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Статті в журналах з теми "Camps de concentration – Chine"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 13 квітня 2024

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1

Peris Blanes, Jaume. "Escritura, comunidad y ‘efecto documental’ en Prisión en Chile, de Alejandro Witker / Writing, Community and Documentary effect in 'Prison in Chile', by Alejandro Witker." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 10 (December 29, 2017): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.10.11187.

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RESUMEN: Prisión en Chile, de Alejandro Witker, fue uno de los textos testimoniales de mayor impacto en los años que siguieron al Golpe Militar. Sus diferentes paratextos identificaban la enunciación testimonial como una forma de combate que podía sustituir a las formas tradicionales de la lucha política. Para hacerlo, el texto de Witker desarrollaba una serie de estrategias de construcción textual que le servían para discursivizar la idea fundamental de experiencia colectiva y para crear un ‘efecto documental’ que potenciaría su función de denuncia. Palabras clave: Testimonio, campos de concentración, comunidad, ‘efecto documental’. ABSTRACT: Alejandro Witker’s Prison in Chile was one of the most important testimonies in the early years of Chilean dictatorship. Their paratexts identified the act of bearing witness as a new kind of struggle in substitution of the traditional ways of fighting. Witker’s text developed some original textual strategies for representing the idea of collective experience and also for creating a ‘documentary effect’. Keywords: Testimony, concentration camps, community, ‘documentary effect’.

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2

Corral, Hugo Rojas. "BIOPOLITICS AND HOMO SACER IN A TORTURE CENTER IN CHILE *." Revista Direito GV 11, no. 1 (June 2015): 257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1808-2432201511.

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This article explains how the concepts of Biopolitics and homo sacer contribute to the understanding of what happened in the Villa Grimaldi concentration camp and torture center during the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet, in Chile. Prisoners were humiliated and tortured, losing their condition as subjects of law. The reification process of the prisoners by sadist guards and agents was added to the impossibility of the victims to legally defend themselves in front of tribunals. The archaic Roman law figure of homo saceris perfectly applicable to explain the situation of the persons kept in clandestine concentration camps as Villa Grimaldi. The notion of superstes tormentorum (survivor of tortures) is also presented here for further discussion in order to refer to the complex and often painful process in which the ‘victims-survivors-witnesses’ of the horror of Villa Grimaldi and other similar spaces try to reinsert in society.

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3

Maraval Yáguez, Javier. "Mujeres en movimiento: bajo la Dictadura militar chilena (1973-1990)." Cuestiones de género: de la igualdad y la diferencia, no. 3 (December 14, 2008): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/cg.v0i3.3833.

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<p>Desde la perspectiva histórica feminista, el artículo analiza el impacto que la represiónde la dictadura militar del general Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990) causó en las mujeres que conformaron la oposición política. La Tortura Sexual se definió como una estrategia dirigida y pensada contra las prisioneras en los diversos campos de concentración que se extendían a lo largo de Chile. Este hecho, invisibilizado durante años por los diversos estudios entorno a los Derechos Humanos, se reconoció de forma oficial cuando en 2004 se publicó el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre Prisión Política y Tortura (<em>Informe</em><em> Valech</em>), un documento pionero que recogía 4000 testimonios de mujeres supervivientes.</p><p>From the feminist historical perspective, the article analyses the impact of the Pinochet dictatorship repression (1970-1990) against women from the political opposition. The sexual torture was a specific strategy carried out in the military concentration camps all around Chile. This fact was not visible until the publication of the National Commission on Political Imprisonment and Torture Report in 2004 (<em>Valech</em><em> Report</em>), a pioneer investigation that recognises sexual tortur as specific torture against prisoners including 4000 women survivors testimonies.</p><p> </p>

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4

Wu, Harry. "Classicide - Genocide in Communist China." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/27.

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The term "genocide" was first coined in the 1940s to describe the horrors of Nazi rule in occupied Europe. In Nazi Germany, the machine of oppression was the concentration camp; in the Soviet Union, the Gulag. In China, it is the Laogai, which means "reform through labor." In fact, Laogai is a brutal and inhumane system that enslaves millions of people throughout China. The govemment in conununist China divides people by class, politics, and religuious beliefs. Such divisions are based not on race, but individual economic status. If a person owns land, capital or property, he or she belongs to the landlord or capitalist classes. Both are considered "exploiting" classes, and their members, including their family, are subject to extermination, since they belong to "counter-revolutionary" classes. During the Cultural Revolution, many people were massacred for die sake of the "Red Revolution." Since 1949, when the Communist Party came to power, it sought to destroy all religjon in China, particularly Christian faiths. The Roman Catholic faith is still illegal in China today. It is common knowledge that people in China are not allowed to practice the religion of their choice Meanwhile, Laogai, or prison camps, throughout China, imprison countless people who belong to the "wrong" religion or hold "wrong* political ideas. The Chinese govemment uses the Laogai to control and eliminate those people. Yet, despite the prevalence of the Laogai and its multitude of victims, the world seems unwilling to acknowledge this widespread plague.

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5

Micalef, Romain. "L’institutionnalisation des camps de détention de musulmans ouïghours en Chine." Revue du droit des religions, no. 10 (November 16, 2020): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rdr.1251.

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6

Halamová, Martina. "Returns from Concentration Camps." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 12 (September 21, 2017): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2017.12.7.

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The article is concentrated on the Czech post-war literature, especially on the Czech treatment of the theme regarding returns from concentration camps in the novels written in the second half of 20th century and in contemporary literature. The presented novels, thematizing the mentioned topic, are viewed as representations of those days discourses shaped by the “course of history”. Therefore, the article follows variation of the theme as well as the modification of heros in connection with the transformation of discourses, and tries to describe the reasons of the changing.

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7

Prestwich, E. "Boer War Concentration Camps." English 50, no. 197 (June 1, 2001): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/english/50.197.159.

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8

Morrison, Alexander. "Convicts and Concentration Camps." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 20, no. 2 (2019): 390–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2019.0026.

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9

IZUMI, MASUMI. "PROHIBITING "AMERICAN CONCENTRATION CAMPS"." Pacific Historical Review 74, no. 2 (May 1, 2005): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2005.74.2.165.

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In September 1971 Congress repealed the Emergency Detention Act, Title II of the McCarran Internal Security Act of 1950. This act had authorized the President to apprehend and detain any person suspected as a threat to internal security during a national emergency. This article analyzes the Title II repeal campaign between 1967 and 1971, revealing that the public historical memories of Japanese American internment greatly influenced support for repeal in Congress and among the American public. Civil rights and antiwar protesters both feared that such a law might be used against them, but Japanese Americans had been interned during World War II. Their presence in the repeal campaign made the question of detention starkly real and the need for repeal persuasive. Conversely, their work for repeal allowed them to address a painful part of their American experience and speak publicly as a community.

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10

Devel, Edith. "Les Belges dans les camps d’internement japonais en Chine (1941‑1945)." Témoigner. Entre histoire et mémoire, no. 131 (October 1, 2020): 42–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/temoigner.9369.

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11

Basic, Goran. "Concentration Camp Rituals." Humanity & Society 41, no. 1 (July 25, 2016): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597615621593.

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In the German camps during the Second World War, the aim was to kill from a distance, and the camps were highly efficient in their operations. Previous studies have thus analyzed the industrialized killing and the victims’ survival strategies. Researchers have emphasized the importance of narratives but they have not focused on narratives about camp rituals or analyzed postwar interviews as a continued resistance and defense of one’s self. This article tries to fill this gap by analyzing stories told by former detainees in concentration camps in the Bosnian war during the 1990s. This article aims to describe a set of recounted interaction rituals as well as to identify how these rituals are dramatized in interviews. The retold stories of humiliation and power in the camps indicate that there was little space for individuality and preservation of self. Nevertheless, the detainees seem to have been able to generate some room for resistance, and this seems to have granted them a sense of honor and self-esteem, not least after the war. Their narratives today represent a form of continued resistance.

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12

Goeschel, Christian. "Suicide in Nazi Concentration Camps, 1933-9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 628–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366558.

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Too often histories of the concentration camps tend to be ignorant of the wider political context of nazi repression and control. This article tries to overcome this problem. Combining legal, social and political history, it contributes to a more thorough understanding of the changing relationship between the camps as places of extra-legal terror and the judiciary, between nazi terror and the law. It argues that the conflict between the judiciary and the SS was not a conflict between ‘good’ and ‘evil’, as existing accounts claim. Rather, it was a power struggle for jurisdiction over the camps. Concentration camp authorities covered up the murders of prisoners as suicides to prevent judicial investigations. This article also looks at actual suicides in the pre-war camps, to highlight individual inmates’ reactions to life within the camps. The article concludes that the history of the concentration camps needs to be firmly integrated into the history of nazi terror and the Third Reich.

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13

Forth, Aidan. "Concentration Camps: A Short History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 4 (February 2018): 552–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01208.

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14

Diao, Hong. "Interpreting in Nazi concentration camps." Language & History 62, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 44–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17597536.2018.1554398.

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15

Bronisch, Thomas. "Suicidality in German concentration camps." Archives of Suicide Research 2, no. 2 (April 1996): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13811119608251963.

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16

Lester, David. "Suicidality in german concentration camps." Archives of Suicide Research 3, no. 3 (July 1997): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13811119708258274.

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17

Rautenberg, Uta. "Interpreting in Nazi Concentration Camps." Social History 42, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 447–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2017.1320139.

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18

Dillon, Christopher. "Concentration camps: a short history*." International Affairs 94, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy037.

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19

Summerfield, D. "Psychological survival after concentration camps." BMJ 307, no. 6903 (August 28, 1993): 568. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.307.6903.568-b.

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20

Moore, Paul. "‘And What Concentration Camps Those Were!’: Foreign Concentration Camps in Nazi Propaganda, 1933-9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 649–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366557.

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This article examines nazi propaganda on non-German ‘concentration camps’ in the years 1933—9. It shows how the regime publicized internment facilities in Austria, the Soviet Union and South Africa during the Boer War for rhetorical effect. This examination is placed within the context of extensive nazi propaganda concerning Germany’s own camps, demonstrating that the two propaganda strands worked not contrary to each other, but rather in a mutually reinforcing manner. In addition, the article will explore the legacy of this propaganda material in shaping popular attitudes with the onset of war and genocide.

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21

Cesarani, David. "Camps de la mort, camps de concentration et camps d'internement dans la mémoire collective britannique." Vingtième Siècle, revue d'histoire 54, no. 1 (1997): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xxs.1997.3627.

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22

Cesarani, David. "Camps de la mort, camps de concentration et camps d'internement dans la memoire collective britannique." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 54 (April 1997): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3771406.

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23

Cesarani, David. "Camps de la mort, camps de concentration et camps d'internement dans la mémoire collective britannique." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 54, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ving.p1997.54n1.0013.

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24

Nijakowski, Lech M. "Trudna definicja „obozu koncentracyjnego”." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 67, no. 1 (March 31, 2023): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2023.67.1.1.

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This paper discusses only the systems of concentration camps, omitting how individual camps functioned. The analysis starts with late 19th-century Spanish camps in Cuba and ends with late 20th-century camps for Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first part of the paper discusses the problems of defining a concentration camp and proposes an original definition. The second part focuses on the victims, including their position within the camp hierarchy. The third part shows the practice of history politics based on the system of camps to which Silesians and other groups were sent after the war. Consequently, the paper offers an original definition of a concentration camp that is missing from many scholarly papers, and discusses Polish complications in history politics related to avoiding the term “Polish concentration camps”. The interpretation was based on the hermeneutics of academic literature and multimodal discourse analysis, especially as it pertains to post-war camps.

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25

Grzechowiak, Jarosław. "Jedzenie w polskich filmach fabularnych o tematyce obozowej." Kultura Popularna 2, no. 56 (June 29, 2018): 132–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.1143.

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The article is about food motives in Polish movies and TV serieses about concentration camps. It contains analysis of movies with concentration camps theme and indication of functions in which food performs in that productions. The post-war texts in the field of psychology and memories of concentration camps memories were quoted in that article.

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26

Fackler, Guido. "Music in Concentration Camps 1933–1945." Témoigner. Entre histoire et mémoire, no. 124 (April 2, 2017): 60–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/temoigner.5732.

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27

Waseda, Minako. "Music in Japanese American Concentration Camps." Témoigner. Entre histoire et mémoire, no. 124 (April 2, 2017): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/temoigner.5765.

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28

van der Zanden, Christine Schmidt. "Slave labor in Nazi concentration camps." Holocaust Studies 22, no. 4 (May 26, 2016): 451–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2016.1187840.

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29

Bukvić, Rajko. "Concentration camps: A view on guards." Crimen 10, no. 1 (2019): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/crimen1901003b.

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30

Ryn, Zdzislaw. "Suicides in the Nazi Concentration Camps." Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior 16, no. 4 (December 1986): 419–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-278x.1986.tb00728.x.

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31

Beorn, Waitman Wade. "Slave Labor in Nazi Concentration Camps." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 30, no. 2 (August 2016): 360–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcw030.

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32

John, Eckhard. "Music and concentration camps: An approximation." Journal of Musicological Research 20, no. 4 (January 2001): 269–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01411890108574791.

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33

Hoffmann-Curtius, K. "Memorials for the Dachau Concentration Camps." Oxford Art Journal 21, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/21.2.21.

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34

Fleck, Christian, and Albert Müller. "Bruno Bettelheim and the concentration camps." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 33, no. 1 (1997): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199724)33:1<1::aid-jhbs1>3.0.co;2-y.

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35

Sinichenko, Vladimir V., and Sergey M. Belozertsev. "Affaire of the American Consul Moser (1915) in Light of Previously Unpublished Documents from the Fonds of the State Archive of the Irkutsk Region." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2022): 1212–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-4-1212-1221.

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The history of Russian-American relations is full of various dramatic moments. There were periods of strategic partnership and alliance, but also those of aggravation of diplomatic and trade relations during the so-called Cold War. One thing persists from the moment the United States was formed in the 18th century to early 21st century: Russia and the United States have been allies in all military conflicts or maintained mutual neutrality. At the same time, as history shows, among political and bureaucratic elites of the United States, there have always been opponents of Russia as a geopolitical entity who provided direct assistance to its military opponents. One of these episodes occurred in 1915, when Moser, the American consul in the city of Harbin located on the territory of the Chinese Eastern Railway — a highway that ran along Manchuria and connected Chita with Vladivostok — found himself an object of cultivation of the Irkutsk Gubernia Gendarmerie Directorate. The article introduces into scientific use a document which permits to assess the degree of involvement of the American diplomat in the release of German prisoners of war, which caused a diplomatic demarche of Russia, expulsion of the consul, and, accordingly, a diplomatic scandal in Russian-American relations in 1915. This document is court opinion of November 6, 1915 of the investigator for especially important cases of the Irkutsk District Court M.S. Strazov based on secret survey of the captain of a separate corps of border guards, assistant to the head of the department at the gendarmerie-police directorate of the Chinese Eastern Railway A. M. Bokastov who had carried out the surveyance; on protocol of interrogation of non-commissioned officer Karl Schultz who fled the Russian camp in Western Siberia (in the city of Tara, Tobolsk gubernia) and was supported by the American diplomat; and on protocol of interrogation of J. E. Mandelstam accused of organizing this escape. Through the agency of their employees insinuated in groups of German officers who fled from the Russian camps in Siberia to China territories, the heads of gendarmerie directorate learned that the American diplomat not only supplied prisoners of war with money for escape, but also recommended them to makers of falsified documents and guides transporting runaways. Cultivation undertaken in 1915 by the Irkutsk Gubernia Gendarmerie Directorate resulted in arrest of Russian subjects of German and Jewish origin who, for various reasons, participated in organization of escapes of German and Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war from concentration camps located in Siberia and in the Far East.

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36

Muñoz-Encinar, Laura. "Beyond mass graves: exhuming Francoist concentration camps." Heritage, Memory and Conflict 3 (May 10, 2023): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/hmc.3.71312.

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As several historical investigations have revealed, between 130,000 and 150,000 Republicans were executed during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and Franco’s dictatorship (1939–1977). The Francoist repressive strategy – unleashed after the coup d’état of 17 July 1936 – developed complex mechanisms of physical and psychological punishment. The continuing subjugation of those still living was enacted through concentration camps, prisons and forced labour. During the War and Franco’s dictatorship, there were nearly three hundred concentration camps, and between 367,000 and 500,000 prisoners went through those camps. During the transition to democracy, neither the State nor the judiciary investigated mass crimes connected to the repression and execution of left-wing Republicans. After Franco’s death, some family groups recovered some of these bodies buried in unmarked mass graves without scientific involvement. In the year 2000, the first scientific exhumations took place, and since then, more than 400 mass graves have been opened, and up to 9.000 bodies have been recovered. The memory of the victims of Franco’s violence has been mainly centralised on mass graves. The opening of mass graves has positioned the Spanish Civil War case within the international sphere of human rights violations and has also opened a new window of opportunity for the analysis of Francoist concentration camps. In this article, I provide a holistic study of mass graves that combines archaeology and forensic anthropology with historical and ethnographic research in order to examine, in detail, both the burials and the broader landscape of the repression. In this contribution, I focus on the Concentration Camp of Castuera, in southwestern Spain, a forgotten campscape, and show how mass graves, which have become widely known as sites of research and commemoration in Spain, were closely related to the camps’ complex repressive system. My results have allowed me to conduct an integrated analysis of this context of political violence. I conclude that archaeology and forensic anthropology have played a crucial role in elucidating the functioning and social reality of Spanish camps, whilst enabling new narratives about past Francoist repression.

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37

Володимир Васильович Очеретяний and Інна Іванівна Ніколіна. "THE PROCESS OF CREATING THE NAZI CAMP SYSTEM IN POLAND DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111817.

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This article analyzes the process of creating the German camp system in Poland. The Nazi racial politics towards the Jews promoted their isolation from the so-called "full part of society". For this purpose, two main mechanisms for their separation were created: concentration camps, some of which were transformed into "factories of death", and Jewish ghettos. The establishment of concentration camps in Poland was preceded by a long process of organizational and legal registration first in Germany itself, and later on the territories occupied by it. This process was accompanied by numerous Jewish pogroms and arrests, which was an integral part of the Nazi anti-Semitic policy. Concentration camps were carefully thought out and well-organized institutions with a refined mechanism of prisoners’ maintenance, coercion and punishment. Different by their intended purpose were "death camps" that were not intended to hold prisoners, but to destroy them quickly and in large scale. Most of them were located on the territory of Poland, where the Jews from all over Europe were brought. These included Chelmno, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, Auschwitz-Birkenau and Maydanek. It was observed in the article that German concentration camps were created to isolate, repress and destroy the undesirable elements of the regime. Despite the early formation of this system, its dissemination in the territories occupied by the Nazis, particularly in Poland, took place in 1938-1939s. At that time the German concentration camps turned into an instrument of ruthless anti-Semitic policy that became a classic genocide. Due to the fact that the concentration camps capacities did not allow to sufficiently fulfill their tasks, during 1939-1945s in Poland, new, so-called "death camps" were established. They were equipped with gas chambers and crematorium that carried out large-scale destruction of the Jews.

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38

Wünschmann, Kim. "Cementing the Enemy Category: Arrest and Imprisonment of German Jews in Nazi Concentration Camps, 1933-8/9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 576–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366556.

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Understandably, research has focused overwhelmingly on Jews in the camps of the Holocaust. But the nazis had been detaining Jews in concentration camps ever since 1933, at times in large numbers. Who were these prisoners? This article analyzes nazi policies that brought Jews into the concentration camps. It ventures into the inner structure and dynamics of one of the most heterogeneous groups of concentration camp inmates. By contrasting the perpetrators’ objectives with the victims’ experiences, this article will illuminate the role of the concentration camp as the ultimate means of pressure in the fatal process of turning a minority group into an outsider group: that is, the act of defining and marking the enemy which was the critical stage before the destruction of European Jewry. Furthermore, it will examine Jewish reactions to SS terror inside the camps.

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Fackler, Guido. "Cultural Behaviour and the Invention of Traditions: Music and Musical Practices in the Early Concentration Camps, 1933-6/7." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 601–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366704.

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This article investigates music in the concentration camps before the second world war. For the camp authorities, ordering prisoners to sing songs or play in orchestras was an instrument of domination. But for the prisoners, music could also be an expression of solidarity and survival: inmates could retain a degree of their own agency in the pre-war camps, despite the often unbearable living conditions and harsh treatment by guards. The present article emphasizes this ambiguity of music in the early camps. It illustrates the emergence of musical traditions in the pre-war camps which came to have a significant impact on everyday life in the camps. It helps to overcome the view that concentration camp prisoners were simply passive victims.

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Jacquier, Charles. "Contribution à l'histoire des camps de concentration." Commentaire Numéro 75, no. 3 (August 1, 1996): 745–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.075.0745.

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Lake, Mackenzie. "Book Review: Concentration Camps: A Short History." Genocide Studies and Prevention 13, no. 1 (April 2019): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.13.1.1635.

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Jurgenson, Luba. "La mort dans les camps de concentration." Article 19, no. 1 (November 1, 2007): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016632ar.

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Résumé Après avoir analysé les processus de mise à mort et de destruction (ou enterrement anonyme) des corps dans les camps nazis et soviétiques, on examinera les rites élaborés au sein de la société concentrationnaire autour des mourants et des cadavres ainsi que l’état physique et psychologique particulier entre la vie et la mort qui fait l’objet de constructions narratives complexes dans les récits des survivants. On interrogera les stratégies visant à représenter ces états-limite et à reconstituer les espaces conçus pour produire du néant. On tentera de montrer que le texte du témoignage, au-delà de son objectif explicite – transmettre l’expérience – est un texte agissant investi de fonction de sépulture.

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Martin, Roger, and Association des Deportes du Jura-F.N.D.I.R.P. "Les Jurassiens dans les camps de concentration." Le Mouvement social, no. 148 (July 1989): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3778818.

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Buggeln, Marc. "Dan Stone, Concentration Camps: A Short History." European History Quarterly 47, no. 4 (September 25, 2017): 791–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417729639au.

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Garland, C. "The lasting trauma of the concentration camps." BMJ 307, no. 6896 (July 10, 1993): 77–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.307.6896.77.

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Engel, H. "Organisation For The Relief Of Concentration Camps." Journal of the Royal Army Medical Corps 149, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 340–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jramc-149-04-16.

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SCHIFFRIN, DEBORAH. "Language and Public Memorial: `America's Concentration Camps'." Discourse & Society 12, no. 4 (July 2001): 505–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926501012004005.

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Blatman, Daniel. "Marc Buggeln.Slave Labor in Nazi Concentration Camps." American Historical Review 121, no. 2 (April 2016): 674–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.2.674.

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Koljanin, Milan. "The role of concentration camps in suppressing the uprising in Serbia in 1941." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, spec br (2022): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2200118k.

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The internment of tens of thousands of people in the newly created network of permanent and temporary camps was an important integral part of actions of the occupation forces in Serbia during the suppression of mass insurgent movement in the summer and autumn of 1941. The main purpose of these camps was to be a reservoir of people to be shot for the German losses in the battles with the insurgents in the proportion of 100 for one killed, or 50 for a wounded German soldier or Volksdeutsche. The network of permanent camps consisted of camps at Banjica in Belgrade, Šabac and Niš. For the territory of Banat, a camp was formed in Veliki Bečkerek (today Zrenjanin), ending the formation of a network of permanent camps. They also served as a place of internment of hostages, real or potential opponents of the occupation, but also some other categories of men and women. Starting from April 1942, permanent camps in Serbia were given the function of a source for forced labor in concentration and labor camps in Germany or in occupied countries, including Serbia itself. The main role was played by the camp at the Belgrade Fair and the camp at Banjica, where detainees from other camps were sent for forced labor. This was also the result of a change in policy towards captured insurgents and their sympathizers, which was a reflection of the growing need of the German war economy for labor. In May 1942, the role of the central German camp in Serbia was taken over by the camp at the Belgrade Fair, now under the name Anhaltelager Semlin (Prihvatni logor Zemun). Temporary camps served almost exclusively for the internment of captured members of the insurgent movement, their sympathizers, civilian population and as a source of people for mass shootings. Among temporary camps, the most important were the Transit Camp in the barracks on Senjak, in Šabac and the Jewish Transit Camp Topovske Šupe (Cannon Sheds) in Belgrade. The second camp served exclusively as a source of Jews and Roma for mass shootings and was the main and largest reservoir of these categories of prisoners. The camp ceased to exist at the time of the formation of the Jewish Camp Zemun, which, after the killing of the Jewish prisoners, became the central German camp in occupied Serbia.

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Collotti, Enzo. "De l’assignation à résidence forcée aux camps de concentration." Chroniques allemandes 12, no. 1 (2008): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chral.2008.878.

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Le processus législatif qui a mené à la création de camps d’internement en Italie doit être analysé dans le cadre général de l’évolution de l’appareil répressif du régime fasciste. Les lois d’exception de 1926 jettent les bases d’un arsenal permettant de réprimer de manière extrajudiciaire et administrative toute manifestation d’opposition, et dont l’élément central est le confino di polizia (assignation à résidence forcée) qui reprend des formes antérieures de privation administrative de liberté. Dans la perspective d’une prochaine guerre, les autorités préparent dès le milieu des années 30 le catalogue des Italiens et étrangers à interner dans des camps, et choisissent des lieux appropriés. Il existe des liens étroits entre ces mesures et les lois antisémites promulgués en 1938. C’est ce rapprochement qui donnera aux camps italiens leur caractère véritablement fasciste.

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