Статті в журналах з теми "Bulldog Shale"

Exhumation in sedimentary basins can have significant consequences for their petroleum systems. For example, source rocks may be more mature than their present-day burial depths suggest, increased compaction can result in reduced reservoir quality, and seal integrity problems are commonly encountered. The Eromanga Basin in central Australia experienced an important phase of exhumation during the Late Cretaceous, though the magnitude and spatial distribution of exhumation is poorly constrained. In this study exhumation magnitudes have been determined for 100 petroleum wells based on sonic transit time analyses of fine grained shales, siltstones and mudstones within selected Cretaceous stratigraphic units. Observed sonic transit times are compared to normal compaction trends (NCTs) determined for suitable stratigraphic units. The Winton Formation and the Bulldog Shale/Wallumbilla Formation were chosen for analysis in this study for their homogenous, fine-grained and laterally extensive properties. Exhumation magnitudes for these stratigraphic units are statistically similar. Results show net exhumation in the southern Cooper-Eromanga Basin (<500 m [~1,640 ft]) and higher net exhumation magnitudes (up to 1,400 m [~3,937 ft]) being recorded in the northeastern margins of the basin. Gross exhumation magnitudes show significant variation across short distances suggesting different tectonic processes acting upon the basin. Independent vitrinite reflectance and apatite fission track analysis data, available for a subset of wells, give statistically similar exhumation magnitudes to those that have been calculated through the compaction methodology, giving confidence in these results. The effect on source rock generation is illustrated through 1D basin modelling where exhumation is shown to impact the timing and type of the hydrocarbons generated. The improved quantification of this exhumation permits a better understanding of the Late Cretaceous tectonics and palaeogeography of central Australia.

AbstractThis comment proposes that Bullot & Reber's (B&R's) emphasis on historical and intentional knowledge expands the range of emotions that can be properly viewed as aesthetic states. Many feelings, such as anger, contempt, shame, confusion, and pride, come about through complex aesthetic meanings, which integrate conceptual knowledge, beliefs about the work and the artist's intentions, and the perceiver's goals and values.

Predator diet can play an important role in facilitating detection of predation risk among prospective prey, and such detection should have adaptive significance in reducing mortality in environments where not all predators confer similar risk. In the laboratory, we tested behavioural and morphological responses of tadpoles from two congeneric frog species (bullfrog ( Rana catesbeiana Shaw, 1802) and mink frog ( Rana septentrionalis Baird, 1854)) to cues from an odonate predator (genus Aeshna Fabricius, 1775). In a separate experiment we found that both frog species had similar baseline vulnerability to Aeshna predation, implying that species’ responses to predators feeding on conspecific vs. congeneric prey also would be similar. Both species reduced their activity in the presence of predators feeding on tadpoles of either species vs. those fed invertebrates (Libellulidae) or not subjected to predators (controls). Bullfrog tadpoles grew bigger than controls when exposed to predators fed mink frog tadpoles only, whereas mink frogs failed to show a comparable response. Neither species exhibited changes in shape that were attributable to predator diet. Our results suggest that closely related frog species do not distinguish between predators feeding on conspecific vs. congeneric prey, implying that selection favours generalized antipredator responses when prey species are subject to similar predation risk.

The British conquest of Bengal at Plassey, in June 1757, was one of the most significant developments in the eighteenth century. Plassey indeed laid the foundation of the British empire in India. Bengal was the springboard from which the British spread in different directions and ultimately conquered other parts of India. Hence it is imperative to examine closely the background of and the circumstances leading to the conquest. As I have already analysed some aspects of the question elsewhere, in this paper I shall confine myself to the more crucial ones, especially those raised in recent writings and which, strangely enough, tend to perpetuate the traditional explanation of the British conquest of Bengal.

We first reported on the existence of vault ribonucleoprotein particles in 1986, and since this study we have demonstrated that these unusual RNPs are ubiquitously expressed and highly conserved among diverse eukaryotes. These particles are quite large (65 x 35 nm) and distinctly regular in shape and dimensions. The polypeptide composition of vaults is also similar between species, dominated by a∼100 Kd protein which makes up >70% of the particles mass. The RNA component of vaults, which has been sequenced and characterized from both rat and bullfrog, does not appear to serve a structural role, and due to the strong conservation of its secondary structure could serve a functional role.

Relevance. Since the increasing demand for agricultural products, especially at present in the conditions of import substitution, cannot be met without creating new highly productive varieties and hybrids.Material and methods. This article provides a description and comparative characteristics of economically valuable qualities and varieties of vegetable crops, the most common and in demand among the population, created by breeders of the All-Russian Research Institute of Irrigated Vegetable Growing and Melon Growing – a branch of the FSBSI "PAFSC RAS". The experiments were laid on the experimental fields.Results. As a result of many years of breeding work presented varieties belong to different variety types, they differ in groups of precocity, shape, size, color of fruits. Tomatoes – Astrakhan, Bulldog, Avdeevsky, Caspian, Malinovi shar, Moryana, Rychansky, Forward, Orange Avuri, Malinovi Supergol, etc. Varieties of sweet pepper – Atomor, Marble, Novichok VNIIOB, Sprinter, Lyudmila, etc. Varieties of eggplant – Albatross, Diamond, Astrakom, Nizhnevolzhsky, Swan, etc. Since 2021, the Gnomik tomato variety has been entered into the State Register, and the Zarnitsa sweet pepper variety is being tested. The Astrakhan region is also a center for the creation and production of melon crops, their fruits belong to dietary products, are used both fresh and for preservation, preparation of drinks, desserts, home cooking. Watermelon varieties – Astrakhan, Photon, Ilyasovsky, Portioned; melon – Lada, pumpkin – Kroshka and Kapelka, zucchini – Sosnovsky and Jubilee, squash – Tabolinsky.

The ultrastructural features of sporozoites of Lankesterella minima (Apicomplexa) from erythrocytes of the bullfrog (Rana catesbeiana) and from the salivary cells of the leech vector (Batracobdella picta) were compared. Two notable differences were observed. Firstly, the intraerythrocytic sporozoites were more regular in outline and usually assumed a slightly flexed position within a closely applied parasitophorous vacuole. Sporozoites in the salivary cells were more irregular in shape and were often reflexed sharply in their mid or posterior region. Secondly, although the sporozoites in both hosts contained pre- and post-nuclear dense bodies, these were more numerous and approximately twice the diameter in parasites from the leech. These morphological differences may reflect the maturation and attainment of infectivity of the sporozoites in the tissues of the leech vector.

Nitric oxide (NO) is a potent central neuromodulator of respiration, yet its scope and site of action are unclear. We used 7-nitroindazole (7-NI), a selective inhibitor of endogenous neuronal NO synthesis, to investigate the neurogenesis of respiration in larval bullfrog ( Rana catesbeiana) isolated brain stems. 7-NI treatment (0.0625–0.75 mM) increased the specific frequency of buccal ventilation (BV) events, indicating influence on BV central rhythm generators (CRGs). The drug reduced occurrence, altered burst shape, and disrupted clustering of lung ventilation (LV) events, without altering their specific frequency. LV burst occurrence and clustering also differed between pH conditions. We conclude that NO has diverse effects on respiratory rhythmogenesis, being necessary for the expression of respiratory rhythms, inhibiting the frequency of BV CRG, and affecting both shape and clustering of LV bursts through conditional modulation of LV CRG. We confirm central chemosensitivity in these preparations and demonstrate chemomodulation of LV burst clustering and occurrence but not specific frequency. Results support distinct oscillators underlying LV and BV CRGs.

The purpose of current study is to explore the relationship of organizational commitment, verbal bullying and direct bullying in the banking sector of Lahore. Organizational commitment has been found to a serious problem in these days for all organization. This research concentrated on organizational commitment and two types of bullying i.e., physical and verbal bulling. The banking sector chose to conduct this current study. Because banking sector is considered as one of the extremely stressful sectors in Pakistan and it has great share in the economy. Simple random sampling technique was applied to choose 300 respondents from 28 banks located in Lahore (Pakistan). the structure questionnaire was utilized to gather the data. 270 fully completed questionnaires were used in the final analysis. Multiple linear regression was applied through SPSS to test the hypotheses. Overall workplace bullying has negative influence on organizational commitment. Moreover, two dimensions like the verbal bullying and direct bullying has the negative influence on the organizational commitment.

Background: The urethral prolapse in dogs is a rare condition known by the protrusion of the urethral mucous membrane and the external orifice of the urethra. It is more frequently seen in young males, especially of brachycephalic breeds, for instance the English bulldog. Despite the pathophysiology of this disorder being little elucidated, it is believed that the cause is related to factors such as genetic susceptibility, excessive sexual behavior, traumas, abnormalities and urinary and prostatic problems. Due to limited reports on the subject, this paper aims to describe the clinical and surgical aspects of a case of urethral prolapse in a dog, surgically corrected.Case: Admitted to the Veterinary Hospital of the Federal University of Mato Grosso (HOVET-UFMT) a dog, American Pit Bull, 7 months old, with previous history of bleeding in the penile region and pain while urinating. In the physical exam it presented: intermittent bleeding via external ostium of the urethra, increased volume and protrusion of the distal urethral mucous membrane and the external orifice of the urethra, which was presenting a round shape mass, edematous and little congested of red-purplish coloring, evidenced by the passing of urethral probe. The diagnosis of urethral prolapse was confirmed and, after conducting laboratory tests and obtaining normal results for the species, the animal was sent to surgery. It was opted for the technique of resection and anastomosis of the protruded portion of the mucous membrane. After the anesthetic protocol, it was performed the trichotomy and antisepsis of region, the fenestrated drapes were properly positioned and the urethral catheterization was done, afterwards 3 points of support were produced with nylon thread 3-0, involving the urethra and the external portion of the penis. Subsequently, it was incised 1/3 of the protruded mucous membrane (from a support point to the other) with a pair of iris scissors and the aid of a toothless Adson clamp. Promptly the anastomotic synthesis was manufactured with a simple interrupted suture pattern. By the end of the first one third theremaining ones with go under the same procedure and in the end of the resection and anastomosis of the urethral prolapse the animal was submitted to a bilateral orchiectomy. At the immediate post-surgery it was established antibiotic therapy and the use of anti-inflammatory and painkiller, after 48 h of observation the animal was discharged from the hospital. As a therapeutic measure it was opted to continue with the use of antibiotics and anti-inflammatory, and then recommended the use of Elizabethan collar 24 h a day until the removing of the stitches. It was also recommended that the animal returned for a new evaluation thirteen days after of the procedure.Discussion: That being said, even being an unusual pathology, which the physiopathology is not completely clear, the urethral prolapse is of simple diagnosis, which is based on direct observation of the protruded mucous membrane and by obtaining information of possible factors that cause its appearance, such as genetic susceptibility, in the case of the animalfrom the current report, since it had the English Bulldog as genetic predecessor. Even though there are techniques less traumatic for its diminishing the chosen technique is the resection and anastomose of the protruded portion of the urethral mucous membrane, due to being simple, quick, effective and with lower rates of relapses. Proven by the result of total recovering of the animal and excellent post-surgery healing, not having relapses.Keywords: dog, surgery, urethra.

AbstractMechanical damage to seeds occurring during harvesting and threshing, especially in naked cultivars, is one of the main factors decreasing the size and quality of yield. The objective of this study was to assess the susceptibility of naked oat cultivars to mechanical damage, considering the biometric parameters of seeds determined on the basis of computer image analysis and weight tests. The testing was carried out on eight cultivars harvested between 2008 and 2010 at 15% moisture and threshed at either 1.6 or 2.4 m·s−1 threshing drum speed. A 50% increase in the threshing speed caused an average 19% increase in the frequency and a 29% increase in the area of microdamage to seeds. There was a corresponding 4.1 mm2 change in the microdamage area when using the threshing speed of 1.6 m·s−1, and a 6.1 mm2 change when using the threshing speed of 2.4 m·s−1 was 53% and 68%, respectively, determined by a decreasing seed shape coefficient indicating seed elongation. The greatest resistance to mechanical damage was found on the Bullion cultivar, which was also characterized by the largest total projected area of seeds (7.14 mm2), as well as the greatest seed density (63.8 kg·hL−1) and thousand kernel weight (TKW) (28.2 g).

1. Hair cells in whole-mount in vitro preparations of the utricular macula of the bullfrog (Rana catesbeiana) were selected according to their macular location and hair bundle morphology. The sensitivity and response dynamics of selected hair cells to natural stimulation were examined by recording their voltage responses to step and sinusoidal hair bundle displacements applied to their longest stereocilia. 2. The voltage responses of 31 hair cells to sinusoidal hair bundle displacements were characterized by their gains and phases, taken with respect to peak hair bundle displacement. The gains of Type B and Type C cells at both 0.5 and 5.0 Hz were markedly lower than those of Type F and Type E cells. Phases, with the exception of Type C cells, lagged hair bundle displacement at 0.5 Hz. Type C cells had phase leads of 25-40 degrees. At 5.0 Hz, response phases in all cells were phase lagged with respect to those at 0.5 Hz. Type C cells had larger gains and smaller phase leads at 5.0 Hz than at 0.5 Hz, suggesting the presence of low-frequency adaptation. 3. Displacement-response curves, derived from the voltage responses to 5.0-Hz sinusoids, were sigmoidal in shape and asymmetrical, with the depolarizing response having a greater magnitude and saturating less abruptly than the hyperpolarizing response. When normalized to their largest displacement the linear ranges of these curves varied from < 0.5 to 1.25 microns and were largest in Type B and smallest in Type F and Type E cells. Sensitivity, defined as the slope of the normalized displacement-response curve, was inversely correlated with linear range. 4. The contribution of geometric factors associated with the hair bundle to linear range and sensitivity were predicted from realistic models of utricular hair bundles created using morphological data obtained from light and electron microscopy. Three factors, including 1) the inverse ratio of the lengths of the kinocilium and longest stereocilia, representing the lever arm between kinociliary and stereociliary displacement; 2) tip link extension/linear displacement, largely a function of stereociliary height and separation; and 3) stereociliary number, an estimate of the number of transduction channels, were considered in this analysis. The first of these factors was quantitatively more important than the latter two factors and their total contribution was largest in Type B and Type C cells. Theoretical models were also used to calculate the relation between rotary and linear displacement.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

According to foreign researchers, mastocytoma is one of the most common (7-12 %) skin tumors in dogs. This neoplasia is caused by excessive proliferation of mast cells and characterized by a specific clinical course, unpredictable biological behavior and prognosis. Researches of clinical and morphological features of mastocytoma in geographical populations of Ukraine has not only scientific and general biological interest, but also important practical significance. The purpose of the research was to establish the frequency of spreading, the features of the clinical ostent and pathogenesis of cutaneous mastocytoma in dogs in conditions in Lviv and in the suburban zone of the regional center. The research was performed on dogs with skin tumors (n = 128), including 24 of them with mastocytoma, who came to the Department of Surgery and Clinic of Small Pets of Stepan Gzhytskyj LNUVMB during 2016–2020. The diagnosis on mastocytoma was verified by the results of physical examination and cytological examination of biopsy material of neoplasms. It was found that in the structure of oncological diseases of dogs the share of skin neoplasms was 32.16 %. Among animals with skin neoplasms, mastocytoma was diagnosed in 18.75 % of dogs aged 4 to 16 years. The highest incidence rates were found among animals aged 8 to 11 years; the median incidence was 9.5 years and fashion – 9 years. In terms of breeds, cutaneous mastocytoma was found in dogs of the breed: Rottweiler – 16.7 %, Sharpei – 12.5 %, Staffordshire Terrier – 12.5 %, Labrador – 8.3 %, Boxer – 8.3 %, Doberman – 8.3 %, chow-chow – 8.3 %. At the same time, the German Shepherd, Alabai, Spaniel, French Bulldog and Pug cases of the disease were isolated (4.2 %). Among sick animals, dogs accounted for 54.2 % and females for 45.8 %. It was found that in 41.7 % of the studied animals the rate of neoplasia was extremely rapid, because in 56.5 ± 1.91 days the tumors were doubled in size, which is evidence of significant aggressiveness of tumor growth. In 29.2 % of dogs the time of doubling the size of the primary tumor reached 122.1 ± 10.6 days, in 20.8 % of dogs the period of tumor development lasted for two years. In 8.3 % of dogs, the dynamics of neoplasia development is not clear. Sonography has shown that skin mastocytomas are usually visualized as heterogeneous, with uneven edges and fuzzy contours hypoechoic structures. Visualization of solid hypervascular foci with central type of vascularization, on the background of diffuse infiltration of neoplasia in the deeper layers of the skin and subcutaneous tissue, with a pronounced perinodular inflammatory reaction of the surrounding tissues is a sign of malignancy of the mastocytoma. The generalization of the neoplastic process in the internal organs was found, in particular the spleen, may indicate a predominance of the hematogenous route of metastasis of the mastocytoma. The obtained data complement and expand knowledge about the pathogenesis of mastocytoma in dogs, and also highlight the frequency of spreading and course features of this oncological pathology in a separate geographical population of Ukraine.

1. Inwardly rectifying currents were characterized in sensory hair cells isolated from the saccules of leopard frogs, using the whole cell configuration of the patch-clamp technique in voltage-clamp mode. 2. Two types of inwardly rectifying currents were distinguishable based on their ionic selectivity, activation and deactivation kinetics, voltage dependence, dependence on external K+ and sensitivity to divalent cations. 3. One inwardly rectifying current displayed K+ selectivity, rapid monoexponential activation (tau approximately 1 ms at -120 mV), steep voltage dependence, dependence of the activation voltage range on external K+ and block by external Ba2+. We refer to this current as IK1, consistent with the terminology used for a similar current in cardiac cells. In 5 mM external K+, IK1 activated negative to -60 mV, was half-activated at -86 mV and fully activated by -110 mV. 4. The other inwardly rectifying current was a mixed K+/Na+ current with slow sigmoidal activation (slow tau approximately 100 ms at -120 mV) and deactivation, shallow voltage dependence and no dependence of the activation curve on external K+ and which was blocked by external Cd2+. This current was called Ih because of its similarities to Ih of photoreceptors. Ih activated negative to -50 mV, was half-activated at -90 mV and was fully activated at -130 mV. 5. A correlation between cell shape and the type of inwardly rectifying current was noted; the more spherical cells had Ih alone and the more cylindrically shaped cells had Ih and IK1. 6. The mean resting potential of 115 cells with IK1 and Ih was -68 +/- 0.5 mV (mean +/- SE) and that of 53 cells with Ih alone was -50 +/- 0.5 mV. This suggests that IK1 contributes to the more negative resting potential of the cylindrical cells. 7. In current-clamp mode, the voltage responses to current steps of the two cell populations differed. Small negative current steps evoked faster, smaller responses in cells with IK1 and Ih than in cells with Ih alone. In cells with Ih alone, long (> 100 ms) negative current steps evoked a hyperpolarization that partly repolarized as Ih activated. Cells with Ih alone showed electrical resonance at rest whereas cells with IK1 resonated only in response to positive current steps. 8. A model developed to explain electrical resonance in bullfrog saccular hair cells was adapted to include Ih or IK1 and Ih.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

1. Fluorescence changes in the dye (WW 781) were monitored at 100 contiguous sites in a 10 x 10-pixel array on the bullfrog and salamander olfactory mucosas every 10 ms in response to odorous stimuli. The odorants were d-limonene, butanol, and amyl acetate, each presented at two concentrations with a 3:1 ratio. 2. The fluorescence signals elicited by these odorous stimuli were nearly identical in shape and time course to the electro-olfactograms (EOGs) recorded from the same animal under identical conditions. Like the EOGs, the fluorescence signals exhibited adaptation and were abolished by both Triton X-100 and ether. There was no measurable fluorescence when the tissue was not stained with the dye, and there was no change in fluorescence when, for stained tissue, nonodorized, humidified air was presented as the stimulus. 3. This technique presumably monitors the same events as the EOG, but has the advantage of simultaneously recording the odorant-induced activity from multiple sites across most of the mucosa. Thus this technique preserves subtle differences heretofore lost by other techniques both in the coarseness of their matrices and in the variability generated by trying to piece together, into one collage, results from numerous presentations given at different times. 4. In all preparations, there was a larger difference in the inherent activity patterns (derived from response magnitudes) between different odorants than between different concentrations of the same odorant. These differences were largest on the mucosa lining the floor of salamander's olfactory sac. d-limonene and butanol gave their largest responses near the internal and external nares, respectively, whereas the responses for amyl acetate were more uniform across the mucosal sheet. In contrast to the salamander, smaller differences were observed for both the roof and the floor of the bullfrog's olfactory sac. For the floor, both amyl acetate and d-limonene elicited similar patterns of response magnitude, whereas butanol differed from each of these odorants by eliciting a larger response on the anteriolateral aspect of the mucosa and a lesser response on the remainder. For the roof, different odorants produced different activity patterns, which had profiles not simply described as regions of maximal and minimal responsiveness. 5. Different inherent activity patterns based on temporal characteristics of the fluorescence responses were also observed for different odorants. Each odorant produced a different pixel-by-pixel pattern for the times at which the responses started and ended. For any given odorant, these temporal patterns paralleled the patterns given by response magnitudes.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

The genus Noctilio includes two species and they occur in elevation ranges that do not exceed 1000 m. They have characteristic eating habits, which is why they are known as fishing bats. Its anatomy and shape of the face, as well as the coloration of the fur makes them very distinctive. In this work we report a record of an adult male of Noctilio leporinus at 3600 m elevation in Migüir locality near Cajas National Park in the Azuay province in the southern Andes of Ecuador. This is the first record for Noctilio leporinus in elevations that exceed 600 meters which makes it an unusual case.

Background: Ocular biometrics is an easy to perform, safe, non-invasive and low-cost exam that provides immediate results with excellent definition. Brachycephalic dogs have a high risk of developing eye problems, and the early appearance is frequent due to factors linked to anatomical conformation. The aim of the present study was to perform eye biometrics in French Bulldog dogs through ultrasound, correlating with body and head size.Materials, Methods & Results: Clinical examination, ophthalmic examination and ocular biometrics were performed using B-mode ultrasonography, using a 10 megahertz frequency transducer in 30 French Bulldog dogs, aged 1-6 years old, male and females from the Br Lord's Staff kennel and the Radiovet - Rio de Janeiro veterinary clinic. A drop of anesthetic eye drops containing 1% tetracaine hydrochloride and 0.1% phenylephrine hydrochloride was instilled and the direct contact technique was performed with the cornea with the help of sterile water-soluble lubricating acoustic gel between the transducer and the examined eye. These measurements were correlated with cephalic measurements (frontal-occipital distance, skull circumference, distance between the zygomatic arches and frontal-nasal distance) and with body measurements (length of the dog from the cranial end of the sternum to the ischial tuberosity and height of the withers from the cranial angle of the scapula to the ground). No chemical restraint was necessary. Dogs were positioned seated or in sternal decubitus, with slight physical restraint. All measurements were performed by the same examiner. There was no significant difference between the parameters of male and female eye biometrics and there was no difference between the measurements of the right and left eyes. The mean value of axial bulb length was 19.51 ± 0.58 mm, for the thickness of the lens, 6.71 ± 0.66 mm, for depth of the anterior chamber, 2.36 ± 0.89 mm and for the depth of the vitreous chamber, 10.44 ± 1.32 mm, showing the same pattern as other studies with brachycephalic dogs. The size of the dog or skull did not interfere with the measurements of eye biometrics.Discussion: The French Bulldog breed was selected for this study due to the scarcity of publications on ocular biometrics in brachycephalic breeds.The knowledge of ocular biometrics is extremely important for the understanding and early diagnosis of some anomalies related to the growth of ocular structures. It is an essential method of exploration and diagnosis of diseases of the eye bulb and orbit, being indicated to evaluate variations in size, shape and position of the eye bulb. The casuistry of these dogs with eye diseases in the ophthalmological clinical routine is large, since they have a high risk of developing eye problems. Ultrasonography is an easy to access and safe, non-invasive exam and the direct corneal contact technique allows clearer images. As there was no significant difference in measurements of intraocular structures between the right and left eyes, the normal eye can be a reliable parameter to establish the prosthetic eye bulb for the injured or enucleated eye. In the present study, there were 21 females and 9 males, which may have generated interference in these values since there was no sex ratio. The measurements of axial length, lenticular thickness, depth of the anterior chamber and the vitreous chamber had values similar to other studies with brachycephalic dogs.

Patients with a deficiency in any member of body have difficulties in day-to-day activities, such as practicing recreational physical activities and, in case of children, play. Therefore, the aim of this project was to create a low cost and water resistant device that would help children with disabilities of the upper limb to have greater freedom and comfort when it comes to playing. Another important point, with customization that refers to characters of movies and comics, is to promote a significant improvement in self-esteem and in the relationship with other children, especially in school environment, reducing bulling and shame episodes. For this, a prototype mechanical device was created by additive manufacture (3D printing), customized with characteristics of "Iron Man" character of Marvel®.

Abstract Background Osteosarcoma is an aggressive and painful bone neoplasm in dogs. Previous studies have reported epidemiological associations suggesting that large body mass, long bone length and the genetics of certain breeds including the Rottweiler are associated with elevated osteosarcoma risk. However, these studies were often limited by selection bias and confounding factors, and have rarely offered insights into breed-associated protection for osteosarcoma. The current study includes 1756 appendicular and axial osteosarcoma cases presenting to VPG Histology (Bristol, UK) compared against a control population of 905,211 dogs without osteosarcoma from primary care electronic patient records in the VetCompass™ dataset. Methods and study design Retrospective, case-control study. Multivariable logistic regression analysis explored associations between demographic risk factors (including breed, chondrodystrophy, age, sex/neuter status, skull-shape, and body mass) and osteosarcoma of all anatomical sites. Results We identified several breeds with increased and reduced odds of osteosarcoma. At highest risk were the Rottweiler and Great Dane, with > 10 times the odds of osteosarcoma compared with crossbreds, and the Rhodesian Ridgeback, which has not featured in previous lists of at-risk breeds for osteosarcoma, and had an odds ratio of 11.31 (95% confidence interval 7.37–17.35). Breeds at lowest risk of osteosarcoma (protected breeds) included the Bichon Frise, the French Bulldog and the Cavalier King Charles Spaniel, all with odd ratios of less than 0.30 compared with crossbreds. Body mass was strongly associated with osteosarcoma risk; dogs over 40 kg exhibited osteosarcoma odds of 45.44 (95% confidence interval 33.74–61.20) compared with dogs less than 10 kg. Chondrodystrophic breeds had an osteosarcoma odds ratio of 0.13 (95% confidence interval 0.11–0.16) compared with non-chondrodystrophic breeds. Conclusions This study provides evidence of strong breed-associated osteosarcoma risk and protection, suggesting a genetic basis for osteosarcoma pathogenesis. It highlights that breeds selected for long legs/large body mass are generally overrepresented amongst at-risk breeds, whilst those selected for short leg length/small body mass are generally protected. These findings could inform genetic studies to identify osteosarcoma risk alleles in canines and humans; as well as increasing awareness amongst veterinarians and owners, resulting in improved breeding practices and clinical management of osteosarcoma in dogs.

Abstract Background Carp gudgeons (genus Hypseleotris) are a prominent part of the Australian freshwater fish fauna, with species distributed around the western, northern, and eastern reaches of the continent. We infer a calibrated phylogeny of the genus based on nuclear ultraconserved element (UCE) sequences and using Bayesian estimation of divergence times, and use this phylogeny to investigate geographic patterns of diversification with GeoSSE. The southeastern species have hybridized to form hemiclonal lineages, and we also resolve relationships of hemiclones and compare their phylogenetic placement in the UCE phylogeny with a hypothesis based on complete mitochondrial genomes. We then use phased SNPs extracted from the UCE sequences for population structure analysis among the southeastern species and hemiclones. Results Hypseleotris cyprinoides, a widespread euryhaline species known from throughout the Indo-Pacific, is resolved outside the remainder of the species. Two Australian radiations comprise the bulk of Hypseleotris, one primarily in the northwestern coastal rivers and a second inhabiting the southeastern region including the Murray–Darling, Bulloo-Bancannia and Lake Eyre basins, plus coastal rivers east of the Great Dividing Range. Our phylogenetic results reveal cytonuclear discordance between the UCE and mitochondrial hypotheses, place hemiclone hybrids among their parental taxa, and indicate that the genus Kimberleyeleotris is nested within the northwestern Hypseleotris radiation along with three undescribed species. We infer a crown age for Hypseleotris of 17.3 Ma, date the radiation of Australian species at roughly 10.1 Ma, and recover the crown ages of the northwestern (excluding H. compressa) and southeastern radiations at 5.9 and 7.2 Ma, respectively. Range-dependent diversification analyses using GeoSSE indicate that speciation and extinction rates have been steady between the northwestern and southeastern Australian radiations and between smaller radiations of species in the Kimberley region and the Arnhem Plateau. Analysis of phased SNPs confirms inheritance patterns and reveals high levels of heterozygosity among the hemiclones. Conclusions The northwestern species have restricted ranges and likely speciated in allopatry, while the southeastern species are known from much larger areas, consistent with peripatric speciation or allopatric speciation followed by secondary contact. Species in the northwestern Kimberley region differ in shape from those in the southeast, with the Kimberley species notably more elongate and slender than the stocky southeastern species, likely due to the different topographies and flow regimes of the rivers they inhabit.

Abstract. PT. DEF has a gold and silver mining concession located in Sukabumi district, West Java. Several open pit mining and conventional processing support the production of gold and silver bullion. The mining operations which started in 1995 have shaped the company's reputation as an industry in terms of safety, sustainability and operational performance. PT. DEF prioritizes environmental conservation and the interests of the community as an integral part of its mining cycle. To find out the gold potential of the company, exploration activities are needed which can then be carried out geological modeling of gold ore and calculating the amount of mineral resources. Resource modeling is a series of explorations in the mining sector. In this study, modeling of gold (Au) resources aims to identify, determine a geological picture and delineate in detail the size, shape, distribution, quality and quantity of the ore body in 3D obtained from pilot data in exploration activities. The data needed from exploration data to continue in the collection and processing are drill point coordinate data (collar), lithology data, grade (assay/geology), drill hole direction data, dip and azimuth (survey). In the processing and analysis of Au resources and reserves using the Ordinary Kriging estimation method with a model block size of 1x1x1 meters then calculations are carried out based on the Cut Off Grade (COG) value and classification using Kriging Efficiency. The results of data processing and lithological modeling show the distribution of tuff, breccia and andesite alteration, which tends to lead to the surface in the form of an outcrop. The results of data processing, resource estimates that have been carried out in the research area are divided into two blocks. Block A has a total volume of 243,373 BCM with a tonnage value of 511,083 tons with an inferred resource classification resulting in a volume of 185,849 BCM with a tonnage value of 390,282,9 tons, an indicated volume of 36,949 BCM with a tonnage value of 77,592,9 tons, a measured resource classification the resulting volume is 20,575 BCM with a tonnage value of 43,207.5 tons. Block B has a total volume of 133,460 BCM with a tonnage value of 280,266 tons with an inferred resource classification resulting in a volume of 75,159 BCM with a tonnage value of 157,833.9 tons, indicated a volume of 32,364 BCM with a tonnage value of 67,964.4 tons, a measured resource classification the resulting volume is 25,937 BCM with a tonnage value of 54,467.7 tons. Abstrak. PT. DEF memiliki konsensi pertambangan emas dan perak terletak di kabupaten Sukabumi, Jawa Barat. Beberapa pit tambang terbuka dan pengolahan konvensional mendukung produksi emas dan perak batangan. Operasi tambang yang telah dimulai pada tahun 1995 telah membentuk reputasi perusahaan sebagai industri dalam hal keselamatan, keberlanjutan dan kinerja operasional. PT. DEF mengutamakan pelestarian lingkungan dan kepentingan masyarakat sebagai bagian integral dalam siklus penambangannya.Untuk mengetahui potensi emas pada perushaan tersebut diperlukannya kegiatan eksplorasi yang kemudian dapat dilakukannya pemodelan geologi bijih emas dan menghitung jumlah sumberdaya bahan galiannya. Pemodelan sumberdaya merupakan suatu rangkaian eksplorasi dalam bidang pertambangan. Pada penelitian ini, pemodelan sumberdaya emas (Au), bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi, menentukan suatu gambaran geologi dan mendeliniasi secara rinci mengenai ukuran, bentuk, sebaran, kualitas dan kuantitas badan bijih dalam bentuk 3D yang didapatkan dari data-data percontohan dalam kegiatan eksplorasi. Data-data yang diperlukan dari data eksplorasi untuk melanjutkan dalam pengimputan dan pengolahan adalah data koordinat titik bor (collar),data litologi, kadar (assay), data arah lubang bor, dip dan azimuth (data bor). Dalam pengolahan dan analiasa sumberdaya dan cadangan Au menggunakan metode estimasi Ordinary Kriging dengan ukuran blok model yaitu 1x1x1 meter kemudian dilakukan perhitungan berdasarkan nilai Cut Off Grade (COG) serta pengklasifikasian menggunakan Kriging Efisiensi. Hasil Pengolahan data dan pemodelan litologi menunjukan sebaran tufa, breksi dan alterasi andesit, yang kecenderungan batuannya mengarah ke permukaan berupa suatu singkapan. Hasil Pengolahan data, estimasi sumberdaya yang telah dilakukan pada daerah penelitian yaitu dibagi kedalam dua blok. Blok A mendapatkan volume total sebanyak 243.373 BCM dengan nilai tonnase sebesar 511.083 ton dengan klasifikasi sumberdaya tereka dihasilkan volume sebesar 185.849 BCM dengan nilai tonnase sebesar 390.282,9 ton, tertunjuk dihasilkan volume sebesar 36.949 BCM dengan nilai tonnase sebesar 77.592,9 ton, klasifikasi sumberdaya terukur dihasilkan volume sebesar 20.575 BCM dengan nilai tonnase sebesar 43.207,5 ton. Blok B mendapatkan volume total sebanyak 133.460 BCM dengan nilai tonnase sebesar 280.266 ton dengan klasifikasi sumberdaya tereka dihasilkan volume sebesar 75.159 BCM dengan nilai tonnase sebesar 157.833,9 ton, tertunjuk dihasilkan volume sebesar 32.364 BCM dengan nilai tonnase sebesar 67.964,4 ton, klasifikasi sumberdaya terukur dihasilkan volume sebesar 25.937 BCM dengan nilai tonnase sebesar 54.467,7 ton.

Figure 1: Jacket Art, AWAKE: A Dream from Standing Rock (2017), featuring Floris White Bull and used with permission from Bullfrog Films.AWAKE follows the dramatic rise of the historic #NODAPL Native-led peaceful resistance at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation, North Dakota, which captured the world’s attention.Thousands of activists converged from around the country to stand in solidarity with the Water Protectors (activists) protesting the construction of the $3.7 billion Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL), which is intended to carry fracked oil from North Dakota’s Bakken oil fields through sovereign land and under the Missouri River, the water source for the Standing Rock reservation and 17 million people downstream. Pipeline leaks are commonplace. Since 2010, over 3,300 oil spills and leaks have been reported.The film is a collaboration between Indigenous filmmakers, Director Myron Dewey and Executive Producer Doog Good Feather, and Oscar-nominated environmental filmmakers Josh Fox and James Spione. Each of the three sections of the film tells the story of the Standing Rock protests in the unique perspective and style of the filmmaker who created it.The Water Protectors at Standing Rock have awakened the nation and forever the way we fight for clean water, the environment and the future of our planet.Synopsis of AWAKE: A Dream from Standing Rock, courtesy of Bullfrog FilmsFloris White Bull (Floris Ptesáŋ Huŋká) is a member of the Standing Rock Lakota Nation, an activist and a writer and advisor for the film, AWAKE: A Dream from Standing Rock. Despite being led as a peaceful protest, White Bull and many others at the 2017 protests at Standing Rock witnessed local police and private security forces accosting Water Protectors and journalists with militarized tactics, dogs, rubber bullets, mace, tear gas, and water cannons. People were illegally detained and forcibly removed from sovereign Native American land. In fact, during the protest White Bull was held in a cage with the number 151 marked on her forearm in permanent marker. While the protest was marred with acts of violence by police and security, it also was – and continues to be – a site of hope, where many lessons have been learned from the Standing Rock activist community.We were initially contacted by the distributors of AWAKE to provide a film review. However, we felt it was necessary for the voice of the filmmakers and the people involved in the protest – especially those Indigenous voices – to continue to be heard. As such, for this feature article in M/C Journal we invited Floris White Bull to answer a few questions on protest and the film. Due to the word constraints for M/C Journal, we limited ourselves to four questions. What follows is a very poignant and personal statement not only on the importance of events at Standing Rock, but also on protest in general. In light of this, the content of this exchange has not been edited from its original format. (Ben Hightower and Scott East)What is the role of the documentary in relation to protest? (BH & SE)The opposition to the Dakota Access Pipeline was and continues to be about human rights, water rights, and the rights of nature. It is about the right for our children to drink clean water. This film, as well as any other films or reporting that have come out of Standing Rock, serves as documentation. It acts as a way to preserve the moment in time, but also to uphold and promote the freedom of the press and the integrity of journalism. It allows us to tell our own story – to create our own narrative. So often, the role media has played throughout history has been to justify human rights violations through vilification of entire races/nations/peoples. This had taken place at Standing Rock by local media Bismarck Tribune and KFYR. They would publish stories perpetuating stereotypes and old fear mongering tactics accusing our people of killing livestock in the area, shooting arrows at the airplane that circled the camp continually at low altitudes. As a tribal member of the Standing Rock Lakota Nation, my people and I have somewhat coexisted with the residents of Bismarck/Mandan and the small towns outlying. There was always racial tension that existed but it came to a head when the Indigenous voices opposing the pipeline – a pipeline that was also opposed by the residents upstream from us – was quickly met with unabashed public oppressive colonial shaming.Take for example an article that ran in the Bismarck Tribune the day that access to the main road between Standing Rock and Mandan was blocked off.Kirchmeier said the protest has become unlawful as a result of criminal activity. He said his officers have been threatened and heard gunshots. The agency has gotten reports of pipe bombs, assaults on private security personnel, fireworks and vandalism.In the interest of public safety, North Dakota Department of Transportation and Highway Patrol has established a traffic control point on Highway 1806 south of the North Dakota Veterans Cemetery. Only emergency vehicles and local traffic will be allowed through. Other vehicles will be detoured to Highway 6. (Grueskin)There were no pipebombs, gunshots or threats to the lives of officers. If there were, wouldn’t you think there would have been more than enough cause to come in and clear the camps at that point? We were not a danger to the public. In fact, the gathering of support also brought a great deal of money into the economy locally.Everyone that came to our camps did so because they felt the need to come. They brought with them their gifts and talents. Some people came and were great cooks, some were strong and helped chop wood, some were builders. Journalists and photographers brought their cameras and documented the human rights violations and helped to share our story with the world.Our film is about honoring those people and the way we all came together. It’s about telling our truth. (FWB)What are some of the lessons learned from Standing Rock? (BH & SE)Standing Rock became a blueprint for the world to show what we are able to accomplish unified. It is a testament to the ingenuity and capability of the human race to collectively change the path that we are headed down … a path led by fossil fuels and corporations with only their bottom-line in mind.There were many lessons learned. We learned to avoid the game of “who is the leader” – instead, it is important to have clear objectives focused on the collective so that if one leader has to step away, the movement continues. We learned to have foresight … to look past the goals we’ve set and move forward in optimism. We learned what self-government and self-determination looks like. Historically our people governed themselves but we have not been able to practice this in over a hundred years. This aspect, like every other aspect of our way of life had been oppressed. We know that this way of life is possible, the wheels are just rusty. Our movement needs to be self-sustaining and to evolve so that we can model this return to traditional ways for the world. It is the evolution of our understanding for this to be about what we are trying to build and model for the world.We continue to learn from this fight. A great deal of people are hurting now, processing through PTSD and other traumas. The importance of self-care is a journey for us all. (FWB)What is the continued legacy of the Standing Rock protest? (BH & SE)A beautiful community of our hopes and dreams that we were always told wasn’t possible. A place where over 300 Indigenous nations came together, where traditional enemies stood side by side to begin fighting a common enemy. Unification of all races and faiths. Freedom.Those of us who lived there breathed freedom. Our time was not dictated by clocks or calendars. The power of the people is the continued legacy. This is the beauty of the human spirit and our ability to put our differences aside to build something better for future generations. Taking responsibility for the world we leave. The amazing diversity of Indigenous nations – our songs, languages, stories and dances that define us. Our love for the lands and stories and histories that tie us to the land we are indigenous to. Everything that Indigenous people have come through, doing it with dignity, continuing to hold on to the things that define us is what is going to heal the world. The Indigenous people of this land mass have endured attempted genocide and oppression for hundreds of years. The diversity of our languages and stories make us distinct, but the respect in which we view and treat the earth is our commonality. It is the respect we treat ourselves and one another with that welcomed weary souls back to the circle. Compassion and generosity are a few of the keystone values that ground our people yet, are lacking in the world. Our legacy is love. Love for our future generations, our Mother Earth, one another, and our willingness to sacrifice out of love. (FWB)Looking back on one year of Trump's office and the signing of Dakota Access (and Keystone XL) executive orders, what developments have arisen and what is the path forward in terms of resistance? (BH & SE)Racism and colonial governmental decisions are nothing new to the Indigenous nations. The path forward is the same as it has always been – holding on to our goals, values and dignity with resilience. Our people came through states putting bounties on our scalps, armies hunting us down, having our children kidnapped by law, abuses suffered at the hands of the schools those children were taken to in attempt to “Kill the Indian, Save the Man”, starvation periods, forced sterilization. We are not strangers to colonial government oppression. New laws passed in attempt to oppress unity are nothing compared to the love we have for the future generations. (FWB)ReferencesGrueskin, Caroline. “Construction Stops, Traffic Restricted Due to Dakota Access Pipeline Protest.” Bismarck Tribune, 17 Aug. 2016. <https://bismarcktribune.com/news/state-and-regional/construction-stops-traffic-restricted-due-to-dakota-access-pipeline-protest/article_80b8ef24-7bf3-507c-95f9-6292795a7ed4.html>.

At the start of the twentieth century, many young Australian artists travelled abroad to expand their art education and to gain exposure to the modern art movements of Europe. Most of these artists were active members of artist associations such as the Victorian Artists Society or the New South Wales Society of Artists. Male artists from Victoria were generally also members of the Melbourne Savage Club, a club with a strong association with the arts.This paper investigates the dual function of the club, as a space where the artists felt “at home” in the familiar environment that the club offered whilst they were abroad and, at the same time, a meeting space where they could engage in a stimulating artistic environment and gain introductions to leading figures in the art world. For those artists who chose England, London’s arts clubs played a large role, for it was in these establishments that they discussed, exhibited, shared, and met with their English counterparts. The club environment in London would have a significant impact on male Australian artists, as it offered a space where they were integrated into the English art world, which enhanced their experience whilst abroad.Artists were seldom members of Australia’s early gentlemen’s clubs, however, in the late nineteenth century Melbourne, artists formed less formal social groupings with exotic names such as the Prehistoric Order of Cannibals, the Buonarotti Club, and the Ishmael Club (Mead). Melbourne artists congregated in these clubs until the Melbourne Savage Club, modelled on the London Savage Club (1857)—a club whose membership was restricted to practitioners in the performing and visual arts—opened its doors in 1894.The Melbourne Savage Club had its origins in the Metropolitan Music Club, established in the late 1880s by a group of professional and amateur musicians and music lovers. The club initially admitted musicians and people from the dramatic professions free-of-charge, however, author Randolph Bedford (1868–1941) and artist Alf Vincent (1874–1915) were not content to be treated on a different basis to the musicians and actors, and two months after Vincent joined the club, at a Special General Meeting, the club resolved to vary Rule 6, “to admit landscape or portrait painters and sculptors without entrance fee” (Melbourne Savage Club). At another Special General Meeting, a year later, the rule was altered to admit “recognised members of the musical, dramatic and artistic professions and sculptors without payment of entrance fee” (Melbourne Savage Club).This resulted in an immediate influx of prominent Victorian male artists (Williams) and the Melbourne Savage Club became their place of choice to gather and enjoy the fellowship the club offered and to share ideas in a convivial atmosphere. When the opportunity arose for them to travel to London in the early twentieth century, they met in London’s famous art clubs. Membership of the Melbourne Savage Club not only conferred rights to visit reciprocal clubs whilst in London, but also facilitated introductions to potential patrons. The London clubs were the venue of choice for visiting artists to meet their fellow artist expatriates and to share experiences and, importantly, to meet with their British counterparts, exhibit their works, and establish valuable contacts.The London Savage Club attracted many Australian expatriates. Not only is it the grandfather of London’s bohemian clubs but also it was the model for arts clubs the world over. Founded in 1857, the qualification for admission was (and still is) to be, “a working man in literature or art, and a good fellow” (Halliday vii). If a candidate met these requirements, he would be cordially received “come whence he may.” This was embodied in the club’s first rules which required applicants for membership to be from a restricted range of pursuits relating to the arts thought to be commensurate with its bohemian ideals, namely art, literature, drama, or music.The second London arts club that attracted expatriate Australian artists was the New English Arts Club, founded in 1886 by young English artists returning from studying art in Paris. Members of The New English Arts Club were influenced by the Impressionist style as opposed to the academic art shown at the Royal Academy. As a meeting place for Australia’s expatriate artists, the New English Arts Club had a particular influence, as it exposed them to significant early Modern artist members such as John Singer Sargent (1856–1925), Walter Sickert (1860–1942), William Orpen (1878–1931) and Augustus John (1878–1961) (Corbett and Perry; Thornton; Melbourne Savage Club).The third, and arguably the most popular with the expatriate Australian artists’ club, was the Chelsea Arts Club, a bohemian club formed in 1891 by local working artists looking for a place to go to “meet, talk, eat and drink” (Cross).Apart from the American-born founding member, James McNeill Whistler (1834–1903), amongst the biggest Chelsea names at the time of the influx of travelling young Australian artists were modernists Sir William Orpen, Augustus John, and John Sargent. The opportunity to mix with these leading British contemporary artists was irresistible to these antipodean artists (55).When Melbourne artist, Miles Evergood (1871–1939) arrived in London from America in 1910, he had been an active exhibiting member of the Salmagundi Club, a New York artists’ club. Almost immediately he joined the New English Arts Club and the Chelsea Arts Club. Hammer tells of him associating with “writer Israel Zangwill, sculptor Jacob Epstein, and anti-academic artists including Walter Sickert, Augustus John, John Lavery, John Singer Sargent and C.R.W. Nevison, who challenged art values in Britain at the beginning of the century” (Hammer 41).Arthur Streeton (1867–1943) used the Chelsea Arts Club as his postal address, as did many expatriate artists. The Melbourne Savage Club archives contain letters and greetings, with news from abroad, written from artist members back to their “Brother Savages” (Various).In late 1902, Streeton wrote to fellow artist and Savage Club member Tom Roberts (1856–1931) from London:I belong to the Chelsea Arts Club now, & meet the artists – MacKennel says it’s about the most artistic club (speaking in the real sense) in England. … They all seem to be here – McKennal, Longstaff, Mahony, Fullwood, Norman, Minns, Fox, Plataganet Tudor St. George Tucker, Quinn, Coates, Bunny, Alston, K, Sonny Pole, other minor lights and your old friend and admirer Smike – within 100 yards of here – there must be 30 different studios. (Streeton 94)Whilst some of the artists whom Streeton mentioned were studying at either the Royal Academy or the Slade School, it was the clubs like the Chelsea Arts Club where they were most likely to encounter fellow Australian artists. Tom Roberts was obviously attentive to Streeton’s enthusiastic account and, when he returned to London the following year to work on his commission for The Big Picture of the 1901 opening of the first Commonwealth Parliament, he soon joined. Roberts, through his expansive personality, became particularly active in London’s Australian expatriate artistic community and later became Vice-President of the Chelsea Arts Club. Along with Streeton and Roberts, other visiting Melbourne Savage Club artists joined the Chelsea Arts Club. They included, John Longstaff (1861–1941), James Quinn (1869–1951), George Coates (1869–1930), and Will Dyson (1880–1938), along with Sydney artists Henry Fullwood (1863–1930), George Lambert (1873–1930), and Will Ashton (1881–1963) (Croll 95). Smith describes the exodus to London and Paris: “It was the Chelsea Arts Club that the Heidelberg School established its last and least distinguished camp” (Smith, Smith and Heathcote 152).Streeton, who retained his Chelsea Arts Club membership when he returned for a while to Australia, wrote to Roberts in 1907, “I miss Chelsea & the Club-boys” (Streeton 107). In relation to Frederick McCubbin’s pending visit he wrote: “Prof McCubbin left here a week ago by German ‘Prinz Heinrich.’ … You’ll introduce him at the Chelsea Club and I hope they make him an Hon. Member, etc” (Streeton et al. 85). McCubbin wrote, after an evening at the Chelsea Arts Club, following a visit to the Royal Academy: “Tonight, I am dining with Australian artists in Soho, and shall be there to greet my old friends. How glad I am! Longstaff will be there, and Frank Stuart, Roberts, Fullwood, Pontin, Coates, Quinn, and Tucker’s brother, and many others from all around” (MacDonald, McCubbin and McCubbin 75). Impressed by the work of Turner he wrote to his wife Annie, following avisit to the Tate Gallery:I went yesterday with Fullwood and G. Coates and Tom Roberts for a ramble … to the Tate Gallery – a beautiful freestone building facing the river through a portico into the gallery where the lately found turners are exhibited – these are not like the greater number of pictures in the National Gallery – they represent his different periods, but are mostly in his latest style, when he had realised the quality of light (McCubbin).Clearly Turner’s paintings had a profound impression on him. In the same letter he wrote:they are mostly unfinished but they are divine – such dreams of colour – a dozen of them are like pearls … mist and cloud and sea and land, drenched in light … They glow with tender brilliancy that radiates from these canvases – how he loved the dazzling brilliancy of morning or evening – these gems with their opal colour – you feel how he gloried in these tender visions of light and air. He worked from darkness into light.The Chelsea Arts Club also served as a venue for artists to entertain and host distinguished visitors from home. These guests included; Melbourne Savage Club artist member Alf Vincent (Joske 112), National Gallery of Victoria (NGV) Trustee and popular patron of the arts, Professor Baldwin Spencer (1860–1929), Professor Frederick S. Delmer (1864–1931) and conductor George Marshall-Hall (1862–1915) (Mulvaney and Calaby 329; Streeton 111).Artist Miles Evergood arrived in London in 1910, and visited the Chelsea Arts Club. He mentions expatriate Australian artists gathering at the Club, including Will Dyson, Fred Leist (1873–1945), David Davies (1864–1939), Will Ashton (1881–1963), and Henry Fullwood (Hammer 41).Most of the Melbourne Savage Club artist members were active in the London Savage Club. On one occasion, in November 1908, Roberts, with fellow artist MacKennal in the Chair, attended the Australian Artists’ Dinner held there. This event attracted twenty-five expatriate Australian artists, all residing in London at the time (McQueen 532).These London arts clubs had a significant influence on the expatriate Australian artists for they became the “glue” that held them together whilst abroad. Although some artists travelled abroad specifically to take up places at the Royal Academy School or the Slade School, only a minority of artists arriving in London from Australia and other British colonies were offered positions at these prestigious schools. Many artists travelled to “try their luck.” The arts clubs of London, whilst similarly discerning in their membership criteria, generally offered a visiting “brother-of-the-brush” a warm welcome as a professional courtesy. They featured the familiar rollicking all-male “Smoke Nights” a feature of the Melbourne Savage Club. With a greater “artist” membership than the clubs in Australia, expatriate artists were not only able to catch up with their friends from Australia, but also they could associate with England’s finest and most progressive artists in a familiar congenial environment. The clubs were a “home away from home” and described by Underhill as, “an artistic Earl’s Court” (Underhill 99). Most importantly, the clubs were a centre for discourse, arguably even more so than were the teaching academies. Britain’s leading modernist artists were members of the Chelsea Arts Club and the New English Arts Club and mixed freely with the visiting Australian artists.Many Australian artists, such as Miles Evergood and George Bell (1878–1966), held anti-academic views similar to English club members and embraced the new artistic trends, which they would bring back to Australia. Streeton had no illusions about the relative worth of the famed institutions and the exhibitions held by clubs such as the New English. Writing to Roberts before he joins him in London, he describes the Royal Academy as having, “an inartistic atmosphere” and claims he “hasn’t the least desire to go again” (Streeton 77). His preference lay with a concurrent “International Exhibition”, which featured works by Rodin, Whistler, Condor, Degas, and others who were setting the pace rather than merely continuing the academic traditions.Architect Hardy Wilson (1881–1955) served as secretary of The Chelsea Arts Club. When he returned to Australia he brought back with him a number of British works by Streeton and Lambert for an exhibition at the Guild Hall Melbourne (Underhill 92). Artists and Bohemians, a history of the Chelsea Arts Club, makes special reference of its world-wide contacts and singles out many of its prominent Australian members for specific mention including; Sir John William (Will) Ashton OBE, later Director of the Art Gallery of New South Wales, and Will Dyson, whose illustrious career as an Australian war artist was described in some detail. Dyson’s popularity led to his later appointment as Chairman of the Chelsea Arts Club where he initiated an ambitious rebuilding program, improving staff accommodation, refurbishing the members’ areas, and adding five bedrooms for visiting members (Bross 87-90).Whilst the influence of travel abroad on Australian artists has been noted, the importance of the London Clubs has not been fully explored. These clubs offered artists a space where they felt “at home” and a familiar environment whilst they were abroad. The clubs functioned as a meeting space where they could engage in a stimulating artistic environment and gain introductions to leading figures in the art world. For those artists who chose England, London’s arts clubs played a large role, for it was in these establishments that they discussed, exhibited, shared, and met with their English counterparts. The club environment in London had a significant impact on male Australian artists as it offered a space where they were integrated into the English art world which enhanced their experience whilst abroad and influenced the direction of their art.ReferencesCorbett, David Peters, and Lara Perry, eds. English Art, 1860–1914: Modern Artists and Identity. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000.Croll, Robert Henderson. Tom Roberts: Father of Australian Landscape Painting. Melbourne: Robertson & Mullens, 1935.Cross, Tom. Artists and Bohemians: 100 Years with the Chelsea Arts Club. 1992. 1st ed. London: Quiller Press, 1992.Gray, Anne, and National Gallery of Australia. McCubbin: Last Impressions 1907–17. 1st ed. Parkes, A.C.T.: National Gallery of Australia, 2009.Halliday, Andrew, ed. The Savage Papers. 1867. 1st ed. London: Tinsley Brothers, 1867.Hammer, Gael. Miles Evergood: No End of Passion. Willoughby, NSW: Phillip Mathews, 2013.Joske, Prue. Debonair Jack: A Biography of Sir John Longstaff. 1st ed. Melbourne: Claremont Publishing, 1994.MacDonald, James S., Frederick McCubbin, and Alexander McCubbin. The Art of F. McCubbin. Melbourne: Lothian Book Publishing, 1916.McCaughy, Patrick. Strange Country: Why Australian Painting Matters. Ed. Paige Amor. The Miegunyah Press, 2014.McCubbin, Frederick. Papers, Ca. 1900–Ca. 1915. Melbourne.McQueen, Humphrey. Tom Roberts. Sydney: Macmillan, 1996.Mead, Stephen. "Bohemia in Melbourne: An Investigation of the Writer Marcus Clarke and Four Artistic Clubs during the Late 1860s – 1901.” PhD thesis. Melbourne: University of Melbourne, 2009.Melbourne Savage Club. Secretary. Minute Book: Melbourne Savage Club. Club Minutes (General Committee). Melbourne: Savage Archives.Mulvaney, Derek John, and J.H. Calaby. So Much That Is New: Baldwin Spencer, 1860–1929, a Biography. Carlton, Vic.: Melbourne University Press, 1985.Smith, Bernard, Terry Smith, and Christopher Heathcote. Australian Painting, 1788–2000. 4th ed. South Melbourne, Vic.: Oxford University Press, 2001.Streeton, Arthur, et al. Smike to Bulldog: Letters from Sir Arthur Streeton to Tom Roberts. Sydney: Ure Smith, 1946.Streeton, Arthur, ed. Letters from Smike: The Letters of Arthur Streeton, 1890–1943. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989.Thornton, Alfred, and New English Art Club. Fifty Years of the New English Art Club, 1886–1935. London: New English Art Club, Curwen Press 1935.Underhill, Nancy D.H. Making Australian Art 1916–49: Sydney Ure Smith Patron and Publisher. South Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1991.Various. Melbourne Savage Club Correspondence Book: 1902–1916. Melbourne: Melbourne Savage Club.Williams, Graeme Henry. "A Socio-Cultural Reading: The Melbourne Savage Club through Its Collections." Masters of Arts thesis. Melbourne: Deakin University, 2013.

Introduction The recipe is more than just a list of ingredients and the instructions on how to prepare a particular dish. Recipes also are, as Janet Floyd and Laurel Foster argue, a form of narrative that tells a myriad of stories, “of family sagas and community, of historical and cultural moments and also of personal histories and narratives of self” (Floyd and Forster 2). Among the most intimate and personal sources of recipes are manuscript cookbooks. These typically contained original handwritten recipes created by the author as well as those shared by family and friends; some recipes were copied from published cookbooks or clipped out of newspapers and magazines. However, these books are more than a mere collection of recipes and domestic instructions, they also paint a unique and vivid picture of the life of their authors. These manuscript cookbooks were a common sight in many Australian colonial kitchens, yet they are a rarely examined and rich archival source that provides a valuable insight into foodways, material culture, and the lives and social relationships of the women who created them. This article will examine the manuscript cookbook created by Phillis Clark in the Darling Downs during the 1860s. Through a close examination of Clark’s manuscript cookbook, this article will explore colonial domestic habits and the cultural context in which they were formed. It will also highlight the historical value of manuscript cookbooks as social texts that chronicle daily life, both inside and outside the kitchen, in colonial Australia. A Colonial Woman Phillis Clark was born in Tasmania in 1836. She was the daughter of Charles Seal, the pioneer of the whaling industry in that state. In 1858 she married Charles George Clark, the eldest son of a well-known Tasmanian family. Both the Seal and Clark families were at the centre of social and political life in Tasmania. In 1861, the couple moved to Talgai, twenty two kilometres north-west of Warwick in the Darling Downs region of Queensland. Here, Charles Clark established himself as a storekeeper and became a partner in the Ellinthorp Steam Flour Mills, the first successful flour mill in Queensland (Waterson 3). He also represented Warwick in the Queensland Legislative assembly between 1871 and 1873. Clark’s brother, George Clark, also settled in the area together with his wife and family. In 1868, both families set up home in adjoining properties known as East Talgai and West Talgai. This joint property, with its well manicured gardens, English trees, and fruit orchard, has been described as a small oasis “in an empty, brown and dusty summer landscape” (Waterson, Squatter 19). The Manuscript Sometime during this period Clark began to compile her very own manuscript cookbook. The front of Clark’s manuscript is dated 1866, yet there is ample evidence to suggest that she began work on this manuscript some years earlier. Clark was scrupulous in acknowledging the sources of her recipes, a habit common to many manuscript cookbook authors (Newlyn 35). She also initialled her own creations, firstly with P.S., for her maiden name Phillis Seal, and later P.S.C. for Phillis Seal Clark, her married name. By 1866 Clarke had been married for eight years so it can be assumed that she commenced her manuscript some time before 1858. A number of the recipes that appear in the manuscript appear to be credited to people living in Tasmania. Furthermore, a number of the newspaper clippings found in her manuscript can be dated to before 1866, including one for 1861. The manuscript itself is a hard bound and lined notebook, sturdy enough to withstand the rigours of daily use in the kitchen. The majority of recipes are handwritten but there are also a number of recipes clipped from newspapers interspaced within the manuscript. The handwritten recipes are in a neat copperplate style and all appear to be written in the same hand. The recipes are not found in distinct sections, although there are some small clusters of particular types of recipes, highlighting the fact that they were added to the manuscript over a period of time. At the front of the manuscript there is a detailed index noting the page number on which each recipe is to be found. The recipes themselves follow the standard conventions of the period. The Sources The sources from which Clark gathered some of the recipes in her manuscript indicate the variety of texts that were available to her. There are a number of newspaper clippings pasted in the pages of her manuscript for a range of both recipes for foods as well as the so-called domestic remedies (medicines) and receipts for household products. Amongst the food recipes there are to be found instructions in the making of cream cheese in the Irish manner and a recipe for stewed shoulder of mutton as well as two different methods for preparing kangaroo. While it is impossible to fully know what newspapers all these clippings have been taken from, at least one of them came from the Darling Downs Gazette and General Advertiser and it is likely that some of them might also have come from a number of the local Warwick papers (one which was founded by her brother-in-law George Clark) that were in publication during Clark’s residence in the area. Clark also utilised a number of published cookbooks as sources for some of the recipes in her own manuscripts. Like most Australians until the last few decades of the nineteenth century, Clark would have mainly resorted to the British cookbooks that were available. The two most commonly acknowledged cookbooks in her manuscript were Enquire Within Upon Everything and Eliza Acton’s. Enquire Within Upon Everything was an immensely popular general household guide amassing eighty-nine editions in a little over forty years in print. It contained information on a plethora of subjects (over three thousand individual entries) including such topics as etiquette, first aid, domestic hints, and recipes. It first appeared on the British market in 1856, under the editorship of Robert Kemp Philp, and became available in Australia in the same year. Booksellers in the Darling Downs advertised copies of the book for the price of three shillings and six pence. Eliza Acton, for her part, was one of Britain’s leading cookbook authors. Her books were widely available throughout the colonies with copies advertised for sale by J. Walch and Sons booksellers in Hobart (‘Advertising’ 1). Extracts from her cookbook Modern Cookery for Private Families began to appear in Australian newspapers only months after it first was published in Britain in 1845 (‘Bullion’ 4). Although Modern Cookery did not provide any recipes directly catering for Australian conditions, its simple and straightforward approach to cookery made it an invaluable resource in the colonial kitchen. Such was the popularity and reputation of Acton’s work that in the preface to Australia’s first cookbook, The English and Australian Cookery Book, the author, Tasmanian born Edward Abbott, stated that he hoped that his cook book would posses “all the advantages of Mrs. Acton’s work” (Abbott vi). The range of printed sources contained within Clark’s manuscript indicate that women in colonial households were far from isolated from the culinary trends occurring in other parts of Australia and the wider British empire. The Recipes Like many Australian women of her class and generation, Phillis Clark reproduced the predominant British food culture in her kitchen. The great majority of recipes contained in her manuscript are for typically English dishes, particularly those for sweet dishes such as biscuits, cakes, and puddings. Plum pudding, trifle, and custard pudding are all featured in her book. As well, many of the savoury dishes such as curry, roast beef, and Yorkshire pudding similarly reflect the British palate. In There is No Taste like Home: The Food of Empire, Adele Wessell argues that the maintenance of British food habits in Australia was a device to reaffirm “cultural and historical bonds and sustain a shared sense of British identity” (811). However, as in many other rural kitchens, native ingredients also found a place. Her manuscript included a number of recipes for the preparation of kangaroo and detailed instructions for the butchering of the animal. Clark’s recipe for “Jugged Hare or Kangaroo” bares a close resemblance to the one that appears in Edward Abbott’s cookbook. Clark’s father and Abbott were from the same, small social milieu in colonial Hobart and were both active in the same political causes. This raises the intriguing possibility that Phillis also knew Abbott and came into contact with some of his culinary ideas. Australians consumed all manners of native ingredients, not only as a matter of necessity but also as a matter of choice. The inclusion of freshly killed native game in Clark’s kitchen would have served to alleviate the monotony of the salted beef and mutton that were common staples during this period. The distinct Australian flavour that began to appear in manuscript cookbooks like Clark’s would later be replicated in their printed counterparts. Australian cookbooks published in the last decades of the nineteenth century demonstrate the importance of native ingredients in colonial kitchens (Singley 37). The Darling Downs region had been a popular destination for German migrants from the 1850s and Clark’s manuscript contained a number of recipes for German dishes. This included one for the traditional German Christmas cake Lebkuchen as well as for various German puddings and biscuits. Clark also included an elaborate recipe for making ham or bacon in the traditional Westphalian fashion. This was a laborious process that involved vigorously rubbing salt, sugar, and beer into the leg of ham every day for a fortnight after which it is then hung to dry for a couple of days and then smoked. Katie Hume, a fellow Darling Downs resident and a close friend of the extended Clark family described feeling like a “gute verstandige Hausfrau” (a good sensible housewife) after salting 112 pounds of pork she had purchased from a neighbour (152). While, unlike their counterparts in the Barossa valley in South Australia, the Germans who lived in the Darling Downs area did not leave a significant mark on the local culinary landscape, the inclusion of German recipes in Clark’s manuscript indicates that there was not only some cross-cultural transmission of culinary knowledge, but also some willingness to go beyond traditional British fare. Many, more mundane recipes also populate Clark’s manuscript. “Toad in a Hole”, “Mutton Pie” and “Stewed Sirloin” all merit an entry. Yet, even with such simple dishes, Clark demonstrated a keen eye for detail. This is attested by her method for the preparation of a simple dish of roasted pumpkin: “Cut into slices 1 inch thick and about 5 inches long, have ready a baking dish with boiling fat—lay the slices in it so that the fat will cover them and bake for 20 minutes (by fat I mean good dripping) Half an hour will not bake them too much. They ought to be brown” (Clark 13). Whilst Clark’s manuscript is not indicative of the foodways of all classes across Queensland society, it does provide some insight as to what was consumed at the table of a well-heeled rural household. As the wife of a prominent businessman and a local dignitary, Phillis Clark would have also undoubtedly been called upon to play the role of hostess and to entertain her husband’s commercial and political acquaintances. Her manuscript also reflects the overwhelmingly British nature of colonial Australian foodways despite the intrusion of some foreign dishes. As Anne Murcott argues, the preparation and consumption of food provides a way through which individuals can express the more abstract significance of cultural values and social systems (204). The Clark household also showed some interest in producing a broad range of products in the home. There are, for example, a number of recipes for beverages including those for non-alcoholic ginger beers and flavoured cordials. They were also far from abstemious, with recipes for wine, mead, and ale included in the manuscript. This last recipe was given to her by her brother Alfred who, according to Clark, “understands brewing and therefore I think it can be depended upon” (Clark 43). Clark also bottled her own fruit, made a wide range of jams, including grape and mock melon, as well as making her own butter, confectionery, and vinegar. The production of goods like these within the home indicates the level of self-reliance in many colonial households, particularly those finding themselves far from the convenience of shops and markets. Many culinary historians argue that there exists a significant time lag between the initial appearance and consumption of a particular dish in a society and its subsequent appearance in the pages of a cookbook. This time lag can be between forty and 150 years long (Mennell 44; Mason 23). However, manuscript cookbooks reflect the immediacy of eating practices. The very personal nature of manuscript cookbooks would suggest that the recipes included within their pages were ones that the author intended to use in her own kitchen. Moreover, from the reciprocal nature of recipe sharing that is evident from these types of cookbooks it can be concluded that the recipes in Clark’s manuscript were ones that, at least in her own social milieu, were in common usage. In her manuscript Clark clearly noted those recipes which she especially liked or otherwise found useful. Many recipes throughout the manuscript have been marked as “proved” indicating that Clark had used and tested them at some stage. A number of them have also been favourably annotated as being “delicious”, “very nice”, “the best”, and “very good”. Amongst the number of recipes for “Soda Cake” that feature in the manuscript Clarke clearly indicates that “Number 1 is the best”. However, she was not averse to commenting on recipes and altering them to suit her taste. In a recipe for “A nice light Cake”, for example, Clark noted that the addition of a “little peel and currants is an improvement” (89). This form of marginal intrusion was a common practice amongst many women and it can even be seen in the margins of many published cookbooks (Theophano 186). These annotations, according to Sandra Sherman, are not transgressive, since the manuscripts are not authored “by” anyone (Sherman 121). In fact, annotations personalise the recipe and confirm the compiler’s confidence in it (Sherman 121). Not Just Food: ‘Domestic Receipts’ As noted above, Clark’s manuscript contained more than just recipes for food and drink. Many of them are “Domestic Receipts” that reflect the complex nature of running a household in rural Australia. Some of Clark’s domestic receipts are in the form of newspaper clippings and are general instructions for the manufacture of simple household products such as a “ready to use glue” and a home-made tooth powder. Others are handwritten and copied from other domestic advice books or were given to Clark by family and friends. A recipe for manufacturing “blacking for stoves”, essential in the maintenance of cast iron stoves, was, for example, culled from Enquire Within Upon Everything. Here, with some authorial intrusion, Clark includes her own list of measured ingredients to prepare the mixture. An intriguing method for the “artificial preparation of ice” involving the use of ammonium nitrate and bicarbonate of soda was given to Clark by Mrs. McKeachie, the wife of Charles Clark’s business partner. Clark also showed an interest in beekeeping and in raising turkeys, with instructions for both these tasks included in her manuscript. The wide range of miscellaneous receipts featured in Clark’s book highlights the breadth of activities that were carried out in many homes in rural Australia. A hint of Clark’s artistic side is also in evidence, with detailed instructions on how to create delicate fern impressions on paper also included in her book. As with many other women in colonial Australia, Clark was expected to take on the role of caregiver when members of her family fell ill or were injured. Her manuscript included a number of recipes for “domestic remedies”, another common trope in books of this kind as well as in their printed counterparts. These remedies included recipes for a cough mixture composed of linseed, liquorice, and water and a liniment to treat rheumatism which was made by mixing rape seed oil and turpentine with a hefty dose of laudanum. Clark used olive oil in a number of medical recipes to treat burns and scalds. As well, treatments for diphtheria, cholera, and diarrhoea feature prominently in her manuscript. The Darling Downs had been subject to a number of outbreaks of dysentery and cholera during Clark’s residency in the area (Waterson, Squatter 71). For “a pain in the chest” Clark recommended the following: “a piece of brown paper spread with tallow and placed on the chest” (69).The inclusion of these domestic remedies and Clark’s obvious concerns for her family’s health is particularly poignant given her personal history. Her family was plagued by misfortune and illness and she lost three of her ten children in a six-year period including two within just months of each other. Clark herself would die during childbirth in 1874. Sharing and Caring The word “recipe” has its origins in the Latin recipere meaning to “receive”. In order to receive there has to be, by implication, someone doing the giving. A recipe signifies an exchange and a connection between individuals. The sharing of recipes was a common activity for many women in nineteenth century Australia. Wilhelmina Rawson, Queensland’s first published cookbook author, was keenly aware of the manner in which women shared recipes and culinary knowledge. This act of reciprocity, she argued, not only helped to ease the isolation of bush living but also allowed each individual to be “benefited by the cleverness of the whole number” (14). For many, food often has a deeply private and personal component, being prepared and consumed within the realm of the home. However, food is also a communal experience and is openly shared through rituals, feasts, the contexts in which it is bought and sold, and, most importantly, reciprocal exchange. In her manuscript, Clark acknowledged a number of different individuals as the source for the recipes she included within its pages. The convention of acknowledging the sources of recipes in manuscript cookbooks functions as a way to assert the recipe’s authority and to ensure that they are proven (Sherman 122). This act of acknowledgement also locates Clark within a social network of women who not only shared recipes but also, one can imagine, many of the vicissitudes of domestic life in a remote rural setting. In her study of women’s manuscript cookbooks, entitled Eat My Words: Reading Women’s Lives Through the Cookbooks They Wrote, Janet Theophano describes these texts as “the maps of the social and cultural life they inhabited” (13). This circulation of recipes allowed women to share their knowledge, skills, and creativity. Those who received and used these recipes not only engaged in a conversation with the writer of these recipes but also formed a connection with a broader community that allowed them to learn more about themselves and the world. Conclusion The manuscript cookbook created by Phillis Clark is a fascinating prism through which to explore domestic life in colonial Australia. The recipes contained in Clark’s manuscript reflect the eating habits of her own family and those of a particular social class in Queensland. They not only demonstrate the tenacity of British foodways in Australia but also show the degree of culinary adventurism that existed in some homes. The personal, almost autobiographical nature of manuscript cookbooks also provides an intimate view in the life of its creator. In the splattered pages of Phillis Clark’s book we can read the many travails, joys, and tragedies of her life. References Abbott, Edward. The English and Australian Cookery Book: Cookery for the Many, as Well as for the Upper Ten Thousand. London: Sampson Low, Son, and Marston, 1864. ‘Advertising’. Launceston Examiner 9 Mar. 1858: 1. ‘Boullion, The Common Soup of France’. The Sydney Morning Herald 22 Aug. 1845: 4. Clark, Phillis. “Manuscript Cookbook”. 1863 Floyd, Janet, and Laurel Forster. “The Recipe in Its Cultural Content.” The Recipe Reader: Narratives, Contexts, Traditions. Ed. Janet Floyd and Laurel Forster. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate. 2003. Hume, Anna Kate. Katie Hume on the Darling Downs, a Colonial Marriage: Letters of a Colonial Lady, 1866-1871. Ed. Nancy Bonnin. Toowoomba: DDIP, 1985. Mason, Laura. Food Culture in Great Britain. Greenwood, 2004. Mennell, Stephen. All Manners of Food: Eating and Taste in England and France from the Middle Ages to the Present. Oxford, UK: B. Blackwell, 1985. Murcott, Anne. “The Cultural Significance of Food and Eating”. Proceedings of the Nutrition Society 41.02 (1982): 203–10. Newlyn, Andrea K. “Redefining ‘Rudimentary’ Narrative: Women’s Nineteenth Century Manuscript Cookbooks”. The Recipe Reader: Narratives, Contexts, Traditions. Ed. Janet Floyd and Laurel Forster. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2003. Rawson, Wilhelmina. Australian Enquiry Book of Household and General Information: A Practical Guide for the Cottage, Villa and Bush Home. Melbourne: Pater and Knapton, 1894. Sherman, S. “‘The Whole Art and Mystery of Cooking’: What Cookbooks Taught Readers in the Eighteenth Century”. Eighteenth-Century Life 28.1 (2004): 115–35. Singley, Blake. “‘Hardly Anything Fit for Man to Eat’: Food and Colonialism in Australia.” History Australia 9.3 (2012): 27–42. Theophano, Janet. Eat My Words: Reading Women’s Lives Through the Cookbooks They Wrote. New York, N.Y: Palgrave, 2002. Waterson, D. B. “A Darling Downs Quartet”. Queensland Heritage 1.7 (1967): 3–14. Waterson, D. B. Squatter, Selector and Storekeeper: A History of the Darling Downs, 1859-93. Sydney: Sydney UP, 1968. Wessell, Adele. “There’s No Taste Like Home: The Food of Empire”. Exploring the British World: Identity, Cultural Production, Institutions. Ed. Kate Darian-Smith and Patricia Grimshaw. Melbourne: RMIT, 2004.

Perhaps nothing in media culture today makes clearer the connection between people’s bodies and their homes than the Emmy-winning reality TV program Extreme Makeover: Home Edition. Home Edition is a spin-off from the original Extreme Makeover, and that fact provides in fundamental form the strong connection that the show demonstrates between bodies and houses. The first EM, initially popular for its focus on cosmetic surgery, laser skin and hair treatments, dental work, cosmetics and wardrobe for mainly middle-aged and self-described unattractive participants, lagged after two full seasons and was finally cancelled entirely, whereas EMHE has continued to accrue viewers and sponsors, as well as accolades (Paulsen, Poniewozik, EMHE Website, Wilhelm). That viewers and the ABC network shifted their attention to the reconstruction of houses over the original version’s direct intervention in problematic bodies indicates that sites of personal transformation are not necessarily within our own physical or emotional beings, but in the larger surround of our environments and in our cultural ideals of home and body. One effect of this shift in the Extreme Makeover format is that a seemingly wider range of narrative problems can be solved relating to houses than to the particular bodies featured on the original show. Although Extreme Makeover featured a few people who’d had previously botched cleft palate surgeries or mastectomies, as Cressida Heyes points out, “the only kind of disability that interests the show is one that can be corrected to conform to able-bodied norms” (22). Most of the recipients were simply middle-aged folks who were ordinary or aged in appearance; many of them seemed self-obsessed and vain, and their children often seemed disturbed by the transformation (Heyes 24). However, children are happy to have a brand new TV and a toy-filled room decorated like their latest fantasy, and they thereby can be drawn into the process of identity transformation in the Home Edition version; in fact, children are required of virtually all recipients of the show’s largess. Because EMHE can do “major surgery” or simply bulldoze an old structure and start with a new building, it is also able to incorporate more variety in its stories—floods, fires, hurricanes, propane explosions, war, crime, immigration, car accidents, unscrupulous contractors, insurance problems, terrorist attacks—the list of traumas is seemingly endless. Home Edition can solve any problem, small or large. Houses are much easier things to repair or reconstruct than bodies. Perhaps partly for this reason, EMHE uses disability as one of its major tropes. Until Season 4, Episode 22, 46.9 percent of the episodes have had some content related to disability or illness of a disabling sort, and this number rises to 76.4 percent if the count includes families that have been traumatised by the (usually recent) death of a family member in childhood or the prime of life by illness, accident or violence. Considering that the percentage of people living with disabilities in the U.S. is defined at 18.1 percent (Steinmetz), EMHE obviously favours them considerably in the selection process. Even the disproportionate numbers of people with disabilities living in poverty and who therefore might be more likely to need help—20.9 percent as opposed to 7.7 percent of the able-bodied population (Steinmetz)—does not fully explain their dominance on the program. In fact, the program seeks out people with new and different physical disabilities and illnesses, sending out emails to local news stations looking for “Extraordinary Mom / Dad recently diagnosed with ALS,” “Family who has a child with PROGERIA (aka ‘little old man’s disease’)” and other particular situations (Simonian). A total of sixty-five ill or disabled people have been featured on the show over the past four years, and, even if one considers its methods maudlin or exploitive, the presence of that much disability and illness is very unusual for reality TV and for TV in general. What the show purports to do is to radically transform multiple aspects of individuals’ lives—and especially lives marred by what are perceived as physical setbacks—via the provision of a luxurious new house, albeit sometimes with the addition of automobiles, mortgage payments or college scholarships. In some ways the assumptions underpinning EMHE fit with a social constructionist body theory that posits an almost infinitely flexible physical matter, of which the definitions and capabilities are largely determined by social concepts and institutions. The social model within the disability studies field has used this theoretical perspective to emphasise the distinction between an impairment, “the physical fact of lacking an arm or a leg,” and disability, “the social process that turns an impairment into a negative by creating barriers to access” (Davis, Bending 12). Accessible housing has certainly been one emphasis of disability rights activists, and many of them have focused on how “design conceptions, in relation to floor plans and allocation of functions to specific spaces, do not conceive of impairment, disease and illness as part of domestic habitation or being” (Imrie 91). In this regard, EMHE appears as a paragon. In one of its most challenging and dramatic Season 1 episodes, the “Design Team” worked on the home of the Ziteks, whose twenty-two-year-old son had been restricted to a sub-floor of the three-level structure since a car accident had paralyzed him. The show refitted the house with an elevator, roll-in bathroom and shower, and wheelchair-accessible doors. Robert Zitek was also provided with sophisticated computer equipment that would help him produce music, a life-long interest that had been halted by his upper-vertebra paralysis. Such examples abound in the new EMHE houses, which have been constructed for families featuring situations such as both blind and deaf members, a child prone to bone breaks due to osteogenesis imperfecta, legs lost in Iraq warfare, allergies that make mold life-threatening, sun sensitivity due to melanoma or polymorphic light eruption or migraines, fragile immune systems (often due to organ transplants or chemotherapy), cerebral palsy, multiple sclerosis, Krabbe disease and autism. EMHE tries to set these lives right via the latest in technology and treatment—computer communication software and hardware, lock systems, wheelchair-friendly design, ventilation and air purification set-ups, the latest in care and mental health approaches for various disabilities and occasional consultations with disabled celebrities like Marlee Matlin. Even when individuals or familes are “[d]iscriminated against on a daily basis by ignorance and physical challenges,” as the program website notes, they “deserve to have a home that doesn’t discriminate against them” (EMHE website, Season 3, Episode 4). The relief that they will be able to inhabit accessible and pleasant environments is evident on the faces of many of these recipients. That physical ease, that ability to move and perform the intimate acts of domestic life, seems according to the show’s narrative to be the most basic element of home. Nonetheless, as Robert Imrie has pointed out, superficial accessibility may still veil “a static, singular conception of the body” (201) that prevents broader change in attitudes about people with disabilities, their activities and their spaces. Starting with the story of the child singing in an attempt at self-comforting from Deleuze and Guattari’s A Thousand Plateaus, J. MacGregor Wise defines home as a process of territorialisation through specific behaviours. “The markers of home … are not simply inanimate objects (a place with stuff),” he notes, “but the presence, habits, and effects of spouses, children, parents, and companions” (299). While Ty Pennington, EMHE’s boisterous host, implies changes for these families along the lines of access to higher education, creative possibilities provided by musical instruments and disability-appropriate art materials, help with home businesses in the way of equipment and licenses and so on, the families’ identity-producing habits are just as likely to be significantly changed by the structural and decorative arrangements made for them by the Design Team. The homes that are created for these families are highly conventional in their structure, layout, decoration, and expectations of use. More specifically, certain behavioural patterns are encouraged and others discouraged by the Design Team’s assumptions. Several themes run through the show’s episodes: Large dining rooms provide for the most common of Pennington’s comments: “You can finally sit down and eat meals together as a family.” A nostalgic value in an era where most families have schedules full of conflicts that prevent such Ozzie-and-Harriet scenarios, it nonetheless predominates. Large kitchens allow for cooking and eating at home, though featured food is usually frozen and instant. In addition, kitchens are not designed for the families’ disabled members; for wheelchair users, for instance, counters need to be lower than usual with open space underneath, so that a wheelchair can roll underneath the counter. Thus, all the wheelchair inhabitants depicted will still be dependent on family members, primarily mothers, to prepare food and clean up after them. (See Imrie, 95-96, for examples of adapted kitchens.) Pets, perhaps because they are inherently “dirty,” are downplayed or absent, even when the family has them when EMHE arrives (except one family that is featured for their animal rescue efforts); interestingly, there are no service dogs, which might obviate the need for some of the high-tech solutions for the disabled offered by the show. The previous example is one element of an emphasis on clutter-free cleanliness and tastefulness combined with a rampant consumerism. While “cultural” elements may be salvaged from exotic immigrant families, most of the houses are very similar and assume a certain kind of commodified style based on new furniture (not humble family hand-me-downs), appliances, toys and expensive, prefab yard gear. Sears is a sponsor of the program, and shopping trips for furniture and appliances form a regular part of the program. Most or all of the houses have large garages, and the families are often given large vehicles by Ford, maintaining a positive take on a reliance on private transportation and gas-guzzling vehicles, but rarely handicap-adapted vans. Living spaces are open, with high ceilings and arches rather than doorways, so that family members will have visual and aural contact. Bedrooms are by contrast presented as private domains of retreat, especially for parents who have demanding (often ill or disabled) children, from which they are considered to need an occasional break. All living and bedrooms are dominated by TVs and other electronica, sometimes presented as an aid to the disabled, but also dominating to the point of excluding other ways of being and interacting. As already mentioned, childless couples and elderly people without children are completely absent. Friends buying houses together and gay couples are also not represented. The ideal of the heterosexual nuclear family is thus perpetuated, even though some of the show’s craftspeople are gay. Likewise, even though “independence” is mentioned frequently in the context of families with disabled members, there are no recipients who are disabled adults living on their own without family caretakers. “Independence” is spoken of mostly in terms of bathing, dressing, using the bathroom and other bodily aspects of life, not in terms of work, friendship, community or self-concept. Perhaps most salient, the EMHE houses are usually created as though nothing about the family will ever again change. While a few of the projects have featured terminally ill parents seeking to leave their children secure after their death, for the most part the families are considered oddly in stasis. Single mothers will stay single mothers, even children with conditions with severe prognoses will continue to live, the five-year-old will sleep forever in a fire-truck bed or dollhouse room, the occasional grandparent installed in his or her own suite will never pass away, and teenagers and young adults (especially the disabled) will never grow up, marry, discover their homosexuality, have a falling out with their parents or leave home. A kind of timeless nostalgia, hearkening back to Gaston Bachelard’s The Poetics of Space, pervades the show. Like the body-modifying Extreme Makeover, the Home Edition version is haunted by the issue of normalisation. The word ‘normal’, in fact, floats through the program’s dialogue frequently, and it is made clear that the goal of the show is to restore, as much as possible, a somewhat glamourised, but status quo existence. The website, in describing the work of one deserving couple notes that “Camp Barnabas is a non-profit organisation that caters to the needs of critically and chronically ill children and gives them the opportunity to be ‘normal’ for one week” (EMHE website, Season 3, Episode 7). Someone at the network is sophisticated enough to put ‘normal’ in quotation marks, and the show demonstrates a relatively inclusive concept of ‘normal’, but the word dominates the show itself, and the concept remains largely unquestioned (See Canguilhem; Davis, Enforcing Normalcy; and Snyder and Mitchell, Narrative, for critiques of the process of normalization in regard to disability). In EMHE there is no sense that disability or illness ever produces anything positive, even though the show also notes repeatedly the inspirational attitudes that people have developed through their disability and illness experiences. Similarly, there is no sense that a little messiness can be creatively productive or even necessary. Wise makes a distinction between “home and the home, home and house, home and domus,” the latter of each pair being normative concepts, whereas the former “is a space of comfort (a never-ending process)” antithetical to oppressive norms, such as the association of the home with the enforced domesticity of women. In cases where the house or domus becomes a place of violence and discomfort, home becomes the process of coping with or resisting the negative aspects of the place (300). Certainly the disabled have experienced this in inaccessible homes, but they may also come to experience a different version in a new EMHE house. For, as Wise puts it, “home can also mean a process of rationalization or submission, a break with the reality of the situation, self-delusion, or falling under the delusion of others” (300). The show’s assumption that the construction of these new houses will to a great extent solve these families’ problems (and that disability itself is the problem, not the failure of our culture to accommodate its many forms) may in fact be a delusional spell under which the recipient families fall. In fact, the show demonstrates a triumphalist narrative prevalent today, in which individual happenstance and extreme circumstances are given responsibility for social ills. In this regard, EMHE acts out an ancient morality play, where the recipients of the show’s largesse are assessed and judged based on what they “deserve,” and the opening of each show, when the Design Team reviews the application video tape of the family, strongly emphasises what good people these are (they work with charities, they love each other, they help out their neighbours) and how their situation is caused by natural disaster, act of God or undeserved tragedy, not their own bad behaviour. Disabilities are viewed as terrible tragedies that befall the young and innocent—there is no lung cancer or emphysema from a former smoking habit, and the recipients paralyzed by gunshots have received them in drive-by shootings or in the line of duty as police officers and soldiers. In addition, one of the functions of large families is that the children veil any selfish motivation the adults may have—they are always seeking the show’s assistance on behalf of the children, not themselves. While the Design Team always notes that there are “so many other deserving people out there,” the implication is that some people’s poverty and need may be their own fault. (See Snyder and Mitchell, Locations 41-67; Blunt and Dowling 116-25; and Holliday.) In addition, the structure of the show—with the opening view of the family’s undeserved problems, their joyous greeting at the arrival of the Team, their departure for the first vacation they may ever have had and then the final exuberance when they return to the new house—creates a sense of complete, almost religious salvation. Such narratives fail to point out social support systems that fail large numbers of people who live in poverty and who struggle with issues of accessibility in terms of not only domestic spaces, but public buildings, educational opportunities and social acceptance. In this way, it echoes elements of the medical model, long criticised in disability studies, where each and every disabled body is conceptualised as a site of individual aberration in need of correction, not as something disabled by an ableist society. In fact, “the house does not shelter us from cosmic forces; at most it filters and selects them” (Deleuze and Guattari, What Is Philosophy?, qtd. in Frichot 61), and those outside forces will still apply to all these families. The normative assumptions inherent in the houses may also become oppressive in spite of their being accessible in a technical sense (a thing necessary but perhaps not sufficient for a sense of home). As Tobin Siebers points out, “[t]he debate in architecture has so far focused more on the fundamental problem of whether buildings and landscapes should be universally accessible than on the aesthetic symbolism by which the built environment mirrors its potential inhabitants” (“Culture” 183). Siebers argues that the Jamesonian “political unconscious” is a “social imaginary” based on a concept of perfection (186) that “enforces a mutual identification between forms of appearance, whether organic, aesthetic, or architectural, and ideal images of the body politic” (185). Able-bodied people are fearful of the disabled’s incurability and refusal of normalisation, and do not accept the statistical fact that, at least through the process of aging, most people will end up dependent, ill and/or disabled at some point in life. Mainstream society “prefers to think of people with disabilities as a small population, a stable population, that nevertheless makes enormous claims on the resources of everyone else” (“Theory” 742). Siebers notes that the use of euphemism and strategies of covering eventually harm efforts to create a society that is home to able-bodied and disabled alike (“Theory” 747) and calls for an exploration of “new modes of beauty that attack aesthetic and political standards that insist on uniformity, balance, hygiene, and formal integrity” (Culture 210). What such an architecture, particularly of an actually livable domestic nature, might look like is an open question, though there are already some examples of people trying to reframe many of the assumptions about housing design. For instance, cohousing, where families and individuals share communal space, yet have private accommodations, too, makes available a larger social group than the nuclear family for social and caretaking activities (Blunt and Dowling, 262-65). But how does one define a beauty-less aesthetic or a pleasant home that is not hygienic? Post-structuralist architects, working on different grounds and usually in a highly theoretical, imaginary framework, however, may offer another clue, as they have also tried to ‘liberate’ architecture from the nostalgic dictates of the aesthetic. Ironically, one of the most famous of these, Peter Eisenman, is well known for producing, in a strange reversal, buildings that render the able-bodied uncomfortable and even sometimes ill (see, in particular, Frank and Eisenman). Of several house designs he produced over the years, Eisenman notes that his intention was to dislocate the house from that comforting metaphysic and symbolism of shelter in order to initiate a search for those possibilities of dwelling that may have been repressed by that metaphysic. The house may once have been a true locus and symbol of nurturing shelter, but in a world of irresolvable anxiety, the meaning and form of shelter must be different. (Eisenman 172) Although Eisenman’s starting point is very different from that of Siebers, it nonetheless resonates with the latter’s desire for an aesthetic that incorporates the “ragged edge” of disabled bodies. Yet few would want to live in a home made less attractive or less comfortable, and the “illusion” of permanence is one of the things that provide rest within our homes. Could there be an architecture, or an aesthetic, of home that could create a new and different kind of comfort and beauty, one that is neither based on a denial of the importance of bodily comfort and pleasure nor based on an oppressively narrow and commercialised set of aesthetic values that implicitly value some people over others? For one thing, instead of viewing home as a place of (false) stasis and permanence, we might see it as a place of continual change and renewal, which any home always becomes in practice anyway. As architect Hélène Frichot suggests, “we must look toward the immanent conditions of architecture, the processes it employs, the serial deformations of its built forms, together with our quotidian spatio-temporal practices” (63) instead of settling into a deadening nostalgia like that seen on EMHE. If we define home as a process of continual territorialisation, if we understand that “[t]here is no fixed self, only the process of looking for one,” and likewise that “there is no home, only the process of forming one” (Wise 303), perhaps we can begin to imagine a different, yet lovely conception of “house” and its relation to the experience of “home.” Extreme Makeover: Home Edition should be lauded for its attempts to include families of a wide variety of ethnic and racial backgrounds, various religions, from different regions around the U.S., both rural and suburban, even occasionally urban, and especially for its bringing to the fore how, indeed, structures can be as disabling as any individual impairment. That it shows designers and builders working with the families of the disabled to create accessible homes may help to change wider attitudes and break down resistance to the building of inclusive housing. 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Macgregor. “Home: Territory and Identity.” Cultural Studies 14.2 (2000): 295-310. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Roney, Lisa. "The Extreme Connection Between Bodies and Houses." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/03-roney.php>. APA Style Roney, L. (Aug. 2007) "The Extreme Connection Between Bodies and Houses," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/03-roney.php>.