is shown to emerge in part from the blending of seven- and eight-syllable lines, which tend to move very differently, but even more from the interfusion of two diverse prosodies. There is first the iambic verse of the prevailing accentual-syllabic mode, where both stressed and unstressed syllables have a structural presence. But there is also the accentual and lyrical mode of much popular verse—such as nursery rhymes and playground chants, folk songs, traditional ballads, and many popular songs—which is structured solely around the four beats of the line. This interfusion creates verse of unparalleled joie de vivre and disciplined freedom, and this influences how the poems are to be read, both read aloud and in interpretation, with results quite different from how they have sometimes been read.

This chapter covers the timeline from 1960 when New Orleans integrated its public schools, to 2011, the age of computers and the Internet. Integration had an immediate impact on children and their folklore – African American and white children began to communicate on the playground, sharing chants, jokes, jump rope rhymes, taunts, teases, and stories. Through the next forty-four years, schoolchildren of South Louisiana were able to conserve much traditional schoolyard lore while adapting to tremendous social and material changes and incorporating into play elements from media, computers, smartphones, and the Internet. As time passed African American vernacular became trendy among teenage whites. Black popular music became the music of choice for many worldwide. This is a story about how children, African American and “other” have learned to fit play into their rapidly changing society.

A basic task of machine learning and data mining is to automatically uncover <b>patterns</b> that reflect regularities in a data set. When dealing with a large database, especially when domain knowledge is not available or very weak, this can be a challenging task. The purpose of <b>pattern discovery</b> is to find non-random relations among events from data sets. For example, the “exclusive OR” (XOR) problem concerns 3 binary variables, A, B and C=A<img src="http://resources.igi-global.com/Marketing/Preface_Figures/x_symbol.png">B, i.e. C is true when either A or B, but not both, is true. Suppose not knowing that it is the XOR problem, we would like to check whether or not the occurrence of the compound event [A=T, B=T, C=F] is just a random happening. If we could estimate its frequency of occurrences under the random assumption, then we know that it is not random if the observed frequency deviates significantly from that assumption. We refer to such a compound event as an event association pattern, or simply a <b>pattern</b>, if its frequency of occurrences significantly deviates from the default random assumption in the statistical sense. For instance, suppose that an XOR database contains 1000 samples and each primary event (e.g. [A=T]) occurs 500 times. The expected frequency of occurrences of the compound event [A=T, B=T, C=F] under the independence assumption is 0.5×0.5×0.5×1000 = 125. Suppose that its observed frequency is 250, we would like to see whether or not the difference between the observed and expected frequencies (i.e. 250 – 125) is significant enough to indicate that the compound event is not a random happening.<div><br></div><div>In statistics, to test the correlation between random variables, <b>contingency table</b> with chi-squared statistic (Mills, 1955) is widely used. Instead of investigating variable correlations, pattern discovery shifts the traditional correlation analysis in statistics at the variable level to association analysis at the event level, offering an effective method to detect statistical association among events.</div><div><br></div><div>In the early 90’s, this approach was established for second order event associations (Chan &amp; Wong, 1990). A higher order <b>pattern discovery</b> algorithm was devised in the mid 90’s for discrete-valued data sets (Wong &amp; Yang, 1997). In our methods, patterns inherent in data are defined as statistically significant associations of two or more primary events of different attributes if they pass a statistical test for deviation significance based on <b>residual analysis</b>. The discovered high order patterns can then be used for classification (Wang &amp; Wong, 2003). With continuous data, events are defined as Borel sets and the pattern discovery process is formulated as an optimization problem which recursively partitions the sample space for the best set of significant events (patterns) in the form of high dimension intervals from which probability density can be estimated by Gaussian kernel fit (Chau &amp; Wong, 1999). Classification can then be achieved using Bayesian classifiers. For data with a mixture of discrete and continuous data (Wong &amp; Yang, 2003), the latter is categorized based on a global optimization discretization algorithm (Liu, Wong &amp; Yang, 2004). As demonstrated in numerous real-world and commercial applications (Yang, 2002), pattern discovery is an ideal tool to uncover subtle and useful patterns in a database. </div><div><br></div><div>In pattern discovery, three open problems are addressed. The first concerns learning where noise and uncertainty are present. In our method, noise is taken as inconsistent samples against statistically significant patterns. Missing attribute values are also considered as noise. Using a standard statistical <b>hypothesis testing</b> to confirm statistical patterns from the candidates, this method is a less ad hoc approach to discover patterns than most of its contemporaries. The second problem concerns the detection of polythetic patterns without relying on exhaustive search. Efficient systems for detecting monothetic patterns between two attributes exist (e.g. Chan &amp; Wong, 1990). However, for detecting polythetic patterns, an exhaustive search is required (Han, 2001). In many problem domains, polythetic assessments of feature combinations (or higher order relationship detection) are imperative for robust learning. Our method resolves this problem by directly constructing polythetic concepts while screening out non-informative pattern candidates, using statisticsbased heuristics in the discovery process. The third problem concerns the representation of the detected patterns. Traditionally, if-then rules and graphs, including networks and trees, are the most popular ones. However, they have shortcomings when dealing with multilevel and multiple order patterns due to the non-exhaustive and unpredictable hierarchical nature of the inherent patterns. We adopt <b>attributed hypergraph</b> (AHG) (Wang &amp; Wong, 1996) as the representation of the detected patterns. It is a data structure general enough to encode information at many levels of abstraction, yet simple enough to quantify the information content of its organized structure. It is able to encode both the qualitative and the quantitative characteristics and relations inherent in the data set.<br></div>