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1
Allès, Christèle, and Joëlle Brochier-Puig. "Entre centralisation et appropriation locale." Études rurales, no. 192 (February 25, 2013): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesrurales.9916.
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2
Hege, Adelheid, and Christian Dufour. "Légitimité syndicale et identité locale." Sociologie et sociétés 30, no. 2 (October 2, 2002): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/001340ar.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Résumé Une comparaison des pratiques de représentation des salariés dans des établissements de quatre pays européens montre quemalgré des différences institutionnelles importantes, des règles sociologiques communes fortes marquent les conditionsd’exercice de la représentation. L’accès des représentants à la légitimité mobilise des relations complexes où la base — lesmandants — et des regroupements externes plus larges — les syndicats — jouent chacun un rôle important. Alors que lescadres institutionnels semblent distinguer considérablement les pratiques, les règles sociologiques d’accès à la légitimité semblentau contraire unifier les représentants, qui sont les acteurs réels de la liaison entre les différents niveaux où se joue lareprésentation. La question de la centralisation ou de la décentralisation des négociations doit être lue à travers le prisme del’accès à la légitimité représentative plus qu’à travers celui de l’évolution des lieux formels de négociation.
3
Petrov, Nikolai. "Moscou et les régions." Tocqueville Review 19, no. 1 (January 1998): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.19.1.55.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La réalité politique russe d’aujourd’hui est si dynamique et variée qu’elle fournit des arguments aux théories les plus diverses et les plus opposées : désagrégation du pays ou, au contraire, rapide reconstitution et centralisation ; force des particularismes et des individualités qui font que, selon la personnalité des dirigeants locaux, telle ou telle immense région prospère ou dépérit ; déterminisme géographique qui, à l’inverse, n’attribue à chaque société locale rien d’autre que ce dont l’a dotée la nature, et déterminisme politique et social, impliquant que tout peuple a le gouvernement qu’il mérite.
4
van honacker, Karin. "Résistance locale et émeutes dans les chef-villes brabançonnes aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles." Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 47-1, no. 1 (February 1, 2000): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.g2000.47n1.0037.
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Résumé Les actions collectives dans les chefs-villes du Brabant doivent plutôt être étudiées en relation avec la politique de centralisation des souverains qu'avec les oscillations de la conjoncture et les années de crise. Bien qu'elles se manifestassent sous une variété de formes et qu'elles fassent leur apparition à la suite d'occasions diverses, elles parurent souvent avoir les mêmes mobiles, à savoir la lutte pour le maintien des zones d'influence. Le plus souvent, les chefs des métiers (ou corporations), faisant partie de l'administration de la ville, dirigeaient la résistance. Collective actions in the Brabant capital cities should rather be studied in relation to the policy of centralization of the princes than to cyclical fluctuations and years of crisis. Even though they manifested themselves in a variety of forms and originated as a resuit of divergent causes, they often appeared to hâve the same motives, to wit, the struggle for the préservation of sphères of influence. Usually, it were the guild leaders, being part of the city administration, who directed the résistance.
5
Derouet, Jean-Louis. "Déconcentration, décentralisation et autonomie des établissements en France (1981-2003). D’un renouvellement des moyens de l’égalité au management en réseau." Swiss Journal of Educational Research 26, no. 1 (August 8, 2018): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24452/sjer.26.1.4670.
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La France a vécu entre 1981 et 2003 une révolution copernicienne dans la conception de sa politique d’éducation. Elle a abandonné une conception où la justice et l’efficacité passaient par la centralisation et même la standardisation du système pour passer à une autre qui repose sur la prise en compte des spécificités locales et l’autonomie des établissements. L’article analyse la mise en place de ce nouveau référentiel. Il n’est certes pas de pure rhétorique mais l’ancienne culture demeure très forte. Quelle est donc sa puissance de mise en forme de la réalité? Quels sont aussi ses effets? Différents indicateurs montrent que les inégalités entre les établissements s’accroissent. Est-ce une conséquence de cette politique? Il introduit aussi une réflexion sur un glissement de sens. Au début des années 1980, l’autonomie des établissements a été présentée comme un moyen de rendre plus réelle la promesse d’égalité des chances portée par l’État-Providence. À la fin des années 1990, elle apparaît comme la base d’un mode de management qui s’inspire de celui qui a permis au capitalisme de sortir de la crise de 1973: des unités déconcentrées, une régulation locale par gouvernance, une structuration en réseau reposant sur des normes de qualité internationales.
6
Neifar, Bassem. "L’émergence de nouveaux acteurs de développement : Vers une relecture de l’aménagement du territoire en Tunisie post-révolution." Lucrările Seminarului Geografic "Dimitrie Cantemir" 47, no. 2 (October 31, 2019): 199–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.15551/lsgdc.v47i2.02.
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Le 14 janvier 2011, la Tunisie, un pays en ébullition a obligé l’ex-président à quitter le territoire national. Tout est remis à plat : le système politique, la gouvernance, l’administration locale, la centralisation du pouvoir. La nouvelle constitution approuvée en 2014, tente de marquer une rupture avec la première république, centralisée, discriminante, inégalitaire. Elle donne une importance au fait local, aux acteurs dans les différentes régions. Dans son chapitre VII, la nouvelle constitution accorde une place importante à la gouvernance locale et à la décentralisation. Elle prévoit même la création de l’Instance du Développement Durable et des Droits des Générations Futures. En Tunisie, avec la nouvelle constitution et la signature des accords sur les Objectifs de Développement Durable de l’ONU (ODD), la transition démocratique n’a pas permis jusque-là, de repenser une nouvelle stratégie de planification territoriale. L’urgence demeure dans la finalisation des institutions nationales, prévues par la nouvelle constitution. Face à ce vide institutionnel, les différents acteurs locaux, à toutes les échelles, s’activent sur le terrain. La prolifération des associations, la multiplication des actions de crowdsourcing et de crowdfunding, sur les réseaux sociaux, a permis de mener des actions de sensibilisation et/ou d’empowerment au service d’un territoire ou d’un projet. Cette nouvelle forme de mobilisation, avec des revendications nouvelles, soucieuses d’une amélioration collective et d’un bien-être commun, a mis en valeur le rôle des acteurs locaux, dans le processus du développement, que ce soit à travers des campagnes de sensibilisation, de dénonciation d’abus de pouvoir ou de faits de corruption, ou encore de revendications de préservation de l’environnement, etc. Néanmoins, ces actions, bien qu’inédites, demeurent éloignées des récents combats écologiques, tels que ceux menés par les Zadistes, en France contre la mise en place d’aménagements spécifiques (Barrage de Sivens, Aéroport de Notre Dame des Landes, etc).
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Fulop, Naomi J., Angus IG Ramsay, Cecilia Vindrola-Padros, Caroline S. Clarke, Rachael Hunter, Georgia Black, Victoria J. Wood, et al. "Centralisation of specialist cancer surgery services in two areas of England: the RESPECT-21 mixed-methods evaluation." Health and Social Care Delivery Research 11, no. 2 (February 2023): 1–196. http://dx.doi.org/10.3310/qfgt2379.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Background Centralising specialist cancer surgical services is an example of major system change. High-volume centres are recommended to improve specialist cancer surgery care and outcomes. Objective Our aim was to use a mixed-methods approach to evaluate the centralisation of specialist surgery for prostate, bladder, renal and oesophago-gastric cancers in two areas of England [i.e. London Cancer (London, UK), which covers north-central London, north-east London and west Essex, and Greater Manchester Cancer (Manchester, UK), which covers Greater Manchester]. Design Stakeholder preferences for centralising specialist cancer surgery were analysed using a discrete choice experiment, surveying cancer patients (n = 206), health-care professionals (n = 111) and the general public (n = 127). Quantitative analysis of impact on care, outcomes and cost-effectiveness used a controlled before-and-after design. Qualitative analysis of implementation and outcomes of change used a multisite case study design, analysing documents (n = 873), interviews (n = 212) and non-participant observations (n = 182). To understand how lessons apply in other contexts, we conducted an online workshop with stakeholders from a range of settings. A theory-based framework was used to synthesise these approaches. Results Stakeholder preferences – patients, health-care professionals and the public had similar preferences, prioritising reduced risk of complications and death, and better access to specialist teams. Travel time was considered least important. Quantitative analysis (impact of change) – only London Cancer’s centralisations happened soon enough for analysis. These changes were associated with fewer surgeons doing more operations and reduced length of stay [prostate –0.44 (95% confidence interval –0.55 to –0.34) days; bladder –0.563 (95% confidence interval –4.30 to –0.83) days; renal –1.20 (95% confidence interval –1.57 to –0.82) days]. The centralisation meant that renal patients had an increased probability of receiving non-invasive surgery (0.05, 95% confidence interval 0.02 to 0.08). We found no evidence of impact on mortality or re-admissions, possibly because risk was already low pre-centralisation. London Cancer’s prostate, oesophago-gastric and bladder centralisations had medium probabilities (79%, 62% and 49%, respectively) of being cost-effective, and centralising renal services was not cost-effective (12% probability), at the £30,000/quality-adjusted life-year threshold. Qualitative analysis, implementation and outcomes – London Cancer’s provider-led network overcame local resistance by distributing leadership throughout the system. Important facilitators included consistent clinical leadership and transparent governance processes. Greater Manchester Cancer’s change leaders learned from history to deliver the oesophago-gastric centralisation. Greater Manchester Cancer’s urology centralisations were not implemented because of local concerns about the service model and local clinician disengagement. London Cancer’s network continued to develop post implementation. Consistent clinical leadership helped to build shared priorities and collaboration. Information technology difficulties had implications for interorganisational communication and how reliably data follow the patient. London Cancer’s bidding processes and hierarchical service model meant that staff reported feelings of loss and a perceived ‘us and them’ culture. Workshop – our findings resonated with workshop attendees, highlighting issues about change leadership, stakeholder collaboration and implications for future change and evaluation. Limitations The discrete choice experiment used a convenience sample, limiting generalisability. Greater Manchester Cancer implementation delays meant that we could study the impact of only London Cancer changes. We could not analyse patient experience, quality of life or functional outcomes that were important to patients (e.g. continence). Future research Future research may focus on impact of change on care options offered, patient experience, functional outcomes and long-term sustainability. Studying other approaches to achieving high-volume services would be valuable. Study registration National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) Clinical Research Network Portfolio reference 19761. Funding This project was funded by the NIHR Health and Social Care Delivery Research programme and will be published in full in Health and Social Care Delivery Research; Vol. 11, No. 2. See the NIHR Journals Library website for further project information.
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Breuillard, Michèle. "« Local Government » et centralisation en Angleterre." Annuaire des collectivités locales 21, no. 1 (2001): 739–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/coloc.2001.1417.
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9
Hoffman, István. "“No Countries for Municipalities?” – Old and New Faces of Centralisation in the Time of Crisis." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 24, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.24.1.6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Public service provision and administration have been transformed by digitalisation and the application of information and communication technologies (ICT). The article will focus mainly on the impact of these changes on regulatory issues. New approaches have been developed: “soft power” issues, like regulation and standards of public service provision, and central financial tools have become new elements of centralisation reforms, and the concentration of local public services and local administration has become a new issue, especially in Northern and Western Europe. Similarly, the “platformisation” of local services can be interpreted as a new form of centralisation. A “Northern” and “Southern/Eastern” approach to centralisation can be distinguished, and these are analysed in the article.
10
Kákai, László. "Centralisation in one step. Centralisation and decentralisation in Hungary from a public services perspective." Politics in Central Europe 17, s1 (October 1, 2021): 703–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0029.
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Abstract It is very difficult to group countries and state structures according to the extent of their decentralisation or the model they follow in the spatial distribution of power. The strengthening of local municipalities and the almost continuous evolution of their role reflects the steady downsizing of public services provided by the state and the extension of market circumstances. Until the economic crisis in 2008, the importance of state redistribution increased in almost each of the developed countries, more and more nation state functions were centralised under the authority of international organisations, and the “curtailment” of national governments’ authority occurred in tandem with the strengthening of the local state, i.e. municipalities. The study exploring the issue of centralisation and decentralisation does not seek to unearth the relationship between the two concepts, but to examine from the point of view of consumer satisfaction how such a hastily implemented reform is able to respond to consumer demands. It also examines how those concerned by the financial and political changes, i.e. the population perceived this most important structural transformation of the period since the transition in 1989. Can it be verified from the consumers’ point of view that the transformation of the local municipal system improves the quality of service provision? The study reviews the process and social reception of the largest-scale administrative reform in Hungary post-1989 (with a primary focus on public services) using data from an extensive survey (representative of settlement type and sociode-mographic variables).
11
Fialaire, Jacques. "La centralisation du système éducatif britannique : «le marché s’administre»." Revue française d'administration publique 79, no. 1 (1996): 535–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1996.3067.
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The Centralisation of the British Education System : “the Market Rules”. During the 1980s the organisation of education in the UK passed from the era of “local government” to a conception based upon a mixture of centralisation and entrepreneurial vision. The introduction of the national curriculum in the important 1988 law on schools marked the first stage of centralisation and has been followed by a growth in the areas of government intervention at the expense of local education authorities. In order to ensure a more efficient education system centralisation has been combined with a reinforcement of the managerial responsibilities of those in charge of schools, that is school governors and headteachers. The recent reforms aim to establish a “market” in education, relying upon an increase in financial support from businesses and upon the recognition of the powers of parents in their guise as “consumers” of education services.
12
Leo, Christopher, and Jeremy Enns. "Multi-Level Governance and Ideological Rigidity: The Failure of Deep Federalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090040.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract. This article addresses multi-level governance by posing the following question: How can we have policies that are truly national and yet fully take into account the very significant differences among regions and communities? A major objective of this approach is to get beyond ideologically driven, dichotomous debates, which often leave the impression that the study of multi-level governance can be reduced to a choice between two alternatives—for example between neo-liberalism and the welfare state, or local autonomy and centralization. Our inquiry is focused on the implementation of a federal–provincial agreement on immigration and settlement in Vancouver. The implementation took place under the authority of an aggressively private market-oriented provincial government, and our close examination of the process and the fall-out from it suggests the existence of fundamental contradictions in the theory the government applied. In particular, we find a contradiction between the intention of introducing market mechanisms in order to reduce bureaucracy and the reality of new bureaucratic burdens that accompanied the introduction of market competition. We also confront the government's claims of democratic bona fides with the reality that the introduction of contracting out posed fundamental obstacles to government responsiveness to democratic demands. Our findings suggest that straight-line, ideologically driven approaches to governance are unlikely to meet the challenge of adapting national policy to the distinct requirements of particular communities.Résumé. Cet article étudie la gouvernance multi-paliers en posant la question suivante : « Comment formuler des politiques gouvernementales qui soient réellement nationales tout en répondant aux différences importantes qui existent entre les régions et les communautés? » Un objectif important de cette méthode est de mettre de côté les débats idéologiques dichotomiques qui donnent l'impression que l'étude de la gouvernance échelonnée se ramène à un choix entre les deux termes d'une alternative : entre néolibéralisme et État - providence, par exemple, ou entre autonomie locale et centralisation. Notre enquête porte sur l'exécution d'un accord fédéral provincial concernant l'immigration et l'intégration des immigrés à Vancouver. Le gouvernement provincial auquel il incombait d'exécuter cet accord était fortement axé sur la libre entreprise. Et les résultats de notre enquête suggèrent qu'il y ait des contradictions fondamentales dans la théorie appliquée par le gouvernement. L'intention de ce gouvernement de réduire la bureaucratie en introduisant la libre entreprise et la réalité que l'introduction de ladite libre entreprise a entraîné de nouvelles charges bureaucratiques, nous paraissent contradictoires. Il en est de même pour l'argument que l'action du gouvernement tienne de la bonne foi démocratique et la réalité que le recours aux sous-traitants crée des obstacles fondamentaux qui entravent la capacité du gouvernement de répondre aux réclamations démocratiques. Les résultats de notre enquête suggèrent que les conceptions de la gouvernance qui sont linéaires et rigoureusement calquées sur des idéologies ne pourraient probablement pas répondre au défi d'adapter la politique nationale aux besoins des communautés particulières.
13
Iachello, Enrico. "Centralisation Étatique et Pouvoir Local en Sicile au XIXe siècle." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 49, no. 1 (February 1994): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1994.279255.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La centralisation administrative qui, sur la base du modèle français diffusé par les armées napoléoniennes, s'impose dans une grande partie de l'Europe continentale, n'est pas un processus homogène et, comme on a d'ailleurs pu le montrer pour l'expérience française elle-même, il ne peut supprimer tout pouvoir local. « Elle en génère — écrit P. Grémion — des formes spécifiques, obscures sans doute, parallèles souvent, suffisamment affirmées cependant pour contrebalancer le pouvoir du sommet ». Pour appliquer les décisions du centre, poursuit le sociologue français, « les organisations locales élaborent des modèles de relations spécifiques avec la population et les élites.
14
Novokreshchenov, A. V. "FROM CENTRALIZATION OF LOCAL COUNCILS TO CENTRALISATION OF LOCAL SELF-MANAGEMENT." Territory Development, no. 1 (2018): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32324/2412-8945-2018-1-22-26.
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15
Duncan, Simon, and Mark Goodwin. "Removing local government autonomy: Political Centralisation and financial control." Local Government Studies 14, no. 6 (November 1988): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003938808433441.
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16
Yoo, Jaewon. "Assessing Central-Local Government Relations in Contemporary South Korea: An Application of Page & Goldsmith’s Comparative Framework." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 16, no. 3 (July 30, 2018): 505–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/16.3.505-528(2018).
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper has two main purposes: first, it measures the level and degree of decentralisation in contemporary Korea, and, second, it explains why decentralisation is slow or stagnant. To measure the level of decentralisation in Korea, this paper uses Page & Goldsmith’s triple measures of function, discretion, and access, which were developed to examine the extent of centralisation and decentralisation in any given polity. The results suggest that Korea is both legally and politically centralised. In Korea, a centralised party system has combined with other factors to drive centralisation, overcoming the decentralising forces that focus mainly on local elected and appointed officials. Centralising forces include the bureaucratic elitism of national officials, cultural disdain for local governments, and local people’s feeble affective attachment to local identities and communities.
17
Quinn, Bríd. "Local government, 2017." Administration 66, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2018-0003.
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Abstract Another year, another minister, another renaming of the department! Changes to the cabinet in June 2017 included the appointment of Eoghan Murphy, TD, as Minister for Housing, Planning and Local Government, and John Paul Phelan, TD, as Minister of State at the Department of Housing, Planning and Local Government with Special Responsibility for Local Government and Electoral Reform. Further functional realignment also took place: community functions were transferred to the newly created Department of Rural and Community Development and, at the end of 2017, responsibility for motor taxation was transferred to the Department of Transport, Tourism and Sport. Thus, the centralisation of functions traditionally associated with local government continues.
18
PODGÓRNIAK, ANNA. "CENTRALISATION OF VALUE ADDED TAX SETTLEMENTS IN THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT UNITS." sj-economics scientific journal 31, no. 4 (December 30, 2018): 205–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.58246/sjeconomics.v31i4.61.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Centralisation of tax on goods and services settlement was a fundamental change and a huge challenge for the local governments. Ultimately, form 1 January 2017, units and budget institutions lost their subjectivity in VAT. After years of problems in deciding taxpayer of this tax in local governments, it was decided that borough, district or voivodeship will send consolidated VAT declaration. VAT centralization on the level of local government was not only a fiscal problem, but implementation of joint settlements system was also a organisational and financial challenge. Due to specifics of activity of each unit typical solutions could not be used but, to effectively and correctly lead the process, the procedures for each organisation had to be adjusted. Due to the necessity of fast implementation of the changes, local government units repeatedly used tax counsellors. Training, software and implementation of joint settlement system were a very expensive task. It can be unambiguously stated that the biggest beneficiaries of changes in the VAT in the area of its centralisation were mainly training companies and other firms, which realised tax counselling services.Outer subjects helped many local governments to recover VAT on investment completed in previous years, which associated with costs and bigger risk. By analysing the number of changes in VAT it can be said that the only stable and reliable feature of this taxi is changeability of its regulations. Centralisation of settlements also caused a very unfavourable financial situation for the boroughs, in terms of water – sewage actions. Basing the possibility of VAT deduction on pre rate increased the costs of this task for about 20%. VAT on small, borough governments that, until now, was not a important cost, started to flow into the country budget in higher amounts. The position of Control Offices in the area of subject and actions taxed by this tax has significantly changed after VAT centralisation. Subsidies on realisation of environment protection programmes, realised directly in citizens of a given local government have also been taxed. The changes, which are a direct consequence of the EU Court of Justice verdict on VAT taxation subject, caused a significant increase of expenses connected with joint settlement. The use of pre factor caused a back transfer of VAT from local government units to the country budget. Additional amount of enactments and procedures in the local governments caused a significant increase in the number of additional documents and reports. A revolutionary verdict complicated VAT settlements (which has been perceived as the most complicated one in practical use anyway) in a substantial way.
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Walsh, Casey. "Mineral springs, primitive accumulation, and the “new water” in Mexico." Regions and Cohesions 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2015.050101.
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This article explores the process of centralization of water resources by the Mexican nation-state between 1880 and 1940, and, in particular, how the postrevolutionary state facilitated, after 1920, the transference of control over the Topo Chico mineral springs from the local agrarian community to industrial bottling companies. Using archival evidence, it highlights the importance of science and law in this process and argues that centralization must be understood in terms of “primitive accumulation.” The article focuses on hot mineral springs, which provide a privileged window on centralization and primitive accumulation but are largely ignored in the historiography of water. Spanish El artículo explora el proceso de centralización de los recursos hídricos por parte del Estado Mexicano entre 1880–1940, y particularmente analiza la manera en que después de 1920 el estado posrevolucionario facilitó la transferencia del control de las comunidades agrarias locales de los manantiales de Topo Chico, a las empresas embotelladoras industriales. Utilizando fuentes de archivo, el autor evidencia la importancia de la ciencia y el derecho en este proceso, y muestra que la centralización debe entenderse con base en la “acumulación primitiva”. Este artículo se centra en el estudio de las fuentes minerales termales, las cuales a pesar de ser una ventana privilegiada para la centralización y la acumulación primitiva, han sido ampliamente ignoradas por la historiografía hídrica. French Cet article explore le processus de centralisation des ressources hydriques par l'Etat-nation mexicain entre 1880 et 1940, et en particulier la façon dont l'Etat postrévolutionnaire a facilité, à partir de 1920, le transfert du contrôle des sources hydriques de Topo Chico des communautés agraires locales aux entreprises d'embouteillage industriels. Fondé sur les sources documentaires archivistiques, il souligne l'importance de la science et du droit dans ce processus, et fait valoir que la centralisation doit être comprise en termes «d'accumulation primitive». L'article se concentre sur les sources d'eaux minérales chaudes, qui fournissent une fenêtre privilégiée sur la centralisation et l'accumulation primitive, mais sont largement ignorées dans l'historiographie de l'eau.
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NYIKADZINO, DR TAWANDA, and PROF SHIKHA VYAS-DOORGAPERSAD. "Decentralisation and Central Government Control: Experiences from the Local Government Reform in Zimbabwe." African Journal of Governance and Development (AJGD) 11, no. 1.2 (November 3, 2022): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36369/2616-9045/2022/v11si2a1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Post-independence state-building in Africa was hinged on decentralisation reforms aimed at increasing the participation and involvement of the previously disenfranchised black majority in governance and development processes. There was a realisation that the inherited governance and development challenges could only be addressed through decentralisation. The qualitative desktop analysis of the relevant literature that was undertaken in the recent research, however, indicates that decentralisation reforms implemented by most African countries since gaining independence failed to achieve the intended results. Building on this trend, this article is guided by Falleti’s sequential theory of decentralisation and argues that the administrative, fiscal, and political decentralisation reforms implemented in Zimbabwe, rather than empowering the local people, further entrenched the central government’s grip on and control of local governments – centralisation and recentralisation through decentralisation/devolution. Authors argue that the reforms created avenues through which the central government could micromanage, whip, and sometimes, undermine local governments thereby suffocating their capacity to provide basic services. The reforms allowed the central government to deepen its patronage networks. Keywords: Centralisation, Decentralisation, Devolution, Recentralisation, Zimbabwe
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Mueller, Sean. "The Politics of Local Autonomy: Measuring Cantonal (De)centralisation in Switzerland." Space and Polity 15, no. 3 (December 2011): 213–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13562576.2011.692579.
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Kurjańska, Małgorzata. "A cooperative Peru: Is centralisation of cooperatives better for local development?" Development in Practice 25, no. 3 (April 3, 2015): 306–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614524.2015.1018139.
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FORSYTHE, BILL. "Centralisation and Local Autonomy: The Experience of English Prisons 1820?1877." Journal of Historical Sociology 4, no. 3 (September 1991): 317–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6443.1991.tb00122.x.
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Guérard, François. "L'hygiène publique au Québec de 1887 à 1939: centralisation, normalisation et médicalisation." Recherche 37, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/057034ar.
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L'amélioration rapide de l'état de santé de la population du Québec de la fin du XIXe siècle à 1939 coïncide avec l'organisation par l'État québécois de services d'hygiène publique desservant la quasi-totalité du territoire habité. L'auteur brosse un tableau de l'évolution de ces services, tout en identifiant les principaux acteurs dans ce champ d'intervention, leurs moyens d'action et les enjeux des réformes sanitaires. Il cherche en particulier à faire ressortir trois processus centraux dans la formation du système d'hygiène publique, à savoir une centralisation graduelle du pouvoir décisionnel et de l'organisation des services aux mains d'agences gouvernementales, centralisation qui entraîne une résistance des autorités locales; une normalisation des services et la constitution de l'État comme agent majeur de la médicalisation de la société québécoise. Une double étude de cas, Trois-Rivières et Shawinigan, lui permet de saisir les réactions locales à l'activité des organismes d'hygiène provinciaux.
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Buskó, László Tibor. "Re-thinking the Lower-middle Level of Administration in Hungary with Particular Reference to the Web 3.0. Era." Public Governance, Administration and Finances Law Review 6, no. 1 (October 29, 2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.53116/pgaflr.2021.1.8.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper will evaluate the current situation and role of the Hungarian (administrative) lower-middle level and make projections about its future. Centralisation efforts since 2010 have had a non-negligible impact on the administrative and non-administrative (common institution maintenance, micro-regional development policy) tasks assigned to the lower-middle level. However, it may be argued that the transition to the Web 3.0 era – the era of the most advanced, most intelligent and customised web technologies – may put such centralisation efforts into a new context. Revitalisation of formations similar to the multi-functional micro-regional associations of local self-governments which largely disappeared after 1 January 2013 may be justifiable in the forthcoming period in order to promote local synergies. If this is correct, a rethink of the public administration system at the lower-middle level may become a very important task for the public administration as along with regional discourse.
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Redin, Dmitry. "Reforms of Local Administration in the Petrine Epoch: The Paradoxes of Centralisation." Quaestio Rossica, no. 3 (2016): 190–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/qr.2016.3.183.
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Lundahl, Lisbeth. "From Centralisation to Decentralisation: Governance of Education in Sweden." European Educational Research Journal 1, no. 4 (December 2002): 625–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2002.1.4.2.
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This article draws on interviews with Swedish system actors, at national and local levels, to consider the impact of changes in the governance of education in Sweden, which have been characterised as a shift from centralisation to decentralisation. The respondents discuss their explanations of change, putting emphasis on social and economic developments, and consider alterations in the relationships between the centre, the localities and the institutions. Change is mostly seen as both inevitable and positive: only a minority raise concerns about the impact of deregulation on inequalities.
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Pickvance, Chris G. "Crise économique et transformation du pouvoir local en enjeu politique : Grande-Bretagne, 1979-1984." Anthropologie et Sociétés 9, no. 2 (September 10, 2003): 25–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/006264ar.
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Résumé RÉSUMÉ / SUMMARY Crise économique et transformation du pouvoir local en enjeu politique : Grande-Bretagne, 1979-1984 En Grande-Bretagne, le pouvoir local se caractérise par un champ d'activité étendu, un degré élevé de professionnalisation, son infiltration par les partis politiques nationaux, son paternalisme et le refus de tenir compte des pressions populaires, sa centralisation et son souci d'égalité territoriale dans la distribution des services. Cet article discute les tendances récentes de dépense des pouvoirs locaux en mettant l'accent sur trois conflits d'importance majeure entre le gouvernement central et les conseils entre 1979 et 1984. Ces conflits portaient sur les dépenses des conseils, leur droit de décider du taux d'imposition des propriétés locales et le projet d'abolition du Greater London Council et des conseils de comtés métropolitains. Enfin, ce qui ressort de ces conflits montre qu'ils sont reliés à la crise économique, aux nouvelles idéologies concernant les dépenses publiques et aux caractéristiques du système britannique du pouvoir local. Cette explication peut offrir le cadre d'une analyse comparative.
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Yuzbekova, К. Sh, and А. V. Starodubtsev. "THE RHETORIC OF MAINTAINING THE SPECIAL STATUS OF THE REPUBLICS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CENTRALISATION." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 17, no. 4 (2023): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-4-50-67.
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The article answers the question of how the heads of republics characterise the status of the subjects of the federation they lead in the conditions of centralisation. Based on the idea of the importance of rhetorical representation of the status of a subject of the federation and using quantitative content analysis of the speeches of the heads of the republics dedicated to the days of the constitution and the days of the republic in the period from 2000 to 2021, the authors show that 1) even during the centralisation of the political system in Russia, republican leaders find suitable rhetorical tools that allow them to emphasise the special status of their regions; 2) they utilise communication opportunities with the local community to articulate their stance on issues important for evaluating the status of the republics.
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Scott, P., C. Miller, and C. Wood. "Planning and Pollution: An Unusual Perspective on Central—Local Relations." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 16, no. 5 (October 1998): 529–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160529.
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Disputes between the pollution-control and land-use-planning authorities concerning air pollution from unpopular developments such as incinerators offer an unusual perspective on central—local government relations. Central government policy guidance, intended to clarify the boundary between planning and pollution controls over air pollution, was a central issue at the Shell Green inquiry after the local planning authority's refusal of planning consent for a wastewater sludge-processing centre. The success of the developer's appeal is discussed within the context of an emerging centralisation of decisionmaking over very unpopular land uses such as incinerators.
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Fairley, John. "Local Authority Education in a Democratic Scotland." Scottish Educational Review 30, no. 1 (March 13, 1998): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27730840-03001007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The establishment of the Scottish Parliament in 1999 Will pose questions about its relationship to local authorities, and about the local authorities’ roles in education. The Parliament could become a force for further centralisation in Scottish education policy, or, as the Scottish Constitutional Convention proposed, it could initiate a radical programme of decentralisation. Both of these scenarios hold significant implications for education and local government. Local government has recently been reformed in ways which make education much more central to the business of local councils. This gives the new councils an opportunity to shape the emerging debate, and establish for themselves a position as partners of the Parliament in the government of Scotland.
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Liao, Kung-Jung. "La décentralisation à Taiwan : un problème de capacité financière." Revue française d'administration publique 88, no. 1 (1998): 577–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1998.3243.
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Decentralisation in Taiwan : the Question of Financial Capacities Taiwan's economic development has been followed by a surge in demands made by citizens at the local level. The decentralisation movement linked to the democratisation process has led to a delegation of competence from the centre in favour of local authorities. This decentralisation, however, remains largely theoretical because of the marked centralisation of financial resources. Financial decentralisation must, therefore, be the next step.
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Sharzer, Greg. "A Critique of Localist Political Economy and Urban Agriculture." Historical Materialism 20, no. 4 (2012): 75–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341276.
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Abstract In the Global North, Urban Agriculture (UA) is being considered as a way to overcome malnutrition and promote local, ethical production. UA can be understood through two phenomena integral to the capitalist mode of production: capital centralisation and rent. Centralisation explains why capitalist agriculture industrialises, while rent provides a theoretical framework for understanding how social and spatial relations structure urban land uses. Urban farming can occupy niches of the capitalist marketplace; however, its prospects for replacing large-scale agriculture and providing similar use-values are limited. Its expansion is bounded by rising land values expressed in rent, as Detroit’s urban farm, Markham’s food belt, Los Angeles’s community garden, and initiatives in other cities demonstrate. The key tasks for political ecologists are two-fold: situating UA within capital’s drive to accumulate and proposing strategic perspectives that challenge these inherent tendencies.
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Jangdal, Lottie. "Local Democracy and the Media." Nordicom Review 40, s2 (October 16, 2019): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2019-0027.
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Abstract Local news media in Western countries are undergoing major changes, including cutbacks, centralisation and consolidation. In this study, Sweden has been scanned to map the presence of digital hyperlocal media and to investigate which online channels of communication they offer their readers, in order to determine their set-up for democratic functions. The results reveal that very few hyperlocals are positioned in rural areas; instead, the majority of them favour metropolitan or urban municipalities. The hyperlocal media presence on social networks is limited to a few platforms, and about half of the hyperlocals offer commentary fields on their news sites. As the democratic structure varies, coupled with the fact that hyperlocals favour high-density population municipalities where traditional media already exist, this study indicates that the democracy dialogue in the local public sphere may be at risk.
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Baixinho, António Francisco. "Políticas educativas em Portugal: governação, contexto local e hibridismo." EccoS – Revista Científica, no. 42 (February 6, 2017): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5585/eccos.n42.3606.
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A descentralizao coincide com a emergncia de novos modos de governao estatal que, a partir da dcada de 1980, se realiza por parte dos governos fortemente influenciados pelo neoliberalismo. Esse processo condiciona diferentes contextos polticos, e no caso da educao tem a finalidade de diminuir o poder dos professores e aumentar o poder e atuao dos feudatrios autarquias e dos usurios do sistema pais dos alunos. Assim, a partir de 1998, as autarquias locais passam a ser confrontadas com a possibilidade de um maior envolvimento na rea da educao, ou seja, com a constituio de um rgo de participao democrtica (CLE), na elaborao de um documento orientador (carta escolar) e na oportunidade de participarem nos rgos de administrao e gesto das escolas (Assembleia de Escola). Todavia, o desempenho contraditrio do Estado central traduz-se num processo de empurrar e puxar entre descentralizao, centralizao, mercado e governao. Palavras-chave: Descentralizao. Centralizao. Neoliberalismo. Governao. Mercado. Abstract Decentralisation coincides with the emergence of new types of state governance that, from the 1980s, is held by governments which are influenced by neoliberalism. This process affects different political contexts, and in the case of education it aims to reduce the power of teachers and it increases the power and performance of the feudatories municipalities and the system users the students parents. Thus, since 1998, local authorities are now facing the possibility of greater involvement in education, ie, with the establishment of an organ of democratic participation (CLE) in the preparation of a guidance document (letter school) and the opportunity to participate in the administrative management of schools (School Assembly). However, the central government performance is nothing else than translates a process of push and pull between decentralisation, centralisation, market and governance. Keywords: Decentralisation. Centralisation. Neoliberalism. Governance. Market.
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Kákai, László. "Trailing back from quasi decentralisation to centralisation. Municipal reform in Hungary." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.007.13335.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Trailing back from quasi decentralisation to centralisation. Municipal reform in Hungary It is very difficult to group countries and state structures according to the extent of their decentralization or the model they follow in the spatial distribution of power. The bounds of responsibility of local government and the state, the distribution of the roles and tasks between the two stakeholders and the question of centralization and decentralization are issues regularly debated in recent years and today. This topic is not merely a public administration, financial or state organization issue since these decisions have a direct impact on citizens’ lives through public services. In my study I wish to introduce this process via Hungary’s example. I also examine how and what those concerned by the financial and political changes, i.e. the population perceived of this most important structural transformation of the period since the transition in 1989. Can it be verified from the consumers’ point of view that the transformation of the local municipal system improves the quality of service provision?
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Lyngstad, Rolv. "Reconsidering Rationales for Local Self-Government - Impacts of Contemporary Changes in Local Decision-Making." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 8, no. 1 (January 23, 2010): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/8.1.93-113(2010).
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This paper discusses two contemporary trends in local decision-making. Firstly, there seems to be more centralised decision-making today than before in important policy fields such as welfare policy. Secondly, informal governance processes outside formal government structures open up for a substantial influence from non-elected political actors. The paper asserts that there is a connection between the trends, and argues that the centralisation tendencies in welfare issues might affect and encourage governance processes in other local policy arenas. These policy fields are mainly within the so-called ‘developmental policies’ that often facilitate more networking and partnership activities in ‘grey areas’ between the public, private and civil sectors in collective problem solving. Accordingly, more attention should be given to policy fields where governance networks operate, and the implications for revitalising democratic political participation should be studied. The paper concludes that the well-established rationales for local self-government and local democracy need to be reconsidered by taking into account these new decision-making structures.
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Dahiya, Shikha, Kevin James, Kandarp Patel, Aditi Pathak, and Anoop Singh. "India’s Human Capital: The Regulatory Context for Leveraging Federalism." Indian Public Policy Review 2, no. 5 (Sep-Oct) (September 10, 2021): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.55763/ippr.2021.02.05.001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Investing in human capital through interventions in nutrition, health, and education is critical for achieving sustainable inclusive growth. However, despite many public interventions, India’s human capital indicators remain low, and have likely worsened from the disruptions caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. There are also significant inter-State disparities. India’s human capital interventions have been marked by growing centralisation, not just by the Centre vis-à-vis the States, but also by the States vis-à-vis local governments, that form the third tier in India’s federal structure. This growing centralisation may have misaligned incentives with respect to accountability and effective delivery of public services. Drawing from international best practices and an analysis of the constitutional scheme, a more decentralised and targeted approach within the contours of India’s federal structure may be the best way to build civil society engagement, address failures in accountability, and ultimately, improve India’s human capital outcomes.
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Побрић, Нермина Р. "Битна питања код одлучивања о централизовању управљања готовином у мултинационалној компанији // Key questions in making decision about the cash management centralisation in multinational company". ACTA ECONOMICA 14, № 24 (26 жовтня 2018): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.7251/ace1624133p.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Резиме: Када разматра доношење одлуке о централизовању управљања готовином, менаџмент мултинационалне компаније мора да одговори на неколико битних питања, а то су: Да ли постоји оправдан разлог за централизовање управљања готовином? Да ли ће централизовање управљања готовином донијети више користи или штете? У којој мјери треба централизовати управљање готовином? Како дизајнирати структуру центра за управљање готовином? Гдје лоцирати центар за управљање готовином? Коју технику за обједињавање салда готовине у кеш центру треба развити? Ако након разматрања прва два питања менаџмент мултинационалне компаније закључи да је централизовање управљања готовином потпуно економски оправдано и одлучи да га примијени, разматрање преостала четири питања ће га довести до реализације донесене одлуке. Аутор ће на основу релевантних теоријских сазнања и резултата емпиријских истраживања понудити генералне одговоре на наведена питања и тако помоћи менаџерима мултинационалних компанија да објективно процијене оправданост и реализују донесену одлуку о централизовању управљања готовином.Summary: When management of a multinational company considers the making decision about the cash management centralisation it has to answer to some key questions such as is there justified reason for cash management centralisation, will cash management centralisation bring more benefits or costs to the multinational company, to which degree cash management need to be centralised, how to design cash management centre structure, where to locate cash management centre, and which cash pooling technique to apply. If management of the multinational company concludes after considering the first two questions that cash management centralisation is fully economic justified and makes the decision to centralize cash management then considering remained four questions will bring it to the implementation of decision that is previously made. Based on relevant theoretical knowledge and results of empirical research author will offer some general answers to quoted questions. In this way she will help to managers of multinational companies to objectively assess whether cash management centralization justified and help to one to implement decision to centralize cash management previously made.
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Hoffman, Istva´n. "Opportunities of the Intervention of the Central (Regional) Government in the Decisions and Operations of the Local Governments in Hungary." Theoretical and Applied Law, no. 1(7) (2021): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2686-7834-2021-1-66-77.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The regulation on the relationship of the central and local governments in Hungary has transformed significantly in the last decade. However, the government have strong tools for the control of the local activities, these tools are just rarely applied by the supervising authorities. The main transformation of that relationship could be observed in the field of the public service provisions. The former municipally based public service system was transformed into a centrally organised and provided model, thus the role of the local governments in Hungary has decreased. The centralisation process have been strengthened by the reforms during the COVID-19 pandemic.
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Chan, Fung, and Biyang Sun. "The Centralisation of the Chinese Communist Party’s Campaign against Corruption and Its Implications." China Report 54, no. 4 (October 17, 2018): 403–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518795992.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Following the initiation of the policy of ‘Reform and Open Door’, the possibilities for public officials to trade power for private gain in China increased. To tackle the problem of corruption, different levels of Discipline Inspection Commissions (DICs) in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) initiated investigation related to various corruption cases. However, due to the nature of the administrative set-up in China, the local DICs could not effectively carry out their functions. As a result, the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) was compelled to take on a bigger role, including controlling personnel appointments in local DICs and dispatching inspection teams to local jurisdictions. This strategy also enabled the central government and the top leadership of the CCP to build up a positive image with respect to fighting corruption. Nevertheless, the discretionary power of the top party leaders that has been enhanced through these centralisation measures leads to doubts over the real motives behind the CCP’s anti-corruption efforts. In March 2018, the National Supervision Commission (NSC) was established as the highest governmental anti-corruption agency, but more time is needed to judge the effectiveness of this new institution.
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Jacqueson, Catherine. "Administering social security and health in Denmark: Between centralisation and decentralisation." European Journal of Social Security 21, no. 2 (May 31, 2019): 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262719847807.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In Denmark, large parts of welfare have traditionally been the business of local authorities. In particular, municipalities have played an essential role because they have the power to levy taxes and their autonomy is guaranteed by the Constitution. Yet, most welfare schemes are regulated by acts of the Parliament. This contribution analyses the Danish set up and discusses the extent of decentralisation in the area of social security and health care, focusing on the criteria for the allocation of competences, financial arrangements and the issue of equality of treatment across the country. The article concludes that, while the export of social problems between municipalities is a well-known phenomenon in Denmark, social shopping does not seem to take place.
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Chulaievska, Maryna. "Challenges of balanced development of regions in the context of centralisation, the case of Ireland." Democratic Governance 17, no. 1 (May 16, 2024): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/dg2024.18.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The relevance of this article topic lies in assessing the impact of centralization of governance powers on ensuring balanced regional development, which is crucial for shaping effective regional policy and reducing socioeconomic disparities. The aim of this research was to analyze the challenges of achieving balanced regional development in the context of centralization of authority, using Ireland as a case study. During the study, regulatory acts, official materials of government bodies, results of sociological research, and scientific publications were analyzed using historical, comparative, and predictive methods of inquiry with an interdisciplinary approach. Analysis of sources from different historical periods allowed elucidating the evolution of phenomena and concepts under investigation. The concepts of balanced development of regions, development of metropolises, and sectoral development of the economy are contrasted in the article. The negative effects of strong centralisation, as well as its advantages for the development of the country are unpacked. The impact of the European Union's policy on the socio-economic growth of Ireland, aimed at reducing the level of centralization of decision-making, building local self-government, and reducing regional disparities, is highlighted. Based on these researches the possible impact of centralisation in Ukraine on post-war recovery and development was analysed and conclusions about the advantages, disadvantages and possibilities of applying the Irish experience in Ukraine in the context of conflict and post-war reconstruction is made. The possible development of public administration and local self-government in Ukraine is projected, taking into account the experience of Ireland. The approaches to regional development, which assume that the country's socio-economic development can be better ensured by reducing regional disparities, and approaches to the development of agglomerations and metropolises as a basis for the prosperity of the national economy is analysed. The findings of the study can be valuable for substantiating further development of decentralisation and reducing the level of forced centralisation that has emerged due to martial law, as well as for defining a conceptual vision for the reconstruction of the territory and regions of Ukraine
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Varjú, Viktor, Cecília Mezei, and Csaba Vér. "Local resource-based development potential as reflected in waste management/circularity transition: Governance barriers in Hungary." European Spatial Research and Policy 27, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1231-1952.27.2.06.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Waste as a local resource is a development opportunity for resource owners as waste may act as a foundation for bottom-up development at local levels. This paper presents the most important governance challenges that hamper a paradigmatic change in resource efficiency, a transition towards circular economy in the case of Pécs (Hungary). In recent years waste management infrastructure has evolved to provide resource potentials for recycling and reuse, this is a first step towards a (circularity) transition, however, the centralisation of power is hampering local transitions. The article concludes by arguing that in Pécs (Hungary), the transition towards a local resource-based development is impeded by a myriad of legal, institutional and administrative obstacles created by recent efforts towards institutionalisation.
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Southern, Jack. "Community, Class, and Identity: An Analysis of The Harle Syke Strike, 1915." Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire: Volume 170, Issue 1 170, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/transactions.170.11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article analyses the Harle Syke strike, 1915. Although the incident was understood to be significant by contemporary observers, the strike has been overlooked when examining tensions between trade unionism, class, and local autonomy in Lancashire at the time of the Great War. Using a combination of cotton industry records and newspaper archives, the article examines the relationship between Harle Syke and the rest of Lancashire, with specific focus on the local rivalry between the village and its closest neighbour, Burnley. It provides a narrative of the strike, as well as analysis of the dynamics of the relationship between trade unionism and the village. It also examines local community input into industry, local protectionism, and responses to county-wide standardisation and centralisation.
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Rozsnyai, Krisztina F., and András György Kovács. "Price Regulation of Public Water Services and the Consequences of its Centralisation for Hungarian Municipalities." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 17, no. 3 (July 25, 2019): 819–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/17.3.819-835(2019).
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article demonstrates the role price regulation plays in local networked public services mainly focusing on the sector of public water utility services, but also touching on public waste management services. It investigates how and on what grounds these originally local public services became national public services. The article points out that centralisation of regulation, and in particular of price regulation without a simultaneous, well-considered opening of market cannot be effective, neither does it support the objectives of the Water Framework Directive. The article argues that these characteristics could already in the near future lead to severe failures of service provision necessitating further transformation of the sector.
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McDonald, Peter. "The Papacy and the English Religious, 1305–52." Parergon 40, no. 1 (2023): 19–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2023.a905413.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract: This article examines the local effects of papal centralisation of ecclesiastical administration in the first half of the fourteenth century. It traces as a case study the impact on English monastic communities of papal privileges and exemptions, papal attempts to regulate religious observance, the expansion of the papal judicial system, and the growth of papal appointments of heads of houses. It concludes that the reality differed from the high theory of papalist claims to immediate and universal jurisdiction. Papal power ultimately depended on the consent of local actors and an increasingly assertive Crown, and burgeoning administrative activity at the papal curia did not translate into increased power and influence.
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Genova, Angela. "Integrated Services in Activation Policies in Finland and Italy: A Critical Appraisal." Social Policy and Society 7, no. 3 (July 2008): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474640800434x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The integration of welfare services in activation policies has been one of the common answers to welfare challenges in EU member states over the last two decades. The process has been interwoven with the rescaling both downwards and upwards of welfare regulative authorities. The article discusses the role of integrated services in activation policies in relation to the centralisation and decentralisation of welfare policies in a comparative perspective of different EU welfare regimes and highlights the role of local institutional milieus in shaping path-dependent modes of governance in integrated services.
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Barbana, Samir, Xavier Dumay, and Vincent Dupriez. "Local implementation of accountability instruments in the French-speaking community of Belgium." European Educational Research Journal 19, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474904119850964.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article aims to understand how new accountability instruments in the context of the French-speaking Belgian educational system are appropriated by schools. After having characterised the specific nature of those instruments in the context of a traditionally highly decentralised system involved in a significant process of centralisation, we identify their effects through the case study of three schools. Using a new institutionalist lens, the analyses show that these instruments refer, in the French-speaking Belgian context, to a specific demand from the political environment of schools: developing and framing a common educational landscape, rather than to a logic of teacher evaluation. The data also indicate a reaffirmation, against this specific political demand, of three traditional ways of functioning tied up to the requests made by local educational communities. Thus, the analyses show a conflict between inherited institutions highly embedded in local contexts and the political signal associated with the new accountability instruments aiming to institutionalise common norms at the system level.
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van der Meulen, Jim. "Seigneurial governance and the state in late medieval Guelders (14th–16th century)." Continuity and Change 36, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416021000084.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article charts the long-term development of seigneurial governance within the principality of Guelders in the Low Countries. Proceeding from four quantitative cross-sections (c. 1325, 1475, 1540, 1570) of seigneurial lordships, the conclusion is that seigneurial governance remained stable in late medieval Guelders. The central argument is that this persistence of seigneurial governance was an effect of active collaboration between princely administrations, lords, and local communities. Together, the princely government and seigneuries of Guelders formed an integrated, yet polycentric, state. The article thereby challenges the narrative of progressive state centralisation that predominates in the historiography of pre-modern state formation.