Статті в журналах: "Camps de concentration – Cambodge"

1

Halamová, Martina. "Returns from Concentration Camps." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 12 (September 21, 2017): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2017.12.7.

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The article is concentrated on the Czech post-war literature, especially on the Czech treatment of the theme regarding returns from concentration camps in the novels written in the second half of 20th century and in contemporary literature. The presented novels, thematizing the mentioned topic, are viewed as representations of those days discourses shaped by the “course of history”. Therefore, the article follows variation of the theme as well as the modification of heros in connection with the transformation of discourses, and tries to describe the reasons of the changing.

2

Prestwich, E. "Boer War Concentration Camps." English 50, no. 197 (June 1, 2001): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/english/50.197.159.

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3

Morrison, Alexander. "Convicts and Concentration Camps." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 20, no. 2 (2019): 390–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2019.0026.

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4

IZUMI, MASUMI. "PROHIBITING "AMERICAN CONCENTRATION CAMPS"." Pacific Historical Review 74, no. 2 (May 1, 2005): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2005.74.2.165.

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In September 1971 Congress repealed the Emergency Detention Act, Title II of the McCarran Internal Security Act of 1950. This act had authorized the President to apprehend and detain any person suspected as a threat to internal security during a national emergency. This article analyzes the Title II repeal campaign between 1967 and 1971, revealing that the public historical memories of Japanese American internment greatly influenced support for repeal in Congress and among the American public. Civil rights and antiwar protesters both feared that such a law might be used against them, but Japanese Americans had been interned during World War II. Their presence in the repeal campaign made the question of detention starkly real and the need for repeal persuasive. Conversely, their work for repeal allowed them to address a painful part of their American experience and speak publicly as a community.

5

Jennar, Raoul M. "L'ONU au Cambodge. Les leçons de I'APRONUC (Note)." Études internationales 26, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703457ar.

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The UN operation in Cambodia was a major venture provided with extensive resources and entrusted to implement a highly ambitious program contained in the Paris Accords signed on October23, 1991. Today, official rhetoric speaks of a "model" when referring to what a more modest view would treat as an experience - one from which it is indispensable to draw all the lessons. The UN proved unable to carry out much of its mission. It jailed to disarm the rival troops. It jailed to neutralize the Communist party's omnipresent influence over existing administrative structures. It failed to repair or rebuild a minimum of infrastructure in such basic areas as health, education, and communications. It failed to reintegrate into society the 372,000 refugees who had come back from camps in Thailand. It failed to preserve the country's unity and territorial integrity. Yet it did score some successes. It laid the ground work for a pluralistic society. It repatriated the refugees. It organized elections that were free and fair enough to allow new, thoroughly legitimate institutions to come into being. A cautious assessment of this operation leads to a reflection on the conditions for success or failure of such a venture. Lessons are to be learned from each step : starting from the diplomatic moves behind the decision to carry out the operation and the mandate defining its scope ; and ending with the political, economic, and social repercussions due to thousands of soldiers and foreign civilian administrators passing through the country. Each phase of the flow of operations must also be questioned, from recruitment of personnel to assessment of the results obtained.

6

Basic, Goran. "Concentration Camp Rituals." Humanity & Society 41, no. 1 (July 25, 2016): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597615621593.

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In the German camps during the Second World War, the aim was to kill from a distance, and the camps were highly efficient in their operations. Previous studies have thus analyzed the industrialized killing and the victims’ survival strategies. Researchers have emphasized the importance of narratives but they have not focused on narratives about camp rituals or analyzed postwar interviews as a continued resistance and defense of one’s self. This article tries to fill this gap by analyzing stories told by former detainees in concentration camps in the Bosnian war during the 1990s. This article aims to describe a set of recounted interaction rituals as well as to identify how these rituals are dramatized in interviews. The retold stories of humiliation and power in the camps indicate that there was little space for individuality and preservation of self. Nevertheless, the detainees seem to have been able to generate some room for resistance, and this seems to have granted them a sense of honor and self-esteem, not least after the war. Their narratives today represent a form of continued resistance.

7

Goeschel, Christian. "Suicide in Nazi Concentration Camps, 1933-9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 628–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366558.

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Too often histories of the concentration camps tend to be ignorant of the wider political context of nazi repression and control. This article tries to overcome this problem. Combining legal, social and political history, it contributes to a more thorough understanding of the changing relationship between the camps as places of extra-legal terror and the judiciary, between nazi terror and the law. It argues that the conflict between the judiciary and the SS was not a conflict between ‘good’ and ‘evil’, as existing accounts claim. Rather, it was a power struggle for jurisdiction over the camps. Concentration camp authorities covered up the murders of prisoners as suicides to prevent judicial investigations. This article also looks at actual suicides in the pre-war camps, to highlight individual inmates’ reactions to life within the camps. The article concludes that the history of the concentration camps needs to be firmly integrated into the history of nazi terror and the Third Reich.

8

Forth, Aidan. "Concentration Camps: A Short History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 4 (February 2018): 552–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01208.

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9

Diao, Hong. "Interpreting in Nazi concentration camps." Language & History 62, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 44–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17597536.2018.1554398.

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10

Bronisch, Thomas. "Suicidality in German concentration camps." Archives of Suicide Research 2, no. 2 (April 1996): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13811119608251963.

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11

Lester, David. "Suicidality in german concentration camps." Archives of Suicide Research 3, no. 3 (July 1997): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13811119708258274.

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12

Rautenberg, Uta. "Interpreting in Nazi Concentration Camps." Social History 42, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 447–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2017.1320139.

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13

Dillon, Christopher. "Concentration camps: a short history*." International Affairs 94, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiy037.

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14

Summerfield, D. "Psychological survival after concentration camps." BMJ 307, no. 6903 (August 28, 1993): 568. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.307.6903.568-b.

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15

Moore, Paul. "‘And What Concentration Camps Those Were!’: Foreign Concentration Camps in Nazi Propaganda, 1933-9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 649–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366557.

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This article examines nazi propaganda on non-German ‘concentration camps’ in the years 1933—9. It shows how the regime publicized internment facilities in Austria, the Soviet Union and South Africa during the Boer War for rhetorical effect. This examination is placed within the context of extensive nazi propaganda concerning Germany’s own camps, demonstrating that the two propaganda strands worked not contrary to each other, but rather in a mutually reinforcing manner. In addition, the article will explore the legacy of this propaganda material in shaping popular attitudes with the onset of war and genocide.

16

Nijakowski, Lech M. "Trudna definicja „obozu koncentracyjnego”." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 67, no. 1 (March 31, 2023): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2023.67.1.1.

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This paper discusses only the systems of concentration camps, omitting how individual camps functioned. The analysis starts with late 19th-century Spanish camps in Cuba and ends with late 20th-century camps for Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first part of the paper discusses the problems of defining a concentration camp and proposes an original definition. The second part focuses on the victims, including their position within the camp hierarchy. The third part shows the practice of history politics based on the system of camps to which Silesians and other groups were sent after the war. Consequently, the paper offers an original definition of a concentration camp that is missing from many scholarly papers, and discusses Polish complications in history politics related to avoiding the term “Polish concentration camps”. The interpretation was based on the hermeneutics of academic literature and multimodal discourse analysis, especially as it pertains to post-war camps.

17

Cesarani, David. "Camps de la mort, camps de concentration et camps d'internement dans la mémoire collective britannique." Vingtième Siècle, revue d'histoire 54, no. 1 (1997): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xxs.1997.3627.

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18

Cesarani, David. "Camps de la mort, camps de concentration et camps d'internement dans la memoire collective britannique." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 54 (April 1997): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3771406.

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19

Cesarani, David. "Camps de la mort, camps de concentration et camps d'internement dans la mémoire collective britannique." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 54, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ving.p1997.54n1.0013.

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20

Grzechowiak, Jarosław. "Jedzenie w polskich filmach fabularnych o tematyce obozowej." Kultura Popularna 2, no. 56 (June 29, 2018): 132–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.1143.

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The article is about food motives in Polish movies and TV serieses about concentration camps. It contains analysis of movies with concentration camps theme and indication of functions in which food performs in that productions. The post-war texts in the field of psychology and memories of concentration camps memories were quoted in that article.

21

Fackler, Guido. "Music in Concentration Camps 1933–1945." Témoigner. Entre histoire et mémoire, no. 124 (April 2, 2017): 60–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/temoigner.5732.

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22

Waseda, Minako. "Music in Japanese American Concentration Camps." Témoigner. Entre histoire et mémoire, no. 124 (April 2, 2017): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/temoigner.5765.

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23

van der Zanden, Christine Schmidt. "Slave labor in Nazi concentration camps." Holocaust Studies 22, no. 4 (May 26, 2016): 451–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2016.1187840.

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24

Bukvić, Rajko. "Concentration camps: A view on guards." Crimen 10, no. 1 (2019): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/crimen1901003b.

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25

Ryn, Zdzislaw. "Suicides in the Nazi Concentration Camps." Suicide and Life-Threatening Behavior 16, no. 4 (December 1986): 419–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1943-278x.1986.tb00728.x.

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26

Beorn, Waitman Wade. "Slave Labor in Nazi Concentration Camps." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 30, no. 2 (August 2016): 360–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcw030.

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27

John, Eckhard. "Music and concentration camps: An approximation." Journal of Musicological Research 20, no. 4 (January 2001): 269–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01411890108574791.

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28

Hoffmann-Curtius, K. "Memorials for the Dachau Concentration Camps." Oxford Art Journal 21, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/21.2.21.

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29

Fleck, Christian, and Albert Müller. "Bruno Bettelheim and the concentration camps." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 33, no. 1 (1997): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199724)33:1<1::aid-jhbs1>3.0.co;2-y.

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30

Володимир Васильович Очеретяний and Інна Іванівна Ніколіна. "THE PROCESS OF CREATING THE NAZI CAMP SYSTEM IN POLAND DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 239–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111817.

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This article analyzes the process of creating the German camp system in Poland. The Nazi racial politics towards the Jews promoted their isolation from the so-called "full part of society". For this purpose, two main mechanisms for their separation were created: concentration camps, some of which were transformed into "factories of death", and Jewish ghettos. The establishment of concentration camps in Poland was preceded by a long process of organizational and legal registration first in Germany itself, and later on the territories occupied by it. This process was accompanied by numerous Jewish pogroms and arrests, which was an integral part of the Nazi anti-Semitic policy. Concentration camps were carefully thought out and well-organized institutions with a refined mechanism of prisoners’ maintenance, coercion and punishment. Different by their intended purpose were "death camps" that were not intended to hold prisoners, but to destroy them quickly and in large scale. Most of them were located on the territory of Poland, where the Jews from all over Europe were brought. These included Chelmno, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, Auschwitz-Birkenau and Maydanek. It was observed in the article that German concentration camps were created to isolate, repress and destroy the undesirable elements of the regime. Despite the early formation of this system, its dissemination in the territories occupied by the Nazis, particularly in Poland, took place in 1938-1939s. At that time the German concentration camps turned into an instrument of ruthless anti-Semitic policy that became a classic genocide. Due to the fact that the concentration camps capacities did not allow to sufficiently fulfill their tasks, during 1939-1945s in Poland, new, so-called "death camps" were established. They were equipped with gas chambers and crematorium that carried out large-scale destruction of the Jews.

31

Muñoz-Encinar, Laura. "Beyond mass graves: exhuming Francoist concentration camps." Heritage, Memory and Conflict 3 (May 10, 2023): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/hmc.3.71312.

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As several historical investigations have revealed, between 130,000 and 150,000 Republicans were executed during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and Franco’s dictatorship (1939–1977). The Francoist repressive strategy – unleashed after the coup d’état of 17 July 1936 – developed complex mechanisms of physical and psychological punishment. The continuing subjugation of those still living was enacted through concentration camps, prisons and forced labour. During the War and Franco’s dictatorship, there were nearly three hundred concentration camps, and between 367,000 and 500,000 prisoners went through those camps. During the transition to democracy, neither the State nor the judiciary investigated mass crimes connected to the repression and execution of left-wing Republicans. After Franco’s death, some family groups recovered some of these bodies buried in unmarked mass graves without scientific involvement. In the year 2000, the first scientific exhumations took place, and since then, more than 400 mass graves have been opened, and up to 9.000 bodies have been recovered. The memory of the victims of Franco’s violence has been mainly centralised on mass graves. The opening of mass graves has positioned the Spanish Civil War case within the international sphere of human rights violations and has also opened a new window of opportunity for the analysis of Francoist concentration camps. In this article, I provide a holistic study of mass graves that combines archaeology and forensic anthropology with historical and ethnographic research in order to examine, in detail, both the burials and the broader landscape of the repression. In this contribution, I focus on the Concentration Camp of Castuera, in southwestern Spain, a forgotten campscape, and show how mass graves, which have become widely known as sites of research and commemoration in Spain, were closely related to the camps’ complex repressive system. My results have allowed me to conduct an integrated analysis of this context of political violence. I conclude that archaeology and forensic anthropology have played a crucial role in elucidating the functioning and social reality of Spanish camps, whilst enabling new narratives about past Francoist repression.

32

Wünschmann, Kim. "Cementing the Enemy Category: Arrest and Imprisonment of German Jews in Nazi Concentration Camps, 1933-8/9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 576–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366556.

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Understandably, research has focused overwhelmingly on Jews in the camps of the Holocaust. But the nazis had been detaining Jews in concentration camps ever since 1933, at times in large numbers. Who were these prisoners? This article analyzes nazi policies that brought Jews into the concentration camps. It ventures into the inner structure and dynamics of one of the most heterogeneous groups of concentration camp inmates. By contrasting the perpetrators’ objectives with the victims’ experiences, this article will illuminate the role of the concentration camp as the ultimate means of pressure in the fatal process of turning a minority group into an outsider group: that is, the act of defining and marking the enemy which was the critical stage before the destruction of European Jewry. Furthermore, it will examine Jewish reactions to SS terror inside the camps.

33

Fackler, Guido. "Cultural Behaviour and the Invention of Traditions: Music and Musical Practices in the Early Concentration Camps, 1933-6/7." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 601–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366704.

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This article investigates music in the concentration camps before the second world war. For the camp authorities, ordering prisoners to sing songs or play in orchestras was an instrument of domination. But for the prisoners, music could also be an expression of solidarity and survival: inmates could retain a degree of their own agency in the pre-war camps, despite the often unbearable living conditions and harsh treatment by guards. The present article emphasizes this ambiguity of music in the early camps. It illustrates the emergence of musical traditions in the pre-war camps which came to have a significant impact on everyday life in the camps. It helps to overcome the view that concentration camp prisoners were simply passive victims.

34

Koljanin, Milan. "The role of concentration camps in suppressing the uprising in Serbia in 1941." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, spec br (2022): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2200118k.

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The internment of tens of thousands of people in the newly created network of permanent and temporary camps was an important integral part of actions of the occupation forces in Serbia during the suppression of mass insurgent movement in the summer and autumn of 1941. The main purpose of these camps was to be a reservoir of people to be shot for the German losses in the battles with the insurgents in the proportion of 100 for one killed, or 50 for a wounded German soldier or Volksdeutsche. The network of permanent camps consisted of camps at Banjica in Belgrade, Šabac and Niš. For the territory of Banat, a camp was formed in Veliki Bečkerek (today Zrenjanin), ending the formation of a network of permanent camps. They also served as a place of internment of hostages, real or potential opponents of the occupation, but also some other categories of men and women. Starting from April 1942, permanent camps in Serbia were given the function of a source for forced labor in concentration and labor camps in Germany or in occupied countries, including Serbia itself. The main role was played by the camp at the Belgrade Fair and the camp at Banjica, where detainees from other camps were sent for forced labor. This was also the result of a change in policy towards captured insurgents and their sympathizers, which was a reflection of the growing need of the German war economy for labor. In May 1942, the role of the central German camp in Serbia was taken over by the camp at the Belgrade Fair, now under the name Anhaltelager Semlin (Prihvatni logor Zemun). Temporary camps served almost exclusively for the internment of captured members of the insurgent movement, their sympathizers, civilian population and as a source of people for mass shootings. Among temporary camps, the most important were the Transit Camp in the barracks on Senjak, in Šabac and the Jewish Transit Camp Topovske Šupe (Cannon Sheds) in Belgrade. The second camp served exclusively as a source of Jews and Roma for mass shootings and was the main and largest reservoir of these categories of prisoners. The camp ceased to exist at the time of the formation of the Jewish Camp Zemun, which, after the killing of the Jewish prisoners, became the central German camp in occupied Serbia.

35

Jacquier, Charles. "Contribution à l'histoire des camps de concentration." Commentaire Numéro 75, no. 3 (August 1, 1996): 745–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.075.0745.

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36

Lake, Mackenzie. "Book Review: Concentration Camps: A Short History." Genocide Studies and Prevention 13, no. 1 (April 2019): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.13.1.1635.

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37

Jurgenson, Luba. "La mort dans les camps de concentration." Article 19, no. 1 (November 1, 2007): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/016632ar.

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Résumé Après avoir analysé les processus de mise à mort et de destruction (ou enterrement anonyme) des corps dans les camps nazis et soviétiques, on examinera les rites élaborés au sein de la société concentrationnaire autour des mourants et des cadavres ainsi que l’état physique et psychologique particulier entre la vie et la mort qui fait l’objet de constructions narratives complexes dans les récits des survivants. On interrogera les stratégies visant à représenter ces états-limite et à reconstituer les espaces conçus pour produire du néant. On tentera de montrer que le texte du témoignage, au-delà de son objectif explicite – transmettre l’expérience – est un texte agissant investi de fonction de sépulture.

38

Martin, Roger, and Association des Deportes du Jura-F.N.D.I.R.P. "Les Jurassiens dans les camps de concentration." Le Mouvement social, no. 148 (July 1989): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3778818.

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39

Buggeln, Marc. "Dan Stone, Concentration Camps: A Short History." European History Quarterly 47, no. 4 (September 25, 2017): 791–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417729639au.

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40

Garland, C. "The lasting trauma of the concentration camps." BMJ 307, no. 6896 (July 10, 1993): 77–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.307.6896.77.

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41

Engel, H. "Organisation For The Relief Of Concentration Camps." Journal of the Royal Army Medical Corps 149, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 340–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jramc-149-04-16.

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42

SCHIFFRIN, DEBORAH. "Language and Public Memorial: `America's Concentration Camps'." Discourse & Society 12, no. 4 (July 2001): 505–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926501012004005.

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43

Blatman, Daniel. "Marc Buggeln.Slave Labor in Nazi Concentration Camps." American Historical Review 121, no. 2 (April 2016): 674–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.2.674.

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44

Benneyworth, Garth. "A case study of four South African War (1899-1902) Black concentration camps." New Contree 84 (July 30, 2020): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v84i0.41.

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On 11 October 1899, the South African War commenced between the British Empire and the South African Republic and Orange Free State Republic. This conflict saw the targeting of civilians by all sides throughout the conflict and a harbinger of 20th century “Total War”, when civilians and their resources were harnessed to support military objectives. Set against the prior use of concentration camps in Cuba and the Philippines, the war was followed by a genocidal campaign undertaken by Imperial Germany against the Herero people in German South West Africa in 1906.Although civilian internment in South Africa was not genocidal by design and purpose, it caused a high loss of life and lasting bitterness amongst Boer descendants. Black concentration camps, however, were far more lethal to their internees and designed along a completely different model. Their role was to coerce labour while supporting the British war effort in defeating the Republican forces. Through a work or starve policy, combined with withholding food, medical support and shelter, many perished from systemic neglect. Yet the memory of this experience of the black concentration camps has entered historical discourse only recently, in the last three decades.The area of study, examined by this article, is those black concentration camps established during 1901 to 1902, at Klip River Station, Witkop, Meyerton and Vereeniging, in the former South African Republic (ZAR). Contemporary tangible evidence of these camps remains fleeting. However, this article identifies where these camps existed and how they were integrated into the British military’s counter-guerrilla warfare strategy. This in turn enables further research into these camps that may conclusively establish their historic locations.

45

Collotti, Enzo. "De l’assignation à résidence forcée aux camps de concentration." Chroniques allemandes 12, no. 1 (2008): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chral.2008.878.

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Le processus législatif qui a mené à la création de camps d’internement en Italie doit être analysé dans le cadre général de l’évolution de l’appareil répressif du régime fasciste. Les lois d’exception de 1926 jettent les bases d’un arsenal permettant de réprimer de manière extrajudiciaire et administrative toute manifestation d’opposition, et dont l’élément central est le confino di polizia (assignation à résidence forcée) qui reprend des formes antérieures de privation administrative de liberté. Dans la perspective d’une prochaine guerre, les autorités préparent dès le milieu des années 30 le catalogue des Italiens et étrangers à interner dans des camps, et choisissent des lieux appropriés. Il existe des liens étroits entre ces mesures et les lois antisémites promulgués en 1938. C’est ce rapprochement qui donnera aux camps italiens leur caractère véritablement fasciste.

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HOMOLA, JONATHAN, MIGUEL M. PEREIRA, and MARGIT TAVITS. "Legacies of the Third Reich: Concentration Camps and Out-group Intolerance." American Political Science Review 114, no. 2 (January 27, 2020): 573–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000832.

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We explore the long-term political consequences of the Third Reich and show that current political intolerance, xenophobia, and voting for radical right-wing parties are associated with proximity to former Nazi concentration camps in Germany. This relationship is not explained by contemporary attitudes, the location of the camps, geographic sorting, the economic impact of the camps, or their current use. We argue that cognitive dissonance led those more directly exposed to Nazi institutions to conform with the belief system of the regime. These attitudes were then transmitted across generations. The evidence provided here contributes both to our understanding of the legacies of historical institutions and the sources of political intolerance.

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Rouhart, Jean-Louis. "Correspondance illégale dans les camps de concentration nazis et les camps ITL du Goulag." Témoigner. Entre histoire et mémoire, no. 131 (October 1, 2020): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/temoigner.9428.

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Stelingowska, Barbara. "Wysiedlenie widziane oczami dziecka z Zamojszczyzny." Narracje o Zagładzie, no. 6 (November 23, 2020): 426–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/noz.2020.06.24.

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The article undertakes the topic of forced population displacement seen through the eyes of a child from Zamojszczyzna along with war-time fates of Polish families deported duringthe Second World War. The history of Zamojszczyzna lands is composed of tragic experiences of people forced out of their family households, imprisoned in the transit camps, deported to be involuntary labourers in the Third Reich, or murdered in concentration camps KL Auschwitz and KL Lublin (Majdanek). The survivors had to carry on throughout their lives with an indelible mark left by war-time childhood reflected by the name “a Child of Zamojszczyna” (the said status was granted to persons who were prisoners of the transit camps in Zamość and Zwierzyniec [solely children until the age of fourteen] and those imprisoned in concentration camps [for at least one day]).

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Yakemenko, Boris Grigor'evich. "Concentration camps of Nazi Germany as a phenomenon. Opportunities and the problem of understanding." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-211-221.

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This article deals with the Nazi concentration camps as a phenomenon of social life and social thought in Europe in the mid-second half of the twentieth century. Today, when the world is experiencing a crisis of political and social institutions, there is less and less hope that this realization will happen. It describes the prerequisites for the formation of the system of concentration camps in Nazi Germany, the forms of their functioning, and provides comparative data on the statistics of the number of camps. It is also pointed out the importance of understanding the processes of psychological destruction of a person in the camp.

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FAVARO, A., F. C. RODELLA, and P. SANTONASTASO. "Binge eating and eating attitudes among Nazi concentration camp survivors." Psychological Medicine 30, no. 2 (March 2000): 463–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291799008521.

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Background. Prisoners in Nazi concentration camps lived through extreme situations that included starvation. We test our hypothesis that there is a greater lifetime presence of binge eating among survivors from concentration camps than in a control group.Methods. The subjects were 51 political prisoners who survived Nazi concentration camps and 47 ex-partisans of similar age and sex. A clinical interview investigated the lifetime occurrence of binge eating. The Eating Attitudes Test was also administered.Results. The mean reported loss of weight among survivors was 27·3 kg. Thirty-three per cent of them and 4% of the ex-partisans reported going on eating binges at some time in their lives (P < 0·0007). There was no significant difference in the Eating Attitudes Test scores of survivors and ex-partisans, but, among survivors, the Bulimia subscale significantly discriminated subjects who reported current binge eating.Conclusions. Our study confirms that subjects who have survived a period of extreme food deprivation are more likely to develop binge eating behaviour.

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