Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Canon romanesque"

Résumé La résurrection littéraire du Devoir de violence de Yambo Ouologuem à travers sa récente réédition par les éditions du Serpent à plumes marque son appartenance à la catégorie des chefs-d’oeuvre de la littérature africaine comme de la littérature tout court. Après une éclipse d’une trentaine d’années, le roman ayant été retiré des librairies à la suite de sombres accusations de plagiat, sa réhabilitation permet de redécouvrir une oeuvre dont la dimension iconoclaste avait suscité la controverse au sein de la critique : inscrit au coeur de l’Histoire du continent africain, le roman est issu d’une perspective inédite, celle des faibles, des vaincus, des marginaux que forme la cohorte d’esclaves et de captifs dont ne parlent jamais les griots de la société africaine traditionnelle. Cet article se propose donc de montrer comment le roman de Ouologuem se construit à partir de la subversion du canon épique et comment, par le fait même, il situe la réception dans une sorte d’indécision pragmatique, le lecteur oscillant entre une réception naïve, au premier degré, et un second protocole de réception basé sur le processus du renversement de l’épopée.

In her 1964 essay “Notes on ‘Camp,’” Susan Sontag includes Tchaikovsky's Swan Lake (1875–6) in a list that illustrates “random examples” from “the canon of Camp.” Though the ballet has become an integral part of the classical repertory for professional companies from Moscow to New York to Sydney as well as the inspiration for numerous figure skaters (most notoriously in Johnny Weir's outré and rhinestone-bedecked interpretation in 2006), it has, as suggested by Sontag, been creative afflatus for gay underground performers for more than a century. But what are the origins of the swan gone queer? As this article demonstrates, I suggest that one way to trace both the swan's queer genealogy and its continuity lies in the dramatic history and lived performance of the ill-fated Ludwig II (hereafter “Ludwig”) of Bavaria (1845–86)—the Swan King (Fig. 1). Tchaikovsky, after all, had been inspired by the dramatic story of the effete young king (and perhaps titillated by a shared closeted gay desire), who would become a prototype for the ballet's tragic hero, Prince Siegfried. In fact, dance scholar Peter Stoneley suggests that “Swan Lake confirms the virtual impossibility, in Tchaikovsky's [and Ludwig's] era, of accommodating homosexuality within wider society.” Ludwig's desire was expressed through a lens of his same-sex fantasies and their inspired artistic interpretations, most notably taking form in the construction of his neo-Romanesque, fairy-tale castle Neue Burg Hohenschwangau (more commonly known as Neuschwanstein or New Swan on the Rock Castle, though it was not renamed until after Ludwig's death). Ludwig's queer positionality also arises from the theatrical way that he performed a highly aesthetic (though hardly effective) approach to monarchy with his swan-bedecked castle and its environs as a sort of metastage set. In this context, the swan may be read as an example of what Donna Haraway calls “a companion species,” or a personal animal symbol (real or mythical) that represents a variety of feelings that are otherwise difficult to express in the hegemonic context of a given time and place (like homosexuality in Roman Catholic Bavaria in the nineteenth century). Ludwig chose the swan (drawn from family heraldry but primarily envisioned in his own life through storybook-driven fantasy) as a means of alternative expression to that normally available to a man in his position and with his responsibilities, and also as a way to enact his forbidden desires.

The church of San Miguel of Almazán (Soria, Spain) houses a twelfth-century antependium ornamented with scenes of Thomas Becket’s martyrdom. Discovered during restoration works in 1936, its origin and its original location are unknown. The aim of this article is twofold—to frame its manufacture chronologically in light of recent research on late-Romanesque sculpture in Castile, and to use this information to discover who commissioned this work: The bishops of Sigüenza, whose diocese included Almazán? The canons of the monastery of Allende Duero built at the foot of Almazán’s town wall? Or, as has always been claimed, the Castilian Monarchs Alfonso VIII and Eleanor of England, who were the chief promoters of the Becket cult in their dominions? Whatever the answer, this relief is one of the earliest examples of Canterbury saint iconography in the Crown of Castile.

After the devastating fire of 1184, the Lady Chapel of Glastonbury Abbey was constructed on the site of the Old Church (Vetusta Ecclesia), the wattle church traditionally associated with Joseph of Arimathea. The lavish decoration of the chapel is frequently mentioned in the literature. In many cases authors emphasize the old-fashioned, Romanesque character of much of the ornament in contrast to the seemingly more progressive contemporary early Gothic mouldings of nearby Wells Cathedral. Nevertheless, it is generally recognized that the designer of Glastonbury Lady Chapel knew of the latest developments in French Gothic architecture as witnessed in his use of crocket capitals and sharply pointed arches in the vault. This juxtaposition of Romanesque and Gothic motifs has led to the categorization of the Lady Chapel as Transitional. Convenient as such a label may be as a term of reference in charting a purely typological evolution, it does little for our understanding of the use of some distinctly different elements in contemporary structures located in the same region. Is it the case that the patron and/or master mason of Glastonbury Lady Chapel are simply more conservative than at Wells Cathedral? Could Glastonbury Lady Chapel be consciously archaizing in an effort to emphasize the antiquity of the site? Should we perhaps think in terms of a traditional Benedictine monastic style at Glastonbury as opposed to an innovative style for the secular canons of Wells? Or is the rich decoration at Glastonbury Lady Chapel to be explained in a more general sense as an imitation of the art of church treasures? To address these questions the first part of this essay will examine the stylistic sources of the Lady Chapel. The meaning of the style of the Lady Chapel in the context of the beginnings of Gothic architecture in Britain will be discussed. Attention will then be turned to the sculpture of the Lady Chapel (Thurlby 1976a).

For nearly 900 years the Priory Church of St Bartholomew the Great has functioned as an expression of wider religious moods, movements, and aspirations. Founded in 1123 by Rahere, a courtier of Henry I, at a time when the Augustinian Canons gained a brief ascendancy over older forms of religious life, it represents the last flowering of English Romanesque architecture. The Priory was dissolved by Henry VIII, became a house of Dominicans under Mary, and saw the flames that consumed the Smithfield martyrs. Since Elizabeth’s reign it has been a parish church serving a small and poor but populous area within the City of London but outside the walls. Its history is fairly well documented. Richard Rich lived in the former Lady Chapel. Walter Mildmay worshipped, and was buried, there. John Wesley preached there. Hogarth was baptized there. Parts of the church had been turned over to secular use. There was a blacksmith’s forge in the north transept beyond the bricked-up arch of the crossing and the smoke from the forge often filled the building. A school occupied the north triforium gallery. The Lady Chapel was further divided, and early in the eighteenth century Samuel Palmer, a printer, had his letter foundry there. The young Benjamin Franklin worked there for a year in 172 s and recorded the experience in his autobiography. The church, surrounded by houses, taverns, schools, chapels, stables, and warehouses, was a shadow of its medieval glory; but between 1828 and 1897 it changed internally and externally almost beyond recognition. The process of change continued over the next forty years and indeed continues still. These changes in architecture and furnishings were closely linked to a changed attitude to medieval buildings, to issues of churchmanship, and to liturgical developments.

Within the archaeological-historical complex at the hillfort of Biranj (Kaštel Lukšić), the ancient church of St. John the Baptist stands out in particular as a cultural entity. Three architectural phases (Romanesque, Late Gothic, and Modern period) can be perceived in its present appearance. The façade of the church bears a group of late medieval inscriptions in Latin: a donative inscription on the lintel, dated 1444 and also by the reign of the Venetian Doge Francesco Foscari (today placed in the interior of the church), as well as four consecratory inscriptions from the same time on the corners of the church. They were placed by donors (church juspatronatus) on the structure of the church on the occasion of the dedication of the thoroughly renovated original church of St. John, which had been built in the Romanesque period, at the end of the 12th or in the early 13th century, as the endowment of the Ostrog free villagers. From the donative inscription on the lintel it is learned that the ruinous Romanesque church was renovated from the foundations up by the juspatronus and plebanus Grgur Nikolin, the archpresbyter and canon of the Trogir diocese, in the name of a personal vow and the vows of all the juspatroni of St. John of Biranj. The four consecratory inscriptions with the text + Christus venit in pace et Deus homo factus est on the corners of the Late Gothic church from the same period are particularly interesting. On the basis of the contents it is hypothesized that they represent some kind of reminiscence of the possible original epigraphic dedications from the period of the construction of the Romanesque church at the end of the 12th century or in the early decades of the 13th century. The inscriptions and the sacred structure to which they belong are considered in the framework of the site as a cultural-historical complex and multi-century religious shrine and are analyzed in terms of the formal and contextual epigraphic traits. Their context is explored in the framework of the historical and religious-spiritual conditions related to the specific area in the period of the developed (12th and 13th centuries) and late Middle Ages (middle of the 15th century).

The paper’s aim is to follow the metamorphosis of Romanian myths, mainly the myth of Mioritza, in the novels of Dumitru Tsepeneag, a Romanian writer exiled in France after WW II. It is important to see to which extent the source culture is reflected in his writings as an expression of cultural identity through myths in their quality as transmitters of cultural significance, talking about the Romanian soul, about a simple, pastoral lifestyle. From the Romanian folklore underlining the old myths to classical literature, the pastoral myth suffered modifications, mainly in the works of writers of the 19th and 20th centuries, and Dumitru Tsepeneag is one of them. A nonconformist writer, theorist of aesthetic oneirism in Romanian literature, this author has given proof of a permanent desire of literary renewal even under a totalitarian regime which undermined all literary experience surpassing the official canon, the one of socialist realism, which Tsepeneag tried to avoid. Being a precursor of postmodernism in Romania in the 1970s, through his textualist literary texts illustrating aesthetic oneirism, Tsepeneag’s creation is an expression of the nostalgia of origins – through the deconstruction of the Mioritza myth in a postmodernist manner, as a parody, constantly superposed on other myths, on differences, diversity, alterity, all discovered in exile.

Les cycles arthuriens en prose du XIIIe siècle (principalement la trilogie dite de Robert de Boron et le Cycle Vulgate ou Lancelot-Graal) sont des ensembles au statut singulier. Définis à la fois par l’autonomie et l’interconnexion des romans qui les constituent, ils se distinguent des romans en vers individualisés qui les précèdent et des proses amples mais plus homogènes qui les suivent. À leurs caractéristiques formelles s’ajoute le projet de construire des univers de fiction cohérents, susceptibles d’instaurer un canon arthurien définitif. La brièveté de la période de production (1200-1240 environ) est contrecarrée par le succès durable que ces textes connaissent pendant tout le Moyen Âge ; la cyclicité est une forme romanesque expérimentale qui crée un rapport neuf à la matière de Bretagne et génère surtout des modes de lecture nouveaux. Caractérisés par des tendances aussi bien centrifuges que centripètes, les romans cycliques génèrent un réseau que le lecteur peut explorer à sa guise, de manière partielle ou complète, ordonnée ou désordonnée ; mettant en relation des romans aux visées parfois disparates mais assumant leur interconnexion, le cycle offre au lecteur un parcours sans cesse renouvelé, où les grands effets de cohérence l’emportent sur les contradictions de détail. C’est ce réseau inter-romanesque qui est l’objet privilégié de la présente étude : les romans cycliques, loin de développer leur sens en autarcie, vivent de la mise en lien de leurs récits et construisent ensemble, par le biais de la lecture organisatrice, des mondes narratifs multipolaires
The thirteenth-century Arthurian prose cycles (mainly Robert de Boron’s trilogy and the Vulgate or Lancelot-Grail Cycle) are groupings of a peculiar nature. Defined both by the autonomy and the interconnection of their constituent romances, they differ from the individualised verse romances which precede them as well as from the massive yet more homogenous prose narratives which follow. These formal characteristics go hand-in-hand with a coherent world-building project, which aims to formulate a definitive Arthurian canon. The brevity of the production period (ca. 1200-1240) is counterbalanced by the lasting success of these texts throughout the Middle Ages; cyclicity is an experimental form which creates a new take on the matter of Britain, and most of all, gives birth to new modes of reading. Defined by centrifugal as well as centripetal tendencies, cyclical romances generate a network which the reader may explore at will, either partially or completely, in an orderly or disorderly manner. By linking romances which may have different aims yet accept their basic connectivity, cycles allow their readers to navigate them in constantly renewed ways, while at the same time preserving their coherence in spite of localised contradictions. This cross-romance network is the subject of the present study: cyclical romances, far from existing in isolation, thrive in an interconnected narrative environment; in conjunction with the reader’s own structuring powers, they interact to build multifarious narrative worlds

Afin de comprendre la structuration authentique du récit fictionnel africain, on peut détacher délicatement les strates du Sérieux apparent et de la Dérision réaliste de plusieurs mondes en révolution permanente. C’est la mission que s’est fixée cette thèse, au premier sens du terme « symbolique », dans la mesure où elle se confronte d’abord aux grandes théories du rire en littérature, en tant qu’action sociale partant d’une quête ésotérique native. Avançant dans la démystification de l’objet et du sujet écrivant/lisant en fin post-colonialisme trentenaire, on découvre une armature immémoriale de statuts initiés sans cérémonie, faite de princes déchus, de novices aveugles ou de sorcières mal aimées, qui suggèrent avec beaucoup d’autres une tentation : celle de distinguer, sous la page imprimée en coopération, une distribution de tragi-comédie inhumaine, survolée par l’Écrivain noir unique, guidé en ses enfers par un philosophe naturel. Dans cette recherche de l’ironique survie ancestrale, grâce à la risible contingence humaine, l’ordonnancement des signes africains dévoile à son tour la refondation d’un discours vieux comme le Cynisme historique, dévoyé par ses avatars pragmatiques-inertes, vite devenus machiavélismes éternels. À la lumière de cette lanterne romanesque en plein jour sociétal du sous-continent françafricain ténébreux, les rires spontanés ou cultivés, et des éclats plus subtilement enformulés trouvent un chemin à leur démarche supposée commune : promouvoir littérairement individus et collectivités dans un monde noir débarrassé de la barbarie innommable et sans un scrupule d’humour, sinon sadique
So as to unterstand the authentic structuration of the africain fictional story, strata can be gently removed from the patent Serious and the realistic Derision out of several universes on their permanent revolving orbit. It is the mission assumed by this thesis, by the first meaning of the word « symbolic », insofar as it first confronted with the great theories of laughter in literature as a social action coming from an esoteric native quest. Promoting demystification both of the writing and readind object and of the subject at the end of a thirty-year ood period of post-colonialism, an immemorial framework of initiated status can be discovered, made of deposed princes, blind novices or unloved witches. They suggest, along with many others, a temptation : to distinguish, under the page printed by cooperation, the casting of an inhuman tragicomedy overflew by the unique black Writer, guided throught his hells by a natural philosopher. In this research of the ironical ancestral survival, thanks to the risible human contingency, this arrangement of the african signs reveals in its turn the refoundation of a discourse as old as the historical Cynism. This has been misguided by its inert-pragmatic avatars, quickly transformed into permanent machiavellianisms. Under the illumining of this novelistic lantern, in the societal daylight of the dark franco-african subcontinent, the spontaneous or cultured laughters, and the more subtly expressed roarings, find a way for their supposed common approach : to literarily promote individuals and collectivities, in a black world freed from unspeakable barbarity, lacking in the least scruple of humour other than a sadictic one

Cette étude propose l'analyse des écritures de l'Histoire à travers un corpus de huit œuvres romanesques publiées au Québec entre 1980 et 1990. Il s'agit de La Tribu et Les Plaines à l'envers de F. Barcelo, de la trilogie des Fils de la liberté de Louis Caron, du Premier jardin de Anne Hébert, de La Maison Trestler ou le 8ème jour d'Amérique de Madeleine Ouellette-Michalska et d'Un dernier blues pour Octobre de Pierre Turgeon. Là où la langue anglaise distingue " history " et " story ", le français utilise le vocable " histoire ". Si sa polysémie peut engendrer des confusions, elle peut aussi générer les réflexions qui ont sous-tendu cette analyse. Comment l'histoire raconte-t-elle l'Histoire ? Comment les histoires permettent-elles de réécrire une Histoire plurielle dans le Québec des années 1980 ? Pour répondre à ces questions, trois axes sont développés. Le premier s'attache à analyser les rapports fraternels puis fratricides entre la littérature et l'Histoire, disciplines devenues distinctes au XIXème, puis il propose une réflexion sur le roman historique et les écritures romanesques de l'Histoire. Le deuxième axe présente une mise en regard des discours historique et romanesque au sein des œuvres constitutives du corpus. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, notre réflexion nous conduit à analyser les poétiques québécoises afin de montrer comment ces textes participent, par une réécriture mémorielle, à l'émergence d'une identité collective québécoise en cette fin de XXème siècle.

Cette étude propose l’analyse des écritures de l’Histoire à travers un corpus de huit œuvres romanesques publiées au Québec entre 1980 et 1990. Il s’agit de La Tribu et Les Plaines à l’envers de F. Barcelo, de la trilogie des Fils de la liberté de Louis Caron, du Premier jardin de Anne Hébert, de La Maison Trestler ou le 8ème jour d’Amérique de Madeleine Ouellette-Michalska et d’Un dernier blues pour Octobre de Pierre Turgeon. Là où la langue anglaise distingue « history » et « story », le français utilise le vocable « histoire ». Si sa polysémie peut engendrer des confusions, elle peut aussi générer les réflexions qui ont sous-tendu cette analyse. Comment l’histoire raconte-t-elle l’Histoire ? Comment les histoires permettent-elles de réécrire une Histoire plurielle dans le Québec des années 1980 ? Pour répondre à ces questions, trois axes sont développés. Le premier s’attache à analyser les rapports fraternels puis fratricides entre la littérature et l’Histoire, disciplines devenues distinctes au XIXème, puis il propose une réflexion sur le roman historique et les écritures romanesques de l’Histoire. Le deuxième axe présente une mise en regard des discours historique et romanesque au sein des œuvres constitutives du corpus. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, notre réflexion nous conduit à analyser les poétiques québécoises afin de montrer comment ces textes participent, par une réécriture mémorielle, à l’émergence d’une identité collective québécoise en cette fin de XXème siècle
This study aims at analysing the writing of history through a corpus of eight novels, published in Quebec between 1980 and 1990. The corpus is comprised of La Tribu and Les Plaines à l’envers by F. Barcelo, of Louis Caron’s trilogy Fils de la liberté, of Premier jardin by Anne Hébert, of La Maison Trestler ou le 8ème jour d’Amérique by Madeleine Ouellette-Michalska’s and of Un dernier blues pour Octobre by Pierre Turgeon. While English distinguishes « history » from « story », French uses the single term « histoire ». If that polysemy may cause confusion, it may also generate a reflection, just as the one underlying this analysis: How does a story tell history? How have stories contributed to the rewriting of Quebec’s plural history in the 1980s? Answering these questions will require three main developments. The first part will be an attempt to explain and understand the fraternal yet fratricidal relationship between literature and history, two disciplines which became distinct in the 19th century. Moreover, it proposes a reflection on the historical novel and historical fiction. The second part will be devoted to the comparative study of the historical and narrative discourses within the constituent novels of the corpus. And finally, in a third part, our reflection will lead us to consider Quebec’s poetics, in order to show how –by rewriting memory– those texts have participated in creating Quebec’s collective identity at the very end of the 20th century

This dissertation studies a local manifestation of ecclesiastical reform in the medieval county of Savoy: the twelfth-century transformation of secular canons into Augustinian regular canons at the church of Sts. Peter and Ursus in the alpine town of Aosta (now Italy). I argue that textual sources, material culture, and the practice of place together express how the newly reformed canons established their identity, shaped their material environment, and managed their relationship with the unreformed secular canons at the cathedral. The pattern of regularization in Aosta—instigated by a new bishop influenced by ideas of canonical reform—is only one among several models for implementing reform in medieval Savoy. This study asserts the importance of this medieval county as a center for reforming efforts among a regional network of churchmen, laymen, and noblemen, including the count of Savoy, Amadeus III (d. 1148). After a prologue and introduction, chapter 1 draws on traditional textual evidence to recount the history of reform in medieval Savoy. Chapters 2 through 4 focus on the twelfth-century sculpted capitals in the cloister built to accommodate the common life of the new regular canons. Several of the historiated capitals portray the biblical siblings, Martha and Mary, and Leah and Rachel, as material metaphors that reflect and reinforce the active and contemplative lives of the Augustinian canons. Other capitals represent the regular canons’ assertion of their precedence over the cathedral canons and suggest tensions between the two communities. The final chapter examines thirteenth-century conflicts over bell-ringing and ecclesiastical processions in the urban topography of Aosta to illustrate how the regular and secular canons continued to negotiate their relationship. Appendices include an English translation of a vita of St. Ursus (BHL 8453). The dissertation as a whole reconstructs the places and material culture of medieval Aosta to convey the complexities of religious and institutional life during a time of reform and beyond.
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