Статті в журналах з теми "Burnt offerings"

AbstractThe 'ōlāh off ering receives pride of place in most lists of sacrifi ces in the Hebrew Bible, including the ritual rules of Leviticus. Its prominence in these texts suggests that the writers expected its mention to have an eff ect on their audience. This rhetorical eff ect must be evaluated and understood before the references to the 'ōlāh can be used to reconstruct ancient religious practices reliably. A comparative analysis of the rhetoric about the 'ōlāh suggests that its priority burnished the image of priests as devoted selfl essly to divine worship and drew attention away from their economic interests in the sacrifi cial system mandated in the Torah. The eff ect of this rhetoric in later Jewish and Christian traditions was to separate the ideal of "sacrifice" from any necessary connection to actual animal off erings.

Rubber had important utilitarian, symbolic, and ritual roles in ancient Mesoamerica. Among the latter is the use of rubber balls as burnt offerings. This paper examines characteristic iconographic manifestations of rubber-ball offerings in Mesoamerican art. One of these, the spiral, seen in the Postclassic Maya codices, is shown to have had greater temporal and geographic distribution than previously thought. Another is the Standard Rubber Offering, a widespread motif in Mesoamerican art that links rubber balls to feathers and rope bindings. In considering why rubber balls were shown bound in rope, the paper examines the physical properties of natural rubber. Understanding the iconographic nuances of rubber balls as ritual offerings sheds new light on the symbolism of rubber balls in ballgame scenes and allows identification of certain images as rubber balls that were previously unrecognized.

Finds of metalwork always raise the question of why they were deposited: a smith's collection, a concealed hoard or a votive offering? Findspots in water suggest offerings, since they would be awkward to retrieve. But understanding the context of deposition means knowing the prehistoric environment. The Fenland area of England has many Bronze Age sites, and deposits of metalwork and a well-mapped ancient environment too. Putting all three together the authors begin to assemble a grammar of deposition: swords and rapiers in rivers, some mixed collections placed in still water and others on once-dry land with burnt mounds.

AbstractJob’s burnt offerings for his sons and daughters followed by their death (Job 1) resembles the sequence of Aaron’s burnt offerings for himself and his sons followed by the death of his oldest sons (Lev 8–10). Within this common sequence of events, the two stories share a cluster of important, identical lexemes. Although it is not impossible that these features could have resulted unintentionally from a shared scribal culture, the textual evidence is strong enough to indicate that the scribe of Job’s prologue alludes to the priestly inauguration story of Leviticus 8–10. By reading Job after Leviticus, one sees the sharp contrast between the divine silence following Job’s intermediary sacrifices (Job 1:5, 18–19) and the divine response both to Aaron’s and to Nadab and Abihu’s sacrifices (Lev 9:22–10:3). This study clarifies how the story of Job rejects a mechanistic understanding not only of traditional wisdom, but of the Priestly cultic tradition of ancient Israel and Judah.

Abstract There is a consensus in current research that Levitical law never requires blood to be tossed upon the upper surface of the altar. This conception has reinforced—and has been reinforced by—an understanding that yhwh is never to be offered blood. However, it appears that according to several priestly texts, the blood of many sacrifices, including wellbeing, whole-burnt and reparation offerings, is to be tossed upon the upper surface of the altar.

Summary During rescue excavations between 2009 and 2013 carried out at the periphery of the vicus at Kempraten (municipality of Rapperswil-Jona, St. Gallen, Switzerland) a Gallo-Roman sanctuary, dating from the second quarter of the 2nd to the end of the 3rd century AD, was unearthed. The excavation included intense sampling for geoarchaeology and archaeobiology, which prompted the Archaeology Department of Canton St. Gall (KASG) to launch an interdisciplinary project. Four curse tablets attest to the cult of Magna Mater in the sanctuary at Kempraten. This paper presents the first results of the interdisciplinary study and compares them to the Magna Mater sanctuary at Mainz (Germany), focusing on 1. the layout of the sanctuary, 2. sacrificing, 3. feastings and 4. cursing. The comparison between both sites showed that there was no strict setting of rituals in the cult of Magna Mater, but the importance of cursing and of burnt sacrifices is characteristic for both sites. Summing up: The temple precinct at Kempraten had a specific setting, which showed on one hand local and regional influences, for instance in terms of the temple architecture and the choice of food offerings. On the other hand, distinct differences between the Kempraten sanctuary and local Gallo-Roman sanctuaries can be observed, for instance in relation to cursing, the composition and the importance of the burnt offerings.

In addressing people living far away, the prophet Isaiah (56.5–7) says: ‘And the foreigners who join themselves to the Lord, to minister to him, to love the name of the Lord, and to be his servants, every one who keeps the Sabbath, and does not profane it, and holds fast to my covenant – these I will bring to my holy mountain, and make them joyful in my house of prayer; their burnt offerings and their sacrifices will be accepted on my altar; for my house shall be called a house of prayer for all the peoples.’

The philosopher Enrique Dussel offers a critical analysis of European construction of indigenous peoples which he calls “transmodern.” His theory is especially relevant to feminist and other concerns about the potential disabling effects of postmodern approaches for political action and the development of theory. Dussel divides modernity into two concurrent paradigms. Reflection on them suggests that modernism and postmodernism should not be too strongly distinguished. In conclusion, his approach is compared with that of Mohanty.

This article investigates the importance of smell in the sacrificial cults of the ancient Mediterranean, using the Yahweh temple on Mount Gerizim and the Hebrew Bible as a case-study. The material shows that smell was an important factor in delineating sacred space in the ancient world and that the sense of smell was a crucial part of the conceptualization of the meeting between the human and the divine. In the Hebrew Bible, the temple cult is pervaded by smell. There is the sacred oil laced with spices and aromatics with which the sanctuary and the priests are anointed. There is the fragrant and luxurious incense, which is burnt every day in front of Yahweh and finally there are the sacrifices and offerings that are burnt on the altar as ‘gifts of fire’ and as ‘pleasing odors’ to Yahweh. The gifts that are given to Yahweh are explicitly described as pleasing to the deity’s sense of smell. On Mount Gerizim, which is close to present-day Nablus on the west bank, there once stood a temple dedicated to the god Yahweh, whom we also know from the Hebrew Bible. The temple was in use from the Persian to the Hellenistic period (ca. 450 – 110 BCE) and during this time thousands of animals (mostly goats, sheep, pigeons and cows) were slaughtered and burnt on the altar as gifts to Yahweh. The worshippers who came to the sanctuary – and we know some of them by name because they left inscriptions commemorating their visit to the temple – would have experienced an overwhelming combination of smells: the smell of spicy herbs baked by the sun that is carried by the wind, the smell of humans standing close together and the smell of animals, of dung and blood, and behind it all as a backdrop of scent the constant smell of the sacrificial smoke that rises to the sky.

The contours of Louis MacNeice's career are rarely contested: from the high point of his nineteen thirties work, reaching a crescendo with Autumn Journal (1939), he drifted into a slump, reaching a nadir with two collections from the early nineteen fifties, Ten Burnt Offerings (1952) and Autumn Sequel (1954), before reviving to develop a startling new style at the end of the decade. The historical moment clearly demanded stylistic renegotiation, both for poets living in Ireland and those outside it, but in comparison with the new styles developed coterminously by Clarke and Kavanagh, MacNeice's late work is stark, suggestive of nightmarish solipsism and a breakdown of social cohesion. If the failure of his volumes from the early Fifties suggested a symbolic break between self and society, his subsequent inward turn affirms the self as the ground of lyric poetry. MacNeice's late work should be understood as symptomatic of an encroaching dissolution of communality that would profoundly affect the cultures of both islands as the twentieth century progressed. This essay explores MacNeice's stylistic evolution at mid century and considers the extent to which these developments were an essential foundation for the creation of his remarkable late style.

There are various burial cultures in Indonesia, including the Chinese ethnic burial culture. What is interesting in almost all burial cultures is the cultural heritage that has been passed down through generations. The question is how actually the ceremonial Chinese ethnic funeral ritual is, and what the symbols in the ethnic Chinese funeral ritual mean. This research provides an answer solution. This research is a qualitative research. The results of the study concluded that before the funeral ritual is carried out, younger family members pay their respects to the older deceased. During the funeral ritual, the next of kin accompany the vehicle carrying the body to the burial or cremation site, on foot, if the burial place is relatively close, or by vehicle if the burial place is far away. During the funeral, flowers, offerings, food and burnt incense are served. The culture of the Chinese funeral ritual was based on belief as a form of human relations with the creator of life and also as a way to maintain the symbol of family or relatives with the deceased and to bear the sins of the deceased.

The archaeological site of Salorno—Dos de la Forca (Bozen, Alto Adige) provides one of the rarest and most significant documentations of cremated human remains preserved from an ancient cremation platform (ustrinum). The pyre area, located along the upper Adige valley, is dated to the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1150–950 BCE) and has yielded an unprecedented quantity of cremated human remains (about 63.5 kg), along with burnt animal bone fragments, shards of pottery, and other grave goods made in bronze and animal bone/antler. This study focuses on the bioanthropological analysis of the human remains and discusses the formation of the unusual burnt deposits at Salorno through comparisons with modern practices and protohistoric and contemporaneous archaeological deposits. The patterning of bone fragmentation and commingling was investigated using spatial data recorded during excavation which, along with the bioanthropological and archaeological data, are used to model and test two hypotheses: Salorno—Dos de la Forca would be the result of A) repeated primary cremations left in situ; or B) of residual material remaining after select elements were removed for internment in urns or burials to unknown depositional sites. By modelling bone weight and demographic data borrowed from regional affine contexts, the authors suggest that this cremation site may have been used over several generations by a small community–perhaps a local elite. With a quantity of human remains that exceeds that of any other coeval contexts interpreted as ustrina, Salorno may be the product of a complex series of rituals in which the human cremains did not receive individual burial, but were left in situ, in a collective/communal place of primary combustion, defining an area of repeated funeral ceremonies involving offerings and libations across a few generations. This would represent a new typological and functional category that adds to the variability of mortuary customs at the end of the Bronze Age in the Alpine are, at a time in which “globalising” social trends may have stimulated the definition of more private identities.

British and American cinema used a haunted house motif to tell a story about a family in a time of economic crisis. Most of the movies mentioned in the article are found on a similar pattern: not wealthy family is buying or renting a big house; they believe that this is their future dream place, so they spend their last money on house repairs. Though they are broke, they continue to live on their „American dream”. Neoliberal myths instruct them that in American or British society there’s no place for economic losers. By this time house is reviling the symptoms of being haunted by the demons and along with the paranormal phenomena wife, husband and their children are starting to show their demons (they are extremely violent and stressed). Economic problems are linked with interpersonal family drama and the decay of social relations. Haunted house horrors are showing that the only remedy for their problems they can find in the past. Film characters from movies such as Burnt Offerings and The Amityville Horror believe that conservatism and old values are going to help their situation. In the end, it turns out that, this symbolic return to the past is just another form of ideological oppression.

ABSTRACTCamphor is a waxy white sublimating chemical derived from natural as well as synthetic sources and widely used in various communities worldwide for a number of medicinal, culinary, and religious reasons. Camphor is burnt as an offering to God in many religious communities. We report three incidences of self inflicted injury from burning camphor on the palm resulting in full thickness burns. Non-suicidal self-injury is socially unacceptable destruction or alteration of body tissue when there is no suicidal intent or pervasive developmental disorder and we have explored an association between this and burn injury. This report also highlights the unique social and cultural pattern of this burn injury and the importance of psycho-therapeautic help for these victims.

Historical NoteThe chronological table of rulers of Hatra includes an ambiguous person named Wrwd mrya, who supposedly succeeded Nshryhb mrya. Is he the latter's younger brother or older son? The epigraphical and sculptural evidence suggest that Nşru mrya, who followed Wrwd, is the son of Nshryhb mrya and was in fact Wrwd himself, who acquired the epithet or appellative Nşru, meaning the winner, protector, and defender. This epithet reflects that he led the Hatrenes and Arab tribes in their defence against the Roman army of Trajan in 116/117 A.D. Wrwd/Nsru commemorated his victory in a relief lintel in Shrine V at Hatra.Iconographical NoteThe excavators of Shrine I discovered the famous sculptured slab known as the Cerberus relief, depicting a god of the underworld with snakes and scorpions, thought to be an image of Nergal. However, the excavation of Shrine II revealed an altar, one side of which is carved in relief with a similar underworld deity with snakes. The other side of the altar is incised with an inscription mentioning a god Zqyqa. Thus, Zqyqa at Hatra is the god of the underworld, rather than Nergal.Religious NoteAn enigmatic statue was discovered in Shrine I, depicting a standing horned male. On the base is an Aramaic inscription mentioning the name Kenzw; he was identified as an ‘unknown god’. The excavation of Building A by an Italian team discovered a horned male statue with an inscription that referred to him as Hpyzw. It was originally placed on a podium set against the façade of the house courtyard. In front of the podium was an altar and evidence of ashes and burnt offerings. This context indicates that the horned statue of Hpyzw was worshipped and offerings were presented to him as a founder of the household. The similarity of the two statues suggests that a type of ancestor worship was practised at Hatra.

Paul Hidajat focused on extracting the Book of Leviticus in simple and concise language. The preparation of this book began from a discussion on the social media group (WA) of God's servants from various types of ministries. The discussion was also about the Book of Leviticus and how the application of God's people today should be done. How to understand the Book of Leviticus with provisions that seem difficult to find material and source in the present day? What to do to find replacement material that can't be found? Including how to formulate various worship and practices of burnt offerings, forgiveness of sins or the purification of priests who are indeed in a different context to the present? Using the method of extracting words with the support of cultural context, and the times of writing. Hidajat carefully provides answers to various initial questions in discussions on social media groups through this book. The holiness of the priest today deserves to be maintained so that the continuation of the faith of God's chosen church in the present is maintained. God gives various rules and regulations to guide His people to live holy life and honor God's grace while in it God's love is manifest in the redemption of man. These rules and regulations are given to show God's concern and love for His chosen people.

Much recent scholarship on "thysia" sees the meaning and function of the rite for the ancient Greeks to stem partly or largely from the beliefs and emotions surrounding the slaughter of the victim. Scholars have proposed that the Greeks experienced fear and awe when they killed animals for food, and that the source of these feelings was a perception of the slaughter of liverstock as akin to murder. This paper considers evidence for the ancient Greek experience of the rite of "thysia", with the ultimate aim of shedding light on current theories of sacrifice. My source is the extensive system of imagery of "thysia" in Attic vase-painting. I view this imagery not as a series of illustrations of the way "thysia" was performed but rather as a map of the way it was conceptualized. Analyzed in this way, the iconography of "thysia" yields information on the degree to which "thysia" was identified with slaughter, and on the emotions inspired by the rite. The visual terms of definition of "thysia" in this repertory are not slaughter and burnt offerings but rather edible animals and the preparation of meat in the context of feasts and festivals. The semantic range of this imagery is the basis for conclusions about the emotional connotations of "thysia". The depiction of slaughter and of unwilling victims may be associated with the iconography of revelry and appears in some scenes to be the focus of humor. Most significant are the employment of "thysia" in the depiction of victory and the development of several important scene types of "thysia" as subsets of the iconography of Dionysian symposion and kōmos. In these contexts, the imagery of "thysia" appears as a visual metaphor denoting joy and celebration.

Abstract Introduction CDC estimated more than 87,000 fire/burn injuries in 2017 among children 0–15 years old. Scald burns are the most common form of burn injury for children in the United States and are estimated to cost $44 million annually. Understanding the circumstances surrounding burn incidents and caretakers’ responses to them are needed to better guide prevention and education offerings. Methods We used a mixed methods approach to better understand pediatric scald burn mechanisms along with caregivers’ general knowledge, first aid responses and ability to accurately report characteristics of their child’s injury. Caregivers of children < 15 year old attending a burn follow up clinic with their child were recruited. Participants completed a 39-item, iPad-based survey that captured information about the circumstances, location and cause of the scald burn, whether first aid was provided, and caregiver/child demographics. With permission of the caregiver, the child’s medical record was accessed to collect burn descriptors (e.g., burn severity, total body surface area (TBSA), etc) to compare with parent self-report. Data collection occurred between May 2018 - May 2019. The study was approved by our institutional review board. Results Surveys were completed by 55 parents; 75% agreed to medical record review. The typical respondent was the female caregiver (80%) with more than a high school education (67%). The typical burn incident occurred in the kitchen (60%) of the family’s home (80%) and in the presence of the caregiver (71%). Seventy percent of respondents reported applying first aid; among those, 50% administered the proper first aid (using cool water on the burn) despite most (44%) reporting feeling “not confident” in the ability to do so. More than half (53%) didnot know their child’s TBSA; of those who did, self-reported TBSA ranged from 1 to 50%. Medical record review revealed that only 5 participants accurately reported their child’s TBSA. Conclusions Our data reveal that most scald burns occurred in the kitchen, of the child’s home, and in the presence of a caretaker. Half received incorrect first aid and few parents could accurately report their child’s TBSA. These results support the need to strengthen primary prevention offerings and improve parents’ understanding of their child’s burn injury. Applicability of Research to Practice The results of this research can help guide education efforts for primary prevention programs related to pediatric scald burn injuries. Furthermore, results can guide education practices for caregivers of children being treated for a scald burn injury.

At first sight, the charter of Venetian Hevrat Shomerim la-Boker (active circa 16–17th century) mirrors the conflict between the religious aim of the fraternity’s creation and the attention its compilers gave to the procedural and administrative issues. However, the in-depth examination of the data presented in the charter reveals the deep connection between various payments and the religious character of the fraternity. This connection dwells on the range of dual meanings indicative of the payments imposed on the fraternity members. The present paper discusses the dual meanings, connotations, and symbolic dimensions of several aspects of the fraternity’s activities. Two fraternity charters accessed through its minute book (pinkas) provide the necessary data. The first section examines the terminology used to designate payments; the second highlights the connection between the charter and the “last days” before the coming of the Messiah; the third section analyzes the connotations of the “new moon evening” when one of the key fraternity procedures occurred. The data at hand suggests that the fraternity aimed to restore the Temple sacrifice in a symbolic form. The “new sacrifice” took the form of various payments, primarily the monthly payment – tamid, which corresponds to the daily Temple sacrifice. The other aspects of the fraternity’s activities have a symbolic dimension, too. For example, the afternoon prayer on the new moon day, which corresponds to the additional sacrifice in the Temple, turns into one of the central events in the fraternity’s life. Understanding the symbolic contexts of the association’s charter gives way to at least partial reconstruction of the worldviews, mentality, and identity of the fraternity’s members and broadly the early modern Venetian Jews.

Viking Age burial practices in DenmarkTraces of burial rituals in inhumation gravesThe hypothesis examined in this article is that the broad impression of grave forms and burial traditions gained from a comparison of contemporaneous inhumation cemeteries of the Viking Age also includes coincidences in the actions and rituals that can be deduced from the remains present in the graves. A mapping of the traces left by these actions is based on evidence from a number of Viking Age cemeteries in present-day Denmark, Scania and Southern Schleswig, excavated between 1895 and 2007. The resulting record reveals some regional differences but also includes some clear traits that are found repeated at numerous cemetery sites. In the present context, attention is focussed on a number of elements seen in the graves which are then presented, exemplified and discussed. In an attempt to interpret these traces, use is made of Nordic mythology, written sources from the Viking Age and Middle Ages and comparative religious studies relating to the mentality and cosmology of the Viking Age.As a starting point, two recently excavated cemeteries on Zealand are presented, namely Kirke Hyllinge Kirkebakke and Trekroner-Grydehøj near Roskilde (fig. 1). Both contain significant information with respect to burial rituals in the Viking Age.Kirke Hyllinge KirkebakkeKirke Hyllinge Church stands on the highest point in the area, c. 43 m above sea level (fig. 2). The cemetery here had at its core an older barrow and from here the graves extended out over an area measuring 80 m E-W and about 35 m N-S (fig. 3). In all, 28 burials were investigated, of which two were double graves, one contained the remains of three people and yet another the remains of four individuals. Further to these were three presumed inhumation graves and a cremation burial. About 80% of the graves were oriented N-W or NW-SE. Analysis of the human bones revealed that these represented the remains of two males, two females and 13 individuals of indeterminable gender. Of the skeletal remains for which it was possible to determine age, two were of children between the ages of seven and ten, three individuals were less than 20 years old, ten were between 20 and 35 and one person was 35-45 years old (fig. 4). There were artefacts in 17 of the graves and it became apparent that the equipment had been placed in two different locations in the grave (fig. 5). Accompanying the deceased on the floor of the grave lay artefacts such as knife, distaff whorl, whetstone, belt buckle or glass beads. Similar artefacts could also be found distributed through the grave fill above the deceased, often in a more or less damaged state. A particular phenomenon which emerged was the presence of skeletal parts that had been placed in the grave fill. An example of this is grave A590, which was 70 cm deep. On the base of this grave lay the remains of a woman with her equipment. Distributed through the fill above her were teeth from two different adult individuals and three further molars from a c. 8-year-old child. There was also burnt human bone. Another example is grave A569 which, in addition to the deceased at the base of the grave, contained parts of an adult and a c. 10-year-old child.Small pieces of burnt bone were found in 16 of the 31 definite or presumed inhumation graves. The quantity of bone varied from just a few grams to more than 200. Burnt human bone only occurred in two inhumation graves, A590 and A594, and in cremation grave A629.Stones of varying size were found in the fill or at the base of eight graves. The quantity – in terms of both number and weight – varied greatly. Most striking was their presence in A590 and A608. In a couple of cases the stones showed the effects of fire.The distribution of graves across the excavated area showed a tendency towards clustering but no systematic pattern emerged with regard to gender or grave orientation within these groups.Immediately to the south of inhumation grave A583 there were two identical constructions, each comprised of four posts (fig. 6). The two four-poster constructions are so similar, and are situated in such a way, that it seems very likely that one replaced the other. Four-poster constructions can represent a light building, a tent or a frame in, or on, which the deceased was placed for a shorter or longer period prior to actual burial.Trekroner-Grydehøj, RoskildeGrydehøj is a small hill on the eastern periphery of Roskilde. At the beginning of the Viking Age, the west-facing slope of the hill in particular was used as a burial ground (fig. 7). The cemetery had as its core a cluster of earlier burial monuments from the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age located on the top of the hill (fig. 8). Of the 27 inhumation graves detected, 25 lay within an area measuring c. 50 x 33 m running down the west-facing hillside. Most of the graves, c. 80%, were oriented N-S or NW-SE.In addition to single graves there were also double graves in which one body had been placed on top of the other. However, there was also an example where they lay in continuation of one another (fig. 9). Three inhumation graves, of which one was a double grave, had burnt human bone in the grave fill (fig. 10). The results of the analyses of human bone are shown in figures 11 and 12.There were artefacts in 21 graves; these were partly associated with the deceased on the base of the grave and partly found distributed through the overlying fill.A505 differed from the other graves. At the top there were many fieldstones and flint nodules and along its eastern side were three large boulders. The upper part of the grave was found to contain most of the skeleton of a female and parts of a skeleton of a male (fig. 13). At the base of the grave was the skeleton of a female (fig. 14). By her right thigh was an iron point fitted into a solid cast bronze socket which originally had a wooden shaft (fig. 15). This presumably represents a ceremonial object, perhaps a symbol of Odin, master of sorcery. In other words, the artefact could be a völva’s staff. At the foot of the grave, a menhir had been erected over the rear half of a medium-sized dog which had been severed in the middle (fig. 16). Along the eastern side of the grave lay the remains of an old stallion; these partially covered the woman’s left side from the waist downwards.Stones were found in eight graves: in the fill, at the base of the grave or over the skeleton (fig. 18). The most striking of these were the large boulders and the many smaller stones seen in the fill of grave A505. A total of 18 of the 27 inhumation graves were found to contain burnt bone fragments; in the great majority of cases these could not be identified to species. It was, however, possible to establish that there were burnt human remains in graves A2036, A2047 and A2059.The distribution of the graves showed a weak tendency towards grouping. There was no systematic pattern with respect to gender or grave orientation within these groups (see fig. 8).There was a four-poster construction by grave group C and inhumation graves A2030 and A2079, but it is unclear to what degree this was associated with the Viking Age cemetery.Traces of rituals in the Viking Age inhumation gravesThe grave pitThe orientation of the grave pit relative to the points of the compass shows some regional differences. In Northern Zealand and Scania graves orientated N-S are dominant, whereas in Southern and Western Zealand they are more mixed with E-W oriented graves (figs. 20 and 21). The tendency to orientate graves in an E-W direction is more pronounced on Funen (fig. 22), and in Jutland E-W orientated burials are clearly dominant. The orientation of the grave pit appears not to be founded on very fixed perceptions of a religious character. It seems rather to be an expression of local or regional tradition.CoffinsExtensive use was made of the ‘available box’ principle when a coffin was needed for a burial. In general, there appears not to have been any immediate status-related link between coffin form and grave content with respect to simple coffins.Double graves, secondary burials and bone depositionsMost of the graves in which there was a secondary burial above a primary interment reveal clear evidence of the care taken to ensure that the new grave lay within the limits of the original grave pit. We can only speculate as to the background for the double and secondary burials. There could have been a ritual killing, but this is unlikely to have been the case in all instances. The reason for human body parts having been included as grave goods could be an expression of ancestor worship; the graves of particularly important people within or outside the family could have been dug up and the bones and artefacts removed in order for them subsequently to be included in the graves of other deceased members of the family.Burnt bone in the grave fillSmall pieces of white calcined bone are a familiar phenomenon in Viking Age inhumation graves. It seems obvious that the burnt bone represents a ritual. The bones have been crushed before being scattered into the grave as it was back-filled. In fortunate cases the bone can be identified to species and both humans and animals are represented. The unburnt corpse at the base of the grave should be considered as the actual primary occupant of grave, whereas the cremated bone constitutes part of the burial fittings. In ‘Odin’s Law’, which is reproduced in the Ynglinga Saga, cremation is prescribed, but inhumation burial increased in dominance during the course of the Late Germanic Iron Age and Viking Age. The burnt bone in the inhumation graves could, however, be a relic of an older tradition and use – a tribute to Odin.Unburnt animal boneThe unburnt animal bones in the inhumation graves represent a broad spectrum of domestic animals such as pigs, cattle, poultry and sheep/goats. It seems obvious to perceive these bones as representing offerings of food, but the animals could have had further symbolic meaning than food alone. The pig has a role in Nordic mythology, including in the form of the hog Gyldenbørste, Frey’s attribute. Similarly, a hog is sacrificed to Frey. Cattle also had a role as offering in the sacrifice (blot), which is reflected in the term blótnaut, i.e. cattle intended for blot.Dogs do not occupy a prominent role in Nordic mythology but occur commonly in Viking Age graves, both in a cremated and an unburnt state. It is possible that the dog performed the role of spiritual guardian on the journey to the Kingdom of the Dead, or that it symbolised the transition from life to death.The horse encompasses symbolic elements which it is important to note. Sleipner was Odin’s eight-legged horse, and it carried him to and from the Underworld. The horse is, accordingly, perceived as an important auxiliary spirit for those skilled in sorcery in their contacts with the afterlife. The horse was also an important animal in the blot and formed part of ritual meals in connection with this.The presence of animals in the graves is equivocal. There is an explanation which immediately springs to the mind of a modern person but the significance can be accentuated and expanded both mythologi­cally and ritually. It seems clear that there is an embedded symbolism in at least some of the animals placed in the graves and in the treatment of these animals prior to burial. An example of a grave containing several animal offerings is A505 at Trekroner-Grydehøj (see figs. 13, 14 and 16).Stones in the grave pitThe purpose of covering or filling graves with stone packings and the placing of boulders of various sizes in the fill, on the base of the grave or directly on the corpse, does not appear immediately evident on the basis of the archaeological evidence. There are descriptions from the saga litera­ture in which burials and stones belong together, for example in Gisli Sursson’s Saga. It seems obvious that the stones are intended to prevent the corpse returning from the dead.In grave A505 at Trekroner-Grydehøj a small square ‘menhir’ had been set on edge on top of the dog’s corpse (see fig. 16). Similarly, a stone was placed on top of the animal bones at the foot of grave A590 at Kirke Hyllinge Kirkebakke. On the face of it, the menhir on the floor of the grave makes most sense if the grave had stood open, or was only partially back-filled, for a period during which the stone was, as a consequence, fully visible.Artefacts in the grave fillThe deposition of artefacts, whether intact, damaged or unfinished, in the grave fill, reflects burial rituals in which the actual back-filling process was important. The significance of the damaged artefacts is not immediately clear. A situation worthy of note is that, in several instances, damaged distaff whorls and brooches, i.e. female-related artefacts, are found in graves where the deceased interred on the base of the grave was a man. It seems entirely possible that the destruction of feminine artefacts and their deposition high up in the grave fill should be seen in a gender-related context. Spinning and weaving were very strongly linked to the female sphere and the tools associated with these activities can be perceived as a metaphor for performance of magic. Accordingly, the fact that the artefacts are damaged could have been linked with the perception of magic as being strongly effeminate and, in reality, a taboo for men.ConclusionAn interesting aspect of Viking Age burial practices is that it can be shown that rituals and ceremonies took place over longer periods – days, weeks, months and years. This is apparent partly from the presence of artefacts, evenly distributed burnt bone fragments and remains of animals and humans in the grave fill, and partly from the traces of the careful re-opening of a grave in order to inter a further corpse precisely within the limits of the original grave pit. Another thought-provoking aspect relates to the human and animal body parts, both burnt and unburnt, which were added to the grave fill during the back-filling pro­cess. It is obvious that there must have been a well-defined difference between whether bones were cremated or unburnt.Another practice, for which the background does not seem immediately clear, is that stones in various amounts and of various sizes were added to some graves. It must be presumed that the purpose of a packing of fist- to head-sized stones differed from that of a heavy boulder placed directly on the body.Stones erected on the base of a grave did not arrive there by chance. They apparently occur particularly at the head and feet of the deceased and, in some instances, in association with animal bones.Artefacts do not occur exclusively on the base of the grave together with the deceased, but can also be present up in the grave fill. Often the artefacts are fragmented and all the evidence suggests that this destruction took place intentionally prior to deposition. It is difficult to say anything about the powers which may have been ­ascribed to these everyday artefacts, and perhaps it is not the object in its usual surroundings which constitutes a problem. It could, to a greater degree, be the object in association with something unusual which constituted a potential risk. Examples include artefacts such as ornaments and distaff whorls which are associated with women and, as such, could have been more or less taboo for men.Despite these variations, the perception of behaviour and customs was uniform over great distances, both in time and space. The common denominator is not always the most conspicuous aspect but can be deduced from the details which are revealed by archaeological excavations of the cemeteries of the period. What these traces as a consequence actually represent with respect to this world and the next is something, as children of the 20th century, we can only attempt to understand and argue the case for. But it could very well turn out that it all remains a question of belief.Jens UlriksenNæstved

Burn injuries can have a lasting effect on people’s quality of life, as they negatively impact their physical and mental health. Then, they are likely to suffer psychological problems as a result. A serious problem is that deep burns are more challenging to treat due to their slow healing rate and susceptibility to microbial infection. Conventional topical medications used for burn treatment are sometimes ineffective because they cannot optimize their ability of transcutaneous absorption at the targeted site and accelerate healing. However, nanotechnology offers excellent prospects for developing current medical wound therapies and is capable of addressing issues such as low drug stability, water solubility, permeability, and bioavailability. The current review focuses on lipid-based vesicles (vesiculosomes) as an example of advanced delivery systems, showing their potential clinical applications in burn wound management. Vesiculosomes may help overcome impediments including the low bioavailability of active agents, offering the controlled release of drugs, increased drug stability, fewer side effects, and reduced dosing frequency, which will ultimately improve therapeutic efficacy and patient compliance. We discuss the application of various types of vesiculosomes such as liposomes, niosomes, ethosomes, cubosomes, transfersomes, and phytosomes in burn healing therapy, as these demonstrate superior skin penetration compared to conventional burn topical treatment. We also highlight their noteworthy uses in the formulation of natural products and discuss the current status as well as future perspectives of these carriers in burn management. Furthermore, the burn treatment options currently available in the market are also summarized.

Genesis claims that ancient languages were divinely diversified as the linguistic origin. In consistence, this article presents systematic evidence for biblical etymology related to all major body parts and organs. For instance, heart is to heat, brain is to burn, kidney is to kindle burnt offering, and muscle is to slice to the multiple. Sandal is sacred land, scared is sacred scarf, and tragedy is to tear garment. Both objective and abstract words exhibit biblical match, such as random and ransom as escaping scapegoat randomly chosen. Biblical etymology of morals 德, love 愛, real真, eternity 永, memory, necessity 必, secret 秘, accident, pardon 恕 and mister is also presented. Novel interpretation in biblical etymology is also presented for several affixes such as 辰, 者, per, and m/l+vowel+n. In definitive etymology, numerous words such as generation, espionage, pregnancy and agriculture are presented to bilingually match bible, especially the scripture of Moses, reflecting divine creation.

In the North-Tunisian town of Testour one can observe the role of the saint most respected in Testour society: Sidi Ali el Arian. People visit his shrine to make individual offerings and for collective celebrations, especially the annual festival known as a zerda. Sidi Ali’s main role is that of a protector of the people of Testour and their enterprises, and many legends and tales recount his successes in those domains from health to politics. The appeal to Sidi Ali requires a visit to the shrine where the petitioner offers a prayer to God and leaves a modest offering and may burn a candle. An annual festival occurs in the spring and involves the sacrifice of cattle and a communal meal on the resulting meat, and a collective celebration involving drumming, singing, and dancing with occasional trancing.

Background: Various synthetic and biological wound dressings are available for the treatment of superficial burns, and standard care differs among hospitals. Nevertheless, the search for an ideal wound dressing offering a safe healing environment as well as optimal scar quality while being economically attractive is a continuing process. In recent years, Dressilk®, which consists of pure silk, has become the standard of care for the treatment of superficial burns in our hospital. However, no long-term scar-evaluation studies have been performed to compare Dressilk® with the often-used and more expensive Suprathel® in the treatment of superficial burns. Methods: Subjective and objective scar evaluations were performed three, six, and twelve months after treatment in patients who received simultaneous treatment of 20 superficial burn wounds with both Suprathel® and Dressilk®. The evaluations were performed using the Vancouver Scar Scale, the Cutometer®, Mexameter®, Tewameter®, and the O2C®. Results: Both dressings showed mostly equivalent results in subjective scar evaluations. In the objective scar evaluations, the wounds treated with Dressilk® showed a faster return to the qualities of non-injured skin. Wound areas treated with the two dressings showed no significant differences in elasticity and transepidermal water loss after 12 months. Only oxygen saturation was significantly lower in wound areas treated with Suprathel® (p = 0.008). Subjectively, wound areas treated with Dressilk® showed significantly higher pigmentation after six months, which was not apparent after 12 months. Conclusion: Both wound dressings led to esthetically satisfying scar recovery without significant differences from normal uninjured skin after 12 months. Therefore, Dressilk® remains an economically and clinically interesting alternative to Suprathel® for the treatment of superficial burns.

ABSTRACT We study the information content and determinants associated with voluntary management disclosures of going concern (GC) uncertainties by IPO issuers. In terms of information content, we examine IPO price revision and initial return and find robust support that management GC disclosures are associated with downward revisions in the IPO offer price and, upon considering the mediating effects of the price revision, also associated with lower initial returns. In terms of determinants, and after controlling for other factors (e.g., issuer distress, start-up status, size, cash burn), we find that the presence of a management GC disclosure is negatively associated with a proxy for issuer financial incentives to withhold “bad news” and positively associated with the extent of risk factors disclosure. Overall, our results provide support for the information content of voluntary management disclosures of GC uncertainties by IPO issuers, the presence of which is associated with agency and risk motivations. JEL Classifications: G24; G32; M13; M41.

Abstract Introduction Peer support has long been used in Burn Centers through organized support groups and programs like Phoenix Society for Burn Survivor’s SOAR (Survivors Offering Assistance in Recovery) individual peer support, often led by Social Workers (SW). The addition of an ambulatory SW in partnership with an inpatient SW allowed our Burn Center to continue participation in the group and individual peer support offerings despite the simultaneous COVID-19 pandemic. We sought to examine participation in support services using our dual SW model. Methods Prior to 2020, our ABA verified Burn Center only had an inpatient SW who was able to engage our admitted patient population to support services. With the addition of an ambulatory SW, we have been able to target support group participation in the larger ambulatory population. Our dual SW model allows for continued recruitment to our support services; meeting the patient’s needs at each stage of recovery. This tag team approach, coupled with increased use of technology driven by the pandemic, has shown to increase the average number of participants. We reviewed our support group participation and attendance over the past 2 years. Results In calendar year 2020 with one SW facilitator, only 14 virtual support groups were held with an attendance average of 4-5 participants and 22 individual peer support visits. In only the first 9 months of calendar year 2021 with the addition of a second SOAR trained SW, 18 support groups were completed virtually with new inpatient, in-person participation. The participation rate of now bi-monthly support groups has increased to 9 participants per support group average. At this continued rate, we expect to serve 216 attendees per year through support group. In this same 9-month span 51 SOAR individual peer support visits (12 in-person and 39 virtual), were conducted. Which is an increase from the 22 total peer support visits facilitated in 2020. Conclusions An additional SOAR trained SW to our Burn Center has increased participation and availability of support groups and individual peer support visits. Peer support promotes socialization and can provide healing for the burn patients and their families in a meaningful and profound way. Burn centers must continue to prioritize the role of the clinical SW to ensure programs such as SOAR support group and individual peer support can be facilitated to ensure an environment that fosters psychological and emotional healing.

This study has as its objective to investigate possible violent acts suffered by children and adolescents through lesions caused by burns .In order to do so , children and adolescents ranging from 0 to 19 years old of a unit for burned people of the hospital HGE -Ba were used as the target population.For the collect of the data , structered interviews with victims and their responsible ones as well as the documental analysis done through information from clinic files of the target population were used .The analysis of the quantitative data was done using the Excel computer program and the qualitative data was analysed through elaboration of categories .As a result of this study, it was identified that lesions of burn had as their causes the body Violence ( 11,5%),Negligence (48,1%) and Accidents ( 40,4%) .Therefore , professionals of the health area should be trained with the aim of identifying the lesions that denounce violent acts and offering subsidies for violent prevention programs as to serve as a reference for future studies on this topic .

In recent years, the phenomenon of pits with special deposits, i.e. ritual pits, seems to have, once again, attracted attention both in Europe and in the Balkans. In the central Balkans, scientific literature related to this topic is still deficient, hence one of the objectives of this paper is to change the current state and rekindle interest in the study of this form of manifestation of the spiritual culture of prehistoric man. It appears that one of the oldest reasons for sacrificial offerings is primal, instinctive fear. The fear of the transience of life or of death compelled our ancient ancestors to make some sort of ?agreement? with the surrounding forces, bestowing particular sacrifices onto them. Sacrifice represents one of the rituals of prehistoric communities which could have been performed in a number of ways and in different circumstances. One of these are offerings placed in pits, in the form of specific objects, food, drink or living beings sacrificed to higher powers and accompanied by certain symbolic actions, for the purpose of gaining their favour or help. When interpreting pits, what should further be considered is that the fundamental difference between a discarded object and an object used for a ritual purpose lies in the fact that the object of ritual character is still meaningful to man, performing a symbolic function, unlike the former, whose role is lost after being disposed of. Aritual object, an item or a living being sacrificed in a pit, is no longer of common, worldly significance (food, drink, tools, etc.), but rather possesses a symbolic, sacral meaning, intended for higher powers, to propitiate and appease them, that is to create some form of the oldest religious communication. Not only is it difficult to identify the pits used for ritual purposes in the course of fieldwork, but it is even more challenging to interpret them and practically impossible to accurately reconstruct the actions performed during the rituals. Many authors who concern themselves with this topic concur that the context of a pit and the objects within it, the choice of offerings and their symbolism, along with the pit?s stratigraphy and other patterns observed in it, are in fact the features that make it distinct, i.e. ritual. Similar pits are known throughout history and their descriptions can be found in ancient written sources, as well as identified in the field, with certain differences, stretching back all the way into deep prehistory. This paper presents several newly discovered ritual pits in the central Balkans from the Eneolithic, Bronze and Iron Age, and additionally mentions some of the previously published pits from the area and its near and more distant surroundings. In the course of recent investigations conducted at the site of Bubanj, two ritual pits were recorded in the Early Eneolithic horizon of the Bubanj-Hum I culture. Next to the first, shallower (up to 0.2 m), oval shaped pit, of around 2.5 m long and 1.7 m wide, an oven was noted, while the pit was filled with whole vessels, parts of grindstones, chipped and polished stone tools, baked clay, animal bones, etc. (Figs. 1, 2; Pl. I). Two smaller hollows were noted in the northern part of the pit, while several postholes, which might have supported some kind of roof or shelter construction, were detected somewhat deeper in the subsoil, around the oven and the pit. Below this pit, a smaller one was noted, around 0.7 m deep and with a base diameter of about 1.2 m, filled with yellow, sandy, refined soil. The bottom of the pit was dug to the level of the subsoil and levelled. The second ritual pit from Bubanj was considerably deeper (around 1.5 m) and approximately 1.7 m in diameter, with baked walls and filled with red ashy soil. It contained fragmented or whole vessels, chipped stone tools, a part of an altar, an air nozzle (tuy?res), a polished stone axe, tools made of horn, a fragment of a grindstone, pebbles, house daub and animal bones (Fig. 3; Pl. II). Part of the inventory had been burnt, particularly in the lower section of the pit. This paper also mentions the Late Eneolithic pit from Vinca, containing eight whole vessels in an inverted position (Fig. 4; Pl. III), as well as the Bronze Age complexes from Kokino Selo and Pelince, in northern Macedonia (Figs. 5, 6), comprising several dozen pits, commonly with a broken stone construction, in which whole vessels, along with tools made from chipped and polished stone, baked clay or bone and large amounts of daub were discovered. In the Iron Age, the number of ritual pits significantly increased in all of Europe and, from this period, two pits from the area surrounding Vranje are presented - one with mixed contents (the skulls, without the lower jaw, of at least six male wild boars, as well as the skulls, lower jaws, right pelvic bones and shoulder blades of at least six deer, along with parts of grindstones, pottery and daub fragments and a chipped stone tool) and the other with a complete skeleton of a young female horse, a baked clay weight and chipped stone flaking debris (Figs. 7, 8; Pl. IV).1 The pits were dated, by means of conventional C14 dating, to the period from the mid-6th to the mid-4th century BC.2 By comparing and analysing a large number of pits from the central Balkans and the neighbouring areas, it was observed that ritual pits, as a form of an ancient, primitive religiosity, had already emerged in the Palaeolithic and endured in Europe throughout the entire prehistory, despite various natural and social changes that occurred during this extended period. The pits proved to have been located both outside inhabited areas, as well as in settlements (even under houses), either individually or clustered, and in some cases also constituting entire complexes, with protective architecture in the form of a roof or a shelter (Bubanj, Ohoden). The surface areas occupied by the complexes, along with the dimensions and shapes of the pits, the stratigraphy of their contents, their architecture and many other elements vary considerably, even within a single complex. It is for this reason that it is not possible, at this moment in time, at least without very detailed and comprehensive analysis, to discern some regularities or patterns which could, with any certainty, be considered reliable. This primeval custom, therefore, cannot be linked to any particular period, culture or region, but was entirely dependent on the state or level of the spiritual consciousness of an individual or a community. This religious idea started to decline during the Roman domination and vanished entirely at the time of Christianity.

Abstract Introduction Implementing the nurse driven burn resuscitation protocol on severely injured burn patients can often be intimidating to many nurses and there are many opportunities for mathematical errors.These errors have the potential to affect the patients’ fluid resuscitation and outcomes. Nurses often reported discomfort with navigating the protocol while stabilizing the patient.The aim of this inquiry was to see if offering and providing education to the intensive care unit (ICU) and emergency department (ED) nurses would increase their comfort levels initiating, and navigating our nurse driven modified parkland formula. Additionally, we hoped that by providing education to the ED nurses, this would lead to a smoother transition for patient hand-off by increasing collaboration among services. Methods Nurses were surveyed using a 5 point Likert Scale assessing comfort level prior to the education to obtain a baseline. Education was then implemented, and a follow up survey using the same scale was completed 3 months later to assess knowledge retention. Additionally, nurses were given similar practice questions as previously given in the simulation to assess application to practice. Results To date, we have had 14 nurses complete the education. Of those nurses, 2 were from the ED, and 14 were from the ICU. 57% of the nurses had less than 5 years of nursing experience. Of the respondents, there was a large increase noted in nurses comfort levels with accessing the burn admission resources, initiating the burn resuscitation protocol, and titrating the intravenous fluids based on hourly urine output based on the post survey results. Conclusions Continued education and evaluation is needed to determine if education sustains increased caregiver comfort levels, improves resuscitation outcomes, and enhances ED to ICU collaboration. Applicability of Research to Practice Research has shown that simulations for low volume, high acuity patient scenarios increase comfort levels of caregivers while enhancing collaboration, and communication. A study explored the effect of burn specific simulations on patient safety and nursing education. This study concluded that simulations had a profound effect on improving these two factors by practicing technical and communication skills (D’Asta, Homsi, Sforzi, Wilson, & Luca, 2019) D’Asta, F., Homsi, J., Sforzi, I., Wilson, D., & Luca, M. D. (2019). “SIMBurns”: A high-fidelity simulation program in emergency burn management developed through international collaboration. Burns, 45(1), 120–127. doi: 10.1016/j.burns.2018.08.030

In this testimony, vowel next to two l letters is proposed as a novel affix that represents dissected offering at burnt altar. In turn, biblical etymology of flood is presented to be double hands in offering flock to worship, and the etymology of boat is both male and female in pair. All the words for ships are linguistically related to either Noah’s ark or worship. 牙 tooth is originated from two people in mating to match Noah’s covenant about food and multiplication after the flood. An affix for burning, c+vowel+n, is also verified. For the first time in human history, a large variety of words related to great flood, ark and Noah’s worship are presented to match bible in semantic origin, indicating divine creation of languages.

Cloud and Earth Observation (EO) based services offer the European Research community a wealth of powerful tools. However, for many researchers these tools are currently out of reach. It is difficult to find and select suitable services. Establishing agreements with cloud and EO service providers and ensuring legal and technical compliance requires specialist skills and takes an inordinate amount of time. Equally, service providers find it difficult to reach and meet the needs of the research community in technical, financial and legal areas. The Open Clouds for Research Environments consortium (OCRE) will change this, by putting in place an easy adoption route. In the autumn of 2019, OCRE will run a pan-European tender and establish framework agreements with service providers who meet the requirements of the research community. 10.000 European research and education institutes will be able to directly consume these offerings via the European Open Science Cloud service catalogue, through ready-to-use agreements. They will not have to run a tender of their own. In addition, to stimulate usage, OCRE will make available 9.5 million euro in service credits (vouchers), through adoption funds from the European Commission. OCRE is a pioneer project without precedence, with potentially high impact in the future EO market activities and evolution of service offering, with the objective to burst the usage of EO commercial services by the research environment.