Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Bordeaux metropolitan area"

Urban Sustainable development has underlined the necessity to decrease automobile use in metropolitan areas. Urban sprawl is seen as a major factor of automobile dependence. Therefore, the comparative advantages of the compact city are a strong incentive to adopt compacification measures. Nevertheless, some critics have questioned these advantages as much as the feasibility of such policies. By listing the arguments from each side of the debate, we try to build a method to understand the urban form-mobility patterns interaction. Some results on the metropolitan area of Bordeaux are presented. Le développement durable assigne aux politiques urbaines un objectif prépondérant : limiter la place de l’automobile dans les déplacements. A cette occasion resurgit la problématique de l’étalement et, par ricochet, celle des densités. Les avantages de la ville compacte, notamment en termes de mobilité, incitent plusieurs pays à adopter des politiques de compacification. Pourtant un certain nombre de critiques questionnent la validité de ces avantages autant que la mise en œuvre de ces politiques. L’examen serré de la controverse sur les avantages comparatifs de la ville compacte nous permet de construire une démarche méthodologique personnelle qui ambitionne de traiter des relations complexes - et peu explorées à ce jour – qu’entretiennent les formes urbaines et les comportements de mobilité. Quelques résultats portant sur l’agglomération bordelaise (données 1998) sont présentés.

Excessive anthropogenic activities affect landscape patterns and trigger a decrease of natural capital and the level of quality of life. Green infrastructures (GIs) are commonly accepted by scholars as solutions for restoring degraded areas and providing a variety of ecosystem services (ESs). The other way around, the capacity to deliver ESs can be assumed as a relevant starting point for GIs analysis and planning. The assessment of ESs needs extensive investigation and applications, to provide planners, policy makers, and institutional stakeholders with an adequate evaluation tool. The multi-facet nature of ESs assessment implies the use of complex tools able to consider many concerns. In this regard, multicriteria analysis (MCA) is a very popular tool due to its capacity to intertwine a variety of issues in a rigorous way and to support participatory and transparent decision making in the public domain. In this study, we aim at contributing to the integration of GI design into spatial planning starting from the assessment of the net benefit delivered to local society by a GI in the metropolitan area of Bordeaux (France). We assessed the net benefit by confronting the ESs deliverable by the GI and the cost sustained for its construction and maintenance. We applied an MCA-based method to the selection of the most efficient alternative out of three GI paths. We demonstrate that our method is useful for the assessment of cultural and regulating ESs, comparing the GI design alternatives, and considering the preference model of the stakeholders within GI planning and design.

For analyzing the reciprocal interaction between urban sprawl and car use, research has first focused on the link between urban density and mobility. By looking for a reduction in energy consumption, cities have favoured a compact planning development. Then reflection has broadened from the simple density to the wider, multi-dimensional concept of urban form. This controversy has led to a renewal of analysis in term of the costs of urban growth, notably by comparing the costs of "compact" and "sprawled" development. The idea is to compare the mobility costs of different urban forms. However, most often because of a lack of data, such studies are scarce. This paper suggests an innovative method to compute mobility costs at an infra-urban scale : The Spatialized Travel Account (STA). It is based on the CERTU's travel account methodology at a metropolitan scale. It puts forward an accurate estimate of the mobility costs for each transport mode (individual and public) and for each type of payer (households, firms, local authorities...). In order to test the relationships between mobility costs and urban form, we link the computed costs to morphological characteristics of infra-urban zones, taking in account sociodemographic characteristics of households. L'interaction réciproque entre étalement urbain et usage de l'automobile a conduit la recherche à se focaliser sur le lien entre les densités urbaines et la mobilité. En cherchant à réduire leur consommation d'énergie pour les transports, et donc leurs émissions de Gaz à Effet de Serre, les villes ont alors cherché à planifier la " ville compacte ", privilégiant notamment la reconstruction de la ville sur elle-même et la densification. Par la suite, la réflexion s'est élargie de la simple densité à la notion de forme urbaine et à toutes ses dimensions. Cette controverse devait conduire à un renouveau des analyses en termes de coûts de la croissance urbaine : le débat reste vif, encore aujourd'hui, sur les coûts comparés de la ville étalée et de la ville compacte. Plus largement, il s'agit d'explorer les coûts des différentes formes urbaines en termes de mobilité. Malgré cela, généralement pour des raisons de disponibilité de données, les études sur le sujet restent extrêmement rares. Cet article propose un outil novateur pour mesurer les coûts de la mobilité à l'échelle intraurbaine : le Compte Déplacements Territorialisé (CDT). Il s'inspire de la méthode développée par le CERTU pour l'établissement des Comptes Déplacements Voyageurs à l'échelle métropolitaine. Le CDT propose, pour chacune des zones de l'agglomération, une estimation précise de l'ensemble des coûts liés aux déplacements de personnes, ventilés par mode de transport (individuels et collectifs) et par type de financeurs (ménages, entreprises, collectivités territoriales, etc.). Nous proposons une application de cette méthode à la controverse sur le lien entre forme urbaine et coûts de la mobilité. Les coûts sont reliés aux caractéristiques morphologiques des zones (en termes de densité et de diversité, notamment), en prenant soin de contrôler les facteurs socio-économiques qui influent traditionnellement sur les comportements de mobilité (taille du ménage, revenu, etc.).

Energy consumption and its economic, social and environmental effects in cities is a relevant issue of growing concern that requires better tools for assessment and measurement. In this context, the aim of this article is to explore the concept of a city energy matrix, with focus on the transportation sector, to support political decision-making. Partial (only transportation-related) energy matrixes are presented for three cities: Bordeaux (France), Cincinnati (USA) and Curitiba (Brazil), using an energy accounting method. The study considered consolidated energy consumption data of the conurbation area around each city. This information allowed the elaboration of inferences made from matrixes, which involved urban population and economic indicators, as a strategy to understand the relationship between urban characteristics and energy consumption. Results obtained were compared to information available in the literature. National and local influences as city size, spatial structure, economic development and access to data in the final matrixes are reported. Relevant theoretic issues to be further explored are the adequacy of the political boundaries and the actual geographic distribution of energy consumption of trucks, trains and airplanes connecting the city to other regions.

This paper explores the historical perspectives and contemporary trends of urbanization in France, shedding light on the transformations, challenges, and opportunities that have shaped the country's urban landscape over time. The article begins by tracing the roots of urbanization in the nineteenth century when industrialization spurred rapid urban growth in cities like Paris, Lyon, Marseille, and Bordeaux. The rise of urban infrastructure, including factories, transportation networks, and housing, accommodated the growing urban population.The twentieth century marked a transition in France's urbanization patterns, with post-war reconstruction, suburbanization, and changing societal dynamics playing significant roles. Efforts were made to rebuild and modernize cities after the World Wars, resulting in urban renewal projects and architectural changes. Suburbanization emerged as a trend driven by the desire for improved living conditions outside overcrowded city centers.In recent decades, globalization, technological advancements, and changing lifestyles have influenced urban development patterns in France. Metropolitan areas, particularly the Greater Paris Region, have experienced significant expansion, concentrating economic activities, cultural institutions, and population. However, smaller towns and rural areas have faced population decline and struggles to maintain services and infrastructure.The consequences of urbanization in France have been multifaceted. Cities have become centers of economic innovation, cultural vibrancy, and educational opportunities, attracting talent and fostering creativity. Additionally, urban areas have played a crucial role in France's tourism industry, with cities like Paris and Lyon being major global destinations. However, the rapid growth of cities has presented challenges related to housing affordability, transportation congestion, environmental sustainability, and social inequality.To effectively manage urbanization, policymakers, urban planners, and researchers must understand the driving factors, impacts on local communities, and strategies for sustainable urban development. The article emphasizes the importance of examining demographic shifts, urban planning initiatives, transportation systems, housing dynamics, cultural transformations, and the quest for sustainable development. By analyzing the historical trajectory and current trends of urbanization in France, valuable insights can be gained into the opportunities and challenges faced by the country as it navigates the complexities of a rapidly changing urban landscape.The article concludes by highlighting the need for comprehensive urban planning, sustainable development practices, and inclusive policies to address the challenges posed by urbanization in France. It emphasizes the importance of transportation systems, housing dynamics, affordability, and environmental considerations in creating resilient and livable cities. Additionally, the article suggests that examining specific case studies like Paris, Lyon, and Marseille can provide deeper insights into the unique challenges and successes of urbanization in different cities.

IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. 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Partant du constat partagé par les élus et les techniciens qu’il est de plus en plus difficile de se loger dans la métropole bordelaise, la thèse s’intéresse aux stratégies résidentielles et aux parcours résidentiels dans la métropole bordelaise et en Gironde. En effet, le contexte immobilier particulièrement tendu et les prix élevés à l’achat et à la location conditionnent les modalités d’entrée sur les marchés du logement, locatif comme à la propriété, de s’y maintenir, de déménager. Ainsi, derrière la question de l’offre et des prix immobiliers à l’achat et à la location, l’enjeu majeur de la crise contemporaine du logement réside dans la fluidité des parcours résidentiels. Dans un positionnement de recherche-action, l’objectif est de proposer une description fine des parcours résidentiels et de leurs points de blocage pour rendre compte des enjeux qui se posent aujourd’hui aux politiques publiques. Les méthodes mobilisées visent à décrire les stratégies, d’une part, et les parcours résidentiels, d’autre part. Partant d’une caractérisation générale des flux à partir des données Fidéli, une enquête par questionnaire (N=812), portant sur des ménages ayant récemment déménagé et vivant en Gironde à l’issue du déménagement, a fait l’objet d’un redressement et d’un traitement statistique. Des entretiens complètent l’analyse quantitative afin de comprendre plus finement les choix et les stratégies résidentielles. Mis en perspective avec les travaux existants, ces entretiens permettent de définir des idéaux types de trajectoires résidentielles, précisés par les résultats de l’analyse multivariée de l’enquête par questionnaire. Les résultats mettent en évidence une typologie des parcours résidentiels en Gironde en 6 catégories : les « accédants en métropole », les « néo-Bordelais locataires », les « jeunes bénéficiant d’aides et/ ou d’un patrimoine familial » et qui déménagent sans difficulté dans le périurbain, les « retraités heureux », les « professions intermédiaires en milieu de cycle de vie entravées dans la métropole » et enfin, les « ouvriers et employés entravés en Gironde ».Ainsi, l’analyse croisée des idéaux types des trajectoires résidentielles et de la typologie des parcours résidentiels souligne que le cycle de vie ne permet pas à lui seul d’expliquer les parcours résidentiels des ménages. Les parcours résidentiels sont également socialement sélectifs. Les catégories aisées accèdent plus facilement à la propriété et a fortiori, à la location. À l’inverse, les classes les plus précaires sont exclues de l’accession à la propriété, parfois même dans le périurbain, alors que l’accession à la propriété demeure centrale dans la demande résidentielle. De plus, les inégalités patrimoniales, y compris au sein de la même étape du cycle de vie, opèrent des distinctions importantes dans la fluidité des parcours résidentiels. Enfin, les aspirations résidentielles propres à chaque parcours de vie influencent aussi les parcours résidentiels. À moment dans le cycle de vie similaire et catégorie professionnelle équivalent, les trajectoires de vie mènent à des choix et à des arrangements différents.Au regard de ces résultats, les politiques publiques en faveur de la fluidité des parcours résidentiels ne peuvent se résumer à des politiques de l’habitat. Elles doivent intégrer des politiques sociales, économiques et de transports afin de permettre un accès à un logement décent, à toutes les étapes de la vie. Les parcours résidentiels sont finalement un catalyseur des enjeux de la ville de demain
Based on the observation shared by local representatives and experts that it has become increasingly difficult to find accommodation in the Bordeaux metropolis, this dissertation explores housing strategies and trajectories within the Bordeaux metropolitan area and in the department of Gironde. Indeed, the tight real estate market as well as high purchasing and renting prices determine how people access, remain and move within the housing market, both for renting and home ownership. Therefore, beyond the matters of supply and of purchasing and renting prices, the main issue underlying the current housing market crisis lies in the fluidity of residential trajectories. In an action-research perspective, the goal is then to offer a more detailed description of housing trajectories and their obstacles to document the challenges facing public policies today. The methods used aim at describing on the one hand the strategies and on the other the housing trajectories. Starting from an overall characterization of flows based on Fidéli data, a survey conducted among households having recently moved and living in Gironde was adjusted and statistically analyzed. In order to better understand choices and housing strategies, interviews were carried out to supplement the quantitative analysis. From these interviews, which were compared with existing research, ideal types of housing trajectories could be defined, and made more precise by the results drawn from the survey’s multivariate analysis. The results reveal a typology of residential trajectories in Gironde falling into 6 groups : the “city homebuyers”, the “tenants newly arrived in Bordeaux”, the “young people benefitting from state aid and/or family resources" and who easily move to the suburban area, the “happy retirees”, the “mid-life individuals with intermediate occupations hindered in the metropolis” and finally, the “workers and employees hindered in Gironde”.Thus, the cross-analysis of housing trajectories’ ideal types and of housing trajectories’ typology shows that the life cycle alone does not explain the households’ residential trajectories. These are also socially selective. The wealthiest groups access home ownership more easily and renting even more so. On the contrary, the poorest groups are excluded from ownership, sometimes even in the suburban areas, even though becoming a homeowner remains a core residential demand. Moreover, inequalities in terms of resources, including for people at the same stage of the life cycle, also create important discrepancies in the fluidity of residential trajectories. Lastly, residential aspirations, that are unique to each life course, also influence housing trajectories. At comparable occupation and stage of life, individual life trajectories lead to different arrangements and choices.In light of these results, it becomes clear that public policies striving for fluidity in residential trajectories cannot merely be reduced to housing policies. They have to include social, economic and transport policies to enable affordable housing at every stage of life. In the end, residential trajectories encapsulate the challenges facing the city of tomorrow

The C-MobILE project defines a new European C-ITS Reference Architecture to ease and promote the deployment of C-ITS services throughout Europe in an interoperable, replicable way. This hybrid architecture is taken as the basis in Barcelona to implement and deploy new mobility services to help increase road safety and traffic efficiency, not only in the city, but also in its metropolitan area. As a main innovative point, traditional C-ITS have been adapted to work over cellular communications and offer both existing and new services. This paper gathers all the process followed to offer a group of cellular-based C-ITS services to almost any kind of road users, from passenger cars to VRUs, including public transport and emergency services. As the backbone of that process the Barcelona-specific end-to-end technical implementation (data sources, formats, backend and frontend) is presented and detailed. This becomes the platform where all the specific services are implemented and managed, those being GLOSA, In-Vehicle Signage, Emergency Vehicle Warning, Road Works Warning, Road Hazard Warning, Flexible Infrastructure, Warning System for VRUs, Motorcycle Approaching Indication and Probe Vehicle Data. Such a platform is formed by different, independent data sources (providing different mobility data), a data management module (where all the data is treated and the road events to be notified are generated), a dissemination module (notifying all those events to the users, depending on their location, via cellular communications), and the frontend application, which is the interface between the system and the end-user. The interactions between the different modules and the data flow, including formats, are also detailed. All the services are thought to be deployed in a large-scale context, with many users connected at the same time and events being updated in real-time. Furthermore, and following one of the project main objectives, they are interoperable with all the C-MobILE sites, which means that the end-user app from Barcelona can be taken to cities such as Bordeaux, Bilbao, Copenhagen, Newcastle, Eindhoven, Helmond, Thessaloniki or Vigo, and still provide the services which are active in those locations. Such an interoperability approach is also presented in this paper.

El creciente proceso de dispersión territorial de las ciudades latinoamericanas y venezolanas (Maracaibo), deriva de la expansión incontrolada de la periferia urbana por ausencia o trasgresión de las restricciones físico-geográficas y legales y es consecuencia de la migración, el laissez faire territorial, la poca capacidad de gestión y la ausencia de cultura de sostenibilidad. Resulta de formas de producción del hábitat -paisajes urbanos híbridos-dispersos, donde coexisten y se mezclan en un continuo espaciotemporal desarticulado, fragmentos urbanos con diferentes códigos genéticos (urbanización espontánea y planificada). Este patrón de ocupación y desarrollo urbano, basado en tipologías extensivas de bajo rendimiento-intensidad de uso, genera fuertes presiones frente a las que parece no existir capacidad de respuesta institucional o a las que muchas veces no se quiere responder por razones políticas e ideológicas. La dispersión urbana en Maracaibo se ha traducido en el aumento de los costos de urbanización, del incremento del déficit de los servicios infraestructurales, de las asimetrías en la distribución espacial de calidad de vida y la precariedad. Este modelo disperso-insostenible que caracteriza a Maracaibo - con 1,6 millones de habitantes - ha desbordado los límites de la ciudad, ocupando los bordes de los corredores urbanos metropolitanos que desde la ciudad atraviesan la Zona Protectora (ZP). La ZP es un green belt plurimunicipal de 20.800 Has, que bordea y define el limitefrontera urbana del Archipiélago Metropolitano de Maracaibo (AMM). La ZP fue decretada en 1989 por el Ministerio del Ambiente (MARN) para frenar la expansión anárquica de Maracaibo y actuar como agente regulador del clima y el medio ambiente en beneficio de la calidad de la vida urbana y como políticacontenedor del crecimiento urbano de la ciudad, actualmente en proceso de ocupación por rituales urbanos en expansión. La ponencia presenta la metodología -estrategia de planificación-evaluación innovadora- (EPE+i) y resultados de un Estudio realizado para el Ministerio del Ambiente, con el fin de decidir sobre la desafectación total o parcial de la ZP. Con ese propósito se evalúa el impacto de los posibles futuros escenarios de ocupación urbana de la ZP, en la sostenibilidad del AMM. La EPE+i llena el vacío de la planificación-gestión urbana en Venezuela, asumiendo el principio de sostenibilidad y trenzando estratégicamente el proceso de Planificación-Gestión Urbana (PGU), con el modelo Presión- Estado-Respuesta (PER) y el apoyo de Tecnologías de Información Geográfica (TIG) -imagen satelital y SIG- para desarrollar modelos urbanos y atributos e Indicadores de Sostenibilidad Urbana (ISU) específicos. La sostenibilidad y gobernanza (participación-interacción política y social multinivel), se asumieron como principios clave del estudio, para la toma de decisión ética y construir una visiónhipótesis territorial integral y concertada de futuro para el conjunto urbanos ZP-AMM. La ponencia concluye presentando el resultado de la aplicación de la estrategia metodológica, EPE+i = [PGU+PER+TIG] (tecnovación creativa), donde los modelos SIG de vulnerabilidad, consolidación y conformidad de uso y el modelo síntesis, conformidad-adecuación ambiental y legal de la ocupación urbana de la ZP, constituyen los atributos e ISU de Estado; los escenarios se transforman en atributos e ISU de Presión y la gobernanza, evaluada a través de tres variables, legitimidad por desempeño, gobernabilidad y participación, conforman los atributos de Respuesta y seleccionado como política urbana y visión-hipótesis territorial integral para el conjunto ZP-AMM, el escenario E2: Corredores de Expansión Tendencial, porque organiza la ocupación lineal urbana actual, a lo largo de los corredores metropolitanos, manteniendo las áreas intermedias como zonas verdes de protección. Urban sprawl in Latin-American and Venezuelan cities derives from uncontrolled urban expansion of the periphery, due to the absence or infringement of geographical and legal restrictions through planned and spontaneous urban occupation (hybrid urbanization). This in turn results from migration and territorial laissez faire; limited urban management capacity and sustainability culture in public, private and community institutions although they perceived and inhabit a precarious environment and frequently protest demanding services, security and houses. For Sempere (2005, is caused by illegal ways of habitat production based on low density and extensive typologies. This urban pattern generates strong pressures against which there is no institutional capacity or will to respond due to political or ideological reasons. This disperse-unsustainable model in Maracaibo (capital of the Zulia State, located at the western extreme of Venezuela) has led to the explosion of the city boundaries, and the occupation of the edges of the metropolitan urban corridors, which run from the city across the Protective Zone (PZ). The PZ is a green belt of 20.800 Hectares, decreed in 1989 to act as a policy-container of urban growth by defining the city west boundaries and is in the process of transformation-mutation by urban rituals in expansion. It is the territorial expression of the contemporary forms of making city which result from the practice of the visible management government (VMG) in metropolitan Maracaibo, referred by Ferrer and others (2005) as Maracaibo’s metropolitan archipelago (MAM). The paper describes the method, innovative planningevaluation strategy (IPES) and the results of a study that evaluates the impact of sprawl -urban occupation of the Protective Zone (PZ)-, in Maracaibo’s -hybrid metropolitan archipelago- (HMA) sustainability. The IPES fills the gap of the local urban planning assuming the principles of sustainable development (SD) by means of braiding the urban planning process (UPP) with the Pressure-State-Response Model (PSR) and Geographical Information Technologies (GIT) -satellite images and GIS- to develop urban models, specific attributes and urban sustainable indicators (USI). The IPES (UPP+PSR) is a multilayered-relational model that works, within the PSR model and grapping this model with the UPP. In this model, the causes of environmental changes, Pressure are correlated with the urban-spatial scenarios, their effects State, with the diagnose synthesis and, the Response with the multilevel government and stakeholders, urban projects, actions and policies, proposed and undertaken to deal with these changes. To reach an ethical decision, a concerted vision of the future scenarios and to build an integral territorial hypothesis for the PZHMA, sustainability and governance -stakeholders’ participation- were the key principles of the study. The paper concludes presenting the IPES model (creative technovation), where the GIS models of vulnerability, consolidation, conformity of usage and the model synthesis, environmental and legal conformity-adequation of the urban occupation, serve as specific State Attributes; the envisioned urban - spatial scenarios constituted the Attributes of Pressure and urban governance, measured through three variables, legitimacy by performance, governability and participation, configured the Response Attributes and selecting as policy and integral hypothesis –vision for the PZ-MAM the E2 Scenario: Corridors of Tendencial Expansion because controls, adjusts and organises the present lineal urban occupation along the metropolitan corridors maintaining intermediate areas of green protection and re-creates a new hybrid sustainable urban landscape, a compact, dense and multifunctional-polycentric PZ-MAM.