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1

KOMINEK, Łukasz, Urszula STAŚKIEWICZ, and Mateusz MACIĄG. "RUSSIA-UKRAINE. WAR? NEW WAR? OLD WAR?" National Security Studies 26, no. 4 (August 18, 2022): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/152883.

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Анотація:
The aim of this study is a polemological analysis of the conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. The main research problem of the article was defined in the form of a question: can the analyzed conflict be classified as old or new wars? The secondary goal, however, was to indicate the characteristic elements of this analysis. The following research methods were used in the work: definition, which allowed to define the uniqueness of terms, analysis and synthesis, which allowed for appropriate interpretation of the existing data, induction and deduction, which allowed for finding answers to the research question considered in the work. The work also uses the method of comparative analysis in terms of definitions relating to the discussed scope. The analysis of sources, monographs and scientific articles dealing with the research topic was also used.
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2

Niyazi qızı Səfərli, Mələkxanım. "Russia-USA competition in Russia-Ukraine war." SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 09, no. 5 (May 22, 2022): 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2789-6919/09/68-71.

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Анотація:
Dünyada gedən geosiyasi proseslər yeni dünya nizamının yaradılmasının göstəricisidir. Təkqütblü sistemin lideri olan Amerika Birləşmiş Ştatları yüksələn güc olan Rusiya və Çinə qarşı yenidən müttəfiqlərini səfərbər etmək istəyir. Qərb və Rusiya arasında bufer zona olan Ukraynanın geosiyasi, geoiqtisadi, geostrateji önəmi qlobal güclərin maraqlarının toqquşmasına səbəb olur. Geosiyasi şəraitin uyğunluğundan istifadə edən Rusiya həm imperialist maraqlarını reallaşdırır, həm də Qərbə tələblərinin yerinə yetirilməsi üçün təzyiq göstərir. Və bu məqalə tərəflərin maraq və gələcək planlarının nə olduğundan bəhs edir. Həmçinin müharibə sonrası bütün dünyada qida qıtlığı və iqtisadi durğunluğun da olacağını proqnozlaşdırır. Açar sözlər: Rusiya, ABŞ, Ukrayna, NATO, Çin, Qərb dünyası, Co Bayden, Putin, geosiyasi mübarizə, milli maraq Melekkhanım Niyazi Safarli Russia-USA competition in Russia-Ukraine war Abstract Geopolitical processes in the world are an indicator of the creation of a new world order. The United States, the leader of the unipolar system, wants to re-mobilize its allies against the rising power of Russia and China. The geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic importance of Ukraine, which is a buffer zone between the West and Russia, is causing a conflict of interests between global powers. Taking advantage of the geopolitical situation, Russia is both pursuing its imperialist interests and exerting pressure on the West to comply with its demands. And this article is about the interests and future plans of the parties. It also predicts food shortages and economic stagnation around the world after the war. Key words: Russia, USA, Ukraine, NATO, China, Western world, Co Biden, Putin, geopolitical struggle, national interest
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3

Abhinay Dogra, Major. "UKRAINE - RUSSIA WAR : A PERSPECTIVE." International Journal of Advanced Research 12, no. 04 (April 30, 2024): 697–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/18603.

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4

Semenenko, Viacheslav, and Andrii Ivashenko. "Russia`s Total War." National security and the future 23, no. 2 (March 2, 2022): 53–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.23.2.2.

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Анотація:
The article examines Russia's political goals and military scenarios for Ukraine, as well as options for supporting Ukraine that are available to the United States, its allies and partners in the event of an invasion. New developments and information need further analysis to better understand Russia's intentions and consequences.
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5

Cho, Jungwon. "China-Russia Economic Cooperation after Russia-Ukraine War." Journal of Slavic Studies 38, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 73–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.46694/jss.2023.9.38.3.73.

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6

Kim, Seongjin. "Russia-Ukraine War: Implication and Impact." Journal of Slavic Studies 37, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46694/jss.2022.6.37.2.1.

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7

H. Shinde, Vikram. "RUSSIA - UKRAINE WAR: ECONOMIC IMPACT ASSESSMENT." International Journal of Advanced Research 10, no. 05 (May 31, 2022): 849–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/14782.

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Анотація:
The war between Russia and Ukraine has raised many consequences out of it. This military action by Russia launched with a reason that Russia want to make Ukraine Nazi less and want to protect the rights of people of some of the regions of Ukraine. Whereas, the reasons for this actions seems very much rooted than it appears. Russia, after the break of USSR, has faced many problems as a country but today has secured a very great position on the world map. The third largest manufacturer of oil, second largest manufacturer of natural gas, is getting some troubles for their business and hence this action of war seems to be taken. This war has affected and is affecting the world economy and Indian economy as well. The increased prices of crude oil have resulted in inflation worldwide. Further Russia and Ukraine being the major players in wheat growing and exporting, an uncertainty is dwelling for harvesting the crop of this season which will lead to the increased rates of wheat worldwide. These are some the effects of this war. The intention behind this paper is to study the economic impact this war.
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8

Shairgojri, Aadil Ahmad. "Russia vs. Ukraine War: India's stance." Journal of Artificial Intelligence, Machine Learning and Neural Network, no. 25 (August 2, 2022): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jaimlnn.25.34.44.

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Анотація:
On February 24, Russian troops came into Ukraine from Belarus in the north, Crimea in the south, and the east. Multiple lines of attack suggested that the Russian military wanted to quickly take the capital, Kyiv, overthrow the democratically elected government, and take over as much as the eastern two-thirds of Ukraine. Since the war started on February 24, Russia has been wrong about four things: that the Ukrainian government would fall and Russian forces would quickly take Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities; that the European Union would struggle to show resolve and respond to this aggression; that the "Western world" would react in a split and uncertain way; and that the rest of the world would not condemn Russia's invasion. Russia has been building up its military along its border with Ukraine, which wants to join NATO. Russia has said that its deployment of troops is a response to the steady expansion of NATO to the east. Russia says that it is doing these things to protect its own security. The stance that India has taken on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine is being applauded everywhere therefore, the study highlighted and analysed the India’s stand on Russia – Ukraine war by adopting descriptive cum analytical method to reach on conclusion also the study utilised extensively thematic analytical tool MAXQDA for qualitative investigation to explain and analyse the India’s stand on Russia – Ukraine war.
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9

SHAIRGOJRI, AADIL AHMAD. "Russia vs. Ukraine War: India's stance." Aug-Sept 2022, no. 25 (September 15, 2022): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jpps.25.1.10.

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Анотація:
On February 24, Russian troops came into Ukraine from Belarus in the north, Crimea in the south, and the east. Multiple lines of attack suggested that the Russian military wanted to quickly take the capital, Kyiv, overthrow the democratically elected government, and take over as much as the eastern two-thirds of Ukraine. Since the war started on February 24, Russia has been wrong about four things: that the Ukrainian government would fall and Russian forces would quickly take Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities; that the European Union would struggle to show resolve and respond to this aggression; that the "Western world" would react in a split and uncertain way; and that the rest of the world would not condemn Russia's invasion. Russia has been building up its military along its border with Ukraine, which wants to join NATO. Russia has said that its deployment of troops is a response to the steady expansion of NATO to the east. Russia says that it is doing these things to protect its own security. The stance that India has taken on the conflict between Russia and Ukraine is being applauded everywhere therefore, the study highlighted and analysed the India’s stand on Russia – Ukraine war by adopting descriptive cum analytical method to reach on conclusion also the study utilised extensively thematic analytical tool MAXQDA for qualitative investigation to explain and analyse the India’s stand on Russia – Ukraine war.
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10

Marczuk, Magdalena. "Canada towards the Russia-Ukraine war." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 76, no. 2 (March 29, 2024): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2023.76.2.07.

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Poniższa analiza ma na celu scharakteryzowanie polityki Ottawy wobec konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego. Dla niniejszego wywodu istotne jest również zaprezentowanie, jakie formy przyjęło zaangażowanie Kanady i jak reagowała na wydarzenia w Ukrainie począwszy od aneksji Krymu w marcu 2014 r. aż do rosyjskiej inwazji w lutym 2022 r. Liczna mniejszość ukraińska oraz wpływ lobby ukraińskiego na proces kształtowania polityki zagranicznej Ottawy to główny argument tłumaczący zaangażowanie się Kanady w regionie Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Metody badawcze zastosowane w tekście to metoda deskryptywna oraz decyzyjna i analizy zawartości.
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11

Wu, Hao. "Analysis on the Impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on Russia." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 22, no. 1 (November 20, 2023): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/22/20230203.

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Анотація:
The Russia-Ukraine war has been the headline of the news since 2022. There are enough research and reviews to explain the historical conflicts between Russia and Ukraine. The research is to assess the potential impact on Russia in the times of the Russia-Ukraine war before understanding in different causes of the war. The global financial restrictions on Russia have already impacted its economy greatly. With the sanctions from USA, UK, and EU, Russia reacted back by restricting their energy exporting to these countries. This led to a surge in inflation for these countries, which rippled the rest of the countries. With many countries negatively influenced by the war and the sanction, the study is meant to explain the rationale behind the war and examine the cost for Russia. Using empirical analysis and secondary research, the reason was oriented in the historical problem between Russia and Ukraine although there are other modern political reasons that would mention as well. The report concluded that Russia is negatively impacted because of different types of sanctions from many countries while Russias core and rare natural resources allow it to be resilient in the war.
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12

Tchantouridze, Lasha. "The War In Ukraine." Security science journal 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.3.2.5.

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Russia started its nuclear war threats with the commencement of its war in Ukraine. In the current case of the war in Ukraine, the most critical question is whether the Russian Federation, the aggressor in this war, would use nuclear weapons. The purpose of this brief paper is to examine the scenarios that are available to Russia to carry out its threat. The theoretical framework employed here is that of Normal Accident Theory (NAT), one of the most prominent theories of catastrophe. Normal Accident Theory explains how Moscow's use of nuclear weapons can trigger a global catastrophe that could bring the international system down. There are scenarios according to which the decisions that may result in the destruction of the international system may cascade fast, and there are scenarios in which such cascading events may be avoided or delayed.
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13

Stoner, Kathryn. "The War in Ukraine: How Putin's War in Ukraine Has Ruined Russia." Journal of Democracy 33, no. 3 (July 2022): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2022.0038.

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14

Stępniewski, Tomasz. "Russia-Ukraine war: independence, identity, and security." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 20, no. 2 (December 2022): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.2.1.

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The aim of this short paper is to show that the relations between Ukraine and Russia are extremely complex as they are built on a shared history, religion, language, and culture and they should not, therefore, be gauged by Western standards. Evaluating the current situation from a broader perspective, the fact that Ukraine plays a significant role in Russia’s foreign policy needs to be emphasized. Ukraine is considered the key post-Soviet state, a significant “near abroad” country, whose position, potential, and geopolitical location are vital for the balance of power in both Eastern Europe and Europe in general. The research project aims at a synthetic examination of the current Russia-Ukraine war from the point of view of Ukraine striving for full independence, memory, and identity. Will the war of the brotherly nations wreck Russia’s long-term policy towards Ukraine? Will the conflict ruin Russia’s plans of post-Soviet space reintegration, whose pivot is set on Ukraine? Will the war stimulate Ukraine to deal with the issue of its identity, post-Soviet legacy, and collective memory?
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15

Oniang'o, Ruth. "War in Ukraine." African Journal of Food, Agriculture, Nutrition and Development 22, no. 3 (May 13, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18697/ajfand.108.ed114.

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The year is running quickly, as we continue to experience all kinds of problems worldwide. We have lost people in killer floods in South Africa, people have died in gas explosions in Nigeria and we have a bad drought in the Horn of Africa. And now see the negative impact the war between Russia and Ukraine is having on faraway continents like Africa. Just after setting forward-looking targets at some international forums, we get confronted by some other calamity. For example, just when we are trying to recover from the pandemic effects, the war in Ukraine breaks out.
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16

Hakim, Amri. "Neostructural Realism’s Explanation on Russia-Ukraine War." JOELS: Journal of Election and Leadership 4, no. 2 (August 22, 2023): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31849/joels.v4i2.15523.

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This article aims to explain why NATO keeps expanse on Ukraine, and why Russia responses it through invasion now. By using qualitative methode, library research, and the neostructural realism theory founded that since the dissolution of Soviet Union, NATO has been no longer appropriate abstracted as an alliance but an unipole security coalition, then the NATO expansion on Ukraine can be seen as the continuity of U.S.’ containment policy to Russia, and adding its coalition partners for unilateral action legitimacy in order to maintain its hegemon position which undermine Russia’s Eurasia great power vision and its crucial national security. Meanwhile the uneven distribution of power elements between U.S. and Russia as the macro international structure constraint Russia invasion but the bipolar world through Russia-China unlimited strategic partnership, and the shifting of U.S. offset strategy to Russia on hypersonic missile as the micro structure encourage Russia to take invasion now.
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17

Menglong, Li, and He Qiuxuan. "A STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF RUSSIA-U.S. RELATIONS AFTER THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE CONFLICT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHINESE SCHOLARS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 8, no. 1 (March 27, 2024): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-1-49-59.

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Анотація:
Since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the complexity of the conflict between Russia and the West has become more and more serious, with far-reaching effects on global politics, economy and military affairs. As a direct and indirect participant in this conflict, Russia and the United States, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has an important impact on their relations. Chinese scholars are very concerned about the impact of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on the direction of Russia-U.S. relations, and discuss the post-cold war period, the reasons why the Ukraine issue affects the development of Russia-U.S. relations, and the prospects for the development of Russia-U.S. relations after the Russia-Ukraine conflict. It is believed that the structural contradictions existing in the post-cold war period in Russia-US relations, mainly manifested in the competition between Russia and the United States for the dominance of Russia's neighboring regions, the difference in the development path between Russia and the United States and the security dilemma; the geopolitical significance of Ukraine, the post-cold war period of Russia and Ukraine Cold War thinking continued to influence the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the Russian-US relations is of great significance; as well as the strategic goals of Russia and the United States, etc., the impact of the Russian-Ukraine conflict on the Russian-US relations after the conflict. The impact of Russia-Ukraine conflict on Russia-U.S. relations is analyzed and researched.
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18

Arco, Inés, Pol Bargués, Moussa Bourekba, Víctor Burguete, Carmen Claudin, Carme Colomina, Agustí Fernández de Losada, Pol Morillas, and Francesco Pasetti. "One year since Russia invaded Ukraine." Notes Internacionals CIDOB, no. 285 (December 17, 2023): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/notesint.2023/285/en.

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Анотація:
On February 24th 2022, the conflict in Ukraine became a war with global impact. The Russian army’s rapid entry into eastern Ukraine also hastened the breakdown of what remained of the post-Cold War order in Europe. Security architecture paradigms have changed dramatically at both global and European levels. US–China strategic competition, global resource markets and even Ukraine's institutional construction have all been shaken by the war. As the conflict continues to escalate on the ground, this CIDOB Nota Internacional analyses its impact in the geopolitical, economic, technological and migration fields. With no path to resolution in sight, the threat of a long war or a frozen conflict is the worst-case scenario for both Ukraine and Europe.
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19

Haque, Adil Ahmad. "An Unlawful War." AJIL Unbound 116 (2022): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.23.

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Анотація:
Russia's invasion of Ukraine violated the prohibition of force contained in the United Nations Charter and the peremptory norm of general international law prohibiting aggression. The invasion was not an exercise of individual or collective self-defense, or a humanitarian intervention, as Russia variously claimed. The United Nations General Assembly rejected all such claims when 141 member states voted to deplore “in the strongest terms the aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine in violation of Article 2 (4) of the Charter” as well as “the involvement of Belarus in this unlawful use of force against Ukraine.” This essay traces the legal implications of Russia's act of aggression, and its violations of international humanitarian law, through international criminal law, international human rights law, and the law of state responsibility. It argues that Russia violates the human rights of every person it kills, and that states are permitted and may be required to provide military assistance to Ukraine and impose economic sanctions on Russia. As Ukraine fights for its survival as an independent state, international law remains both a moral guide and a strategic asset.
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20

Lee, Gu, and Jung Hee Lee. "Analysis of corruption trends in Russia after the Russia-Ukraine war." Korea Association for Corruption Studies 28, no. 4 (December 31, 2023): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52663/kcsr.2023.28.4.155.

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This study is significant in that it analyzes the impact of corruption issues on war while the war continues through analysis of corruption crime trends after the Russian-Ukranian war. Therefore, analyzing Russia's corruption trends and anti-corruption policies has important significance in solving Russia's corruption problem and researching corruption problems in existing former socialist countries. The problem of corruption has an extremely negative impact on the entire state apparatus and is resulting in corruption crimes being committed systematically. Another important characteristic of corruption is that this phenomenon involves enormous cash flows, which ultimately results in the greatest material damage from corruption crimes. Experts rate corruption as the country's most profitable systematic business. Ultimately, the war between Russia and Ukraine, which started in 2014 and escalated into a full-scale war in 2022, has a lot of meaning in terms of war. Contrary to expectations that the war would end quickly with overwhelming power, the war is being prolonged, and there is a possibility that Russian corruption may be a major factor in this. The issue of corruption related to war will be worth studying in the future as an alternative task.
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21

Mo, Tian. "Changes In Clean Energy Index Before and After Russia-Ukraine War: Evidence from ARIMA Model." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 20 (November 30, 2023): 679–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v20i.13315.

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Анотація:
With the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine War, the geopolitical situation was tense. The uncertainty of the impact of the war crisis and conflict, especially the impact on financial and energy sanctions, reduced the growth expectations of the energy economy. This paper examines the changes in the clean energy index before and after the Russia-Ukraine War, extracts the stock composite index of listed companies in the industry before and after the Russia-Ukraine War, and build ARIMA model to analyze the data, determine and analyze the profitability and stock volatility of the clean energy index before and after the Russia-Ukraine War, investigate how the Russia-Ukraine conflict affects the clean energy index and predicts the future trend of the clean energy index. Interestingly, whether in the ultra-short term, the short term, or the short-medium term, the Russia-Ukraine War has a considerable positive change on the clean energy index. Investment is good, and investors can quickly rebound from the pessimistic mood of the war and reinvest in the market. At the same time, the study predicted the possible future of the clean energy index, analyzed the government's policies to stabilize the response of war shocks to financial markets, and provided investors with relevant management and investment suggestions for "reasonable speculation" profits to avoid the impact of external risk shocks on financial asset returns.
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22

Ilchuk, Maryna. "Urgency of energy security, Ukrainian lesson≈." European Energy and Climate Journal 11, no. 2 (September 30, 2022): 45–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/eecj.2022.02.02.

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Abstract Reducing the EU’s dependence on imported Russian gas has become the main focus of EU policy after the Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. The Russian war in Ukraine has revealed bottlenecks in EU energy policy fully demonstrating the lack of reliability of Russian energy supplies. Ukraine has demonstrated its remarkable strategy of cutting dependence on Russian energy sources, including during the war. Ukraine’s energy infrastructure continues to suffer devastating damage and the country faces unbelievable challenges on its way to rebuilding the energy sector. Thus, according to estimates from the Ministry of Energy of Ukraine, energy sector losses as of the end of March 2022 comprised approximately USD 2 billion and about USD 1 billion for the renewable sector. At the same time Ukraine is already thinking of its future energy sector and has recently presented the national programme ‘Energy independence and the green course’ which includes, among other things, construction of 1.5-2 GW of peak power and around 700 MW of energy storages, 10 GW of hydrogen export from Ukraine to the EU, and the production and supply of biomethane. In addition, in order to contribute to the EU reducing its dependence on Russian energy, Ukraine is proposing to utilize its energy infrastructure, including gas transportation systema and gas storages, stating that the existing Ukrainian capacities for gas transit (with a significant part of them already booked but not used) are more than sufficient to compensate for the reduction in transmission via Nord Stream-1. Last, but not least, Ukraine has already started electricity export to the EU, proposing competitive pricing and, thereby, helping the EU to reduce the usage of natural gas for electricity production.
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23

Cebotari, Svetlana. "The Russia-Ukraine war. Causes of emergence." International Relations Plus, no. 1(21) (2022): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.52327/1857-4440.2022.1(21).11.

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Анотація:
The Russian-Ukrainian war is not just a regional war. It is the war that marks a rupture in relations between Russia and the West, a war that will have profound repercussions for both Europe and the world. The invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation tends to become the most important military conflict since the end of World War II. Thus, the actions of the Russian Federation in Ukraine become a topic of discussion not only in the chancelleries and in the speeches of Western leaders, but also constitute a topic worthy of consideration for the academic community. This article aims to highlight the causes of the emergence of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The article will highlight the actions taken by the Russian Federation in Ukraine over three decades.
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24

CEBECİ, Yiğit, Hüseyin ÇALIŞKAN, and Mehmet UYMAZ. "Perceptions of War-Peace and Ukraine-Russia in Textbooks Corresponding to Russia and Ukraine Social Studies Course." Participatory Educational Research 11, no. 1 (December 16, 2023): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17275/per.24.4.11.1.

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Анотація:
This study examined how the perceptions of war and peace and the perceptions of both countries towards each other are handled in the textbooks corresponding to social studies course in Russia and Ukraine. The analysis of the compared textbooks in terms of targeted images is also related to the current Russia-Ukraine war. In this study designed as qualitative research, the data were obtained through descriptive analysis. The first finding of the study revealed that in the textbooks analysed in terms of the frequency of use of the concepts of war and peace and the target country-nation expression; the concept of war is more frequent than the concept of peace at all grade levels in both countries. The second finding showed that in general, the Ukrainian-Ukraine image in Russian social studies textbooks is neutral, while the Russian-Russia image in Ukrainian history textbooks is negative. Another finding of the study is that the Russian and Ukrainian social studies textbooks use various visuals that evoke the concepts of war and peace. The last finding of the study revealed that various metaphors, implicit messages, or slogan-like expressions in terms of the concept of war, peace and target country-nation were encountered in the textbooks corresponding to social studies course in Russia and Ukraine.
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25

Shulga, Nataliya. "Science in postwar Ukraine." Science 379, no. 6628 (January 13, 2023): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.adg5733.

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Next month will mark 1 year since Russia escalated its war on Ukraine. The senseless casualties and destruction have been met with stunning resilience by Ukraine and international opposition to Russia. Although the war continues, there is hope that Ukraine will emerge as an open and free democracy, which would include rebuilding its scientific enterprise with new infrastructure and laws.
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26

Lossovskyi, Ihor. "Ontological Aspects of the russia-Ukraine War." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 346–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-22.

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The article gives an insight into the political nature, causes, motivations of the parties, and the essence of the russia-Ukraine war. The author considers the ideological preconditions, reasons and consequences of the russian armed aggression against Ukraine, as well as the evolution of political and security doctrines of the ruling regime in russia. The author’s theoretical discourse, which formulates the political nature, essence, causes and peculiarities of this war, is based on the provisions of the classic military theory. The fundamental ideas are gaining new relevance in the context of hybrid war with the simultaneous presence of elements and factors of military confrontation of several successive generations of warfare. It is argued that this war is the result of the inevitable collision of two opposite incompatible historical paradigms regarding the further development of Ukraine and the entire post-Soviet space. The author clearly states the peculiarities of the russian-Ukrainian war. Keywords: hybrid war, russia’s armed aggression, genocide, state terrorism, ruscism, russian world, military escalation.
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27

Hayoz, Nicolas, and Viktor Stepanenko. "The social organization of war: Ukrainian and Russian societies mobilized for war." Soziale Systeme 28, no. 2 (January 1, 2024): 341–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sosys-2023-0013.

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Abstract This paper aims to tentatively analyze how Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has changed Ukrainian and Russian societies. It looks at the social organization of war, at how Ukraine and Russia adapt and change under wartime conditions. Combining political science and sociological approaches, we interpret the war under organizational and communicative aspects in the context of opposite political regimes: dictatorial autocracy in Russia versus democracy in Ukraine. Opposite regimes imply opposite meanings and objectives of war, of warfare and the military. Big differences exist regarding organizing and mobilizing resources and support for the war – with considerable advantages for a dictatorship such as Russia controlling its societal space by the means of repression and propaganda. Societies at war need to be distinguished from an organized and highly militarized war society such as Russia which has imposed on its neighbor military, organizational and ideological constraints to which Ukraine must respond with its own militarization and organization of war and warfare. The social organization of war is understood as a complex multi-layered interplay of various institutional actors and spheres (the state, the military, NGOs, business, media, public and private spheres, etc.). Military mobilization in both societies also has different organizational and communicative effects as well as various, often contrasting, political, cultural and societal implications.
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28

Rusudan Papaskiri, Rusudan Papaskiri, and Ketevan Shangua Ketevan Shangua. "The Impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on Stock Market Securities Indexes." Economics 105, no. 8-10 (December 2, 2023): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/ecs105/8-10/2023-114.

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The article discusses the factors affecting the stock market. The relevance of this topic is growing more and more in the background of modern processes, crises, pandemics and war in the world. In particular, the article talks about the Russia-Ukraine war, which shook the global economy and hampered the operation of the stock market. The Russia-Ukraine crisis escalated on February 21, 2022, when Russia recognized Ukraine's Donetsk and Lugansk regions as independent states. World leaders called the action an act of war. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has created geopolitical risks. In Summary, the development of the securities market is the most important factor for economic health and strength. Even the slightest changes in global politics affect them. Therefore, naturally, the Russia-Ukraine war had an impact on the functioning of the stock market. The reason for this is that all investors, throughout the year, carefully observe the events and processes taking place in the world and take them into account when making decisions. Keywords: stock market, securities, impact of the Russia-Ukraine war, stock index, geopolitical threat.
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29

Rochowicz, Robert. "DRONES IN WAR OF UKRAINE WITH RUSSIA." PROBLEMY TECHNIKI UZBROJENIA 160, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.9900.

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The war in Ukraine is not a first military conflict where the unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) are used. Due to numerous publications presented mainly by the Ukrainian side the world almost in real time can receive information and video pictures illustrating their operational efficiency. The purpose of the paper is to investigate the inventory of unmanned vehicles used by two fighting sides and describe the results of their use from the beginning of the conflict until the end of August, 2022.
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30

Colton, Timothy J. "Ukraine and Russia: War and Political Regimes." Journal of Democracy 33, no. 4 (October 2022): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2022.0044.

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31

DUMITRU, Ilie Răsvan. "UKRAINE BETWEEN PEACE AND WAR WITH RUSSIA." BULLETIN OF "CAROL I" NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY 10, no. 2 (July 12, 2021): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-21-12.

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After the Crimean Peninsula was invaded and the amplification of conflicts in South-Eastern Ukraine, it has become obvious that Russia's policy is concentrated on preserving its influence and strategic control over the decisions and political directions taken by the States from the former Soviet bloc. To understand the consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the West, as well as to anticipate and counteract a possible future evolution of similar events not only in geopolitical risk states such as Moldavia, but also even in NATO members such as the Baltic countries, Romania or Bulgaria, it is worth paying attention to the geopolitical consequences of the loss of Crimea and the South-Eastern provinces by Ukraine. The article analyses the reason, mechanisms and stakes behind the Russian-Ukrainian war, from both a geopolitical and historical perspective. To understand the way in which different hybrid instruments can be used by the Russian Federation to influence the States in its proximity and, in particular, how their combination leads to effective satisfaction of the aims, it is useful to assess and address the systemic risks and vulnerabilities of States in the concerned areas of Russia and the West in recent years. Keywords: Ukraine; Russian Federation; Crimea; Russian-Ukrainian war; hybrid warfare; limited warfare; maskirovka.
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32

Cumming, Douglas. "Management Scholarship and the Russia–Ukraine War." British Journal of Management 33, no. 4 (October 2022): 1663–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8551.12657.

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33

Vasylyk, Lyubov, and Anastasiia Polianska. "UKRAINE CONTRA RUSSIA: INFORMAL WAR FOR CRIMEA." Bulletin of Lviv Polytechnic National University. Series: Journalistic sciences 2018, no. 2 (June 2018): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sjs2018.01.003.

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34

Taranenko, Anna. "POSITIVE PEACE FOR RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR ANALYSIS." Politology bulletin, no. 89 (2022): 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2022.89.147-159.

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Positive peace is an important concept in studying international conflicts. It is urgent to study the viability of positive peace theory to Russia-Ukraine war analysis. The applied method is historical and comparative approach. As a result, it can be concluded that positive peace framework is, overall, applicable for Russia-Ukraine war analysis. In line with the positive peace agenda, it is necessary to develop strong democratic institutions, promote fair business growth, civil liberties, diplomacy and rule of law. Ukraine is further progressing toward this goal, while Russia, on the contrary, demonstrates a trend toward strengthening of authoritaorianism and even outright violation of international law after recognition of «DPR» and «LPR» and the ongoing military aggression against Ukraine. Such different political stances of the two countries’ leadership complicate effective settlement of Russian-Ukrainian war. It can be concluded that much depends on skillfulness and diplomatic experience of primary negotiators, as well as mediators. One should carefully consider use of mediator services and good offices and thereby select mediators who are objective, impartial, trusted by both parties and, besides, who have successful experience of previous mediation cases and establishing dialogue. One of the main international organizations involved in the war settlement since its start have been the UN and the OSCE. However, international organizations, overall, demonstrated partial effectiveness in preventing the Russian-Ukrainian war and achieving de-escalation of violence. One should keep in mind the statement that every peace process is unique, moreover, it is imperative to take into consideration local contexts and strive to achieve positive peace conditions.
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35

Zhang, He. "Research on the Influence of Russia-Ukraine War on American Inflation and Strategy Optimization." BCP Business & Management 32 (November 22, 2022): 361–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v32i.2950.

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The outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine War must be the most astonishing and significant event in 2022. It is a war caused by geopolitics but damages the global economy drastically. The necessity of studies on the specific influences of the Russia-Ukraine War on certain countries raises, and how to mitigate these influences becomes imperative. The research design is descriptive with secondary data like CPI and PPI. This paper will also complete the case study of how the Russia-Ukraine War led to U.S. inflation with economic models including an open economy market and demand and supply. The result reveals the influence of the war on the rise of prices of U.S. energy, food, and other products. The suggestions are to cease the war, imply contractionary monetary policy, cancel tariffs, increase energy supply, and seek alternatives to fossil fuels. This paper helps explain the impacts of the Russia-Ukraine War on American inflation and the strategies that are implicated carefully to improve citizens’ lives.
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36

Dai, Qinru, Shichun Luo, Yihan Tian, and Yanhan Wang. "The Impact of NATO in the Current International Political Landscape in the Russia-Ukraine War." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 28 (April 1, 2024): 154–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/tkpxwj62.

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The Russia-Ukraine war has resulted in a severe humanitarian catastrophe and posed a significant threat to the stability of geopolitical relations. It has also been one of the most tough incidents between Russia and NATO. This paper aims to illustrate the role of NATO in the Russia-Ukraine war by examining the historical interconnectedness between NATO and Russia, the ideological differences between these two entities, and the specific actions of NATO during the war. After closely reviewing previous literature, reports, and official announcements, the paper argues that NATO has provided significant financial aid in security assistance and humanitarian interventions in Ukraine. In addition, it concludes that Russia has long seen the enlargement of NATO as an escalating security concern. In a nutshell, the outbreak of the war was due to a series of long-accumulated clashes. Eventually, Moscow has strategically chosen to initiate military intervention in Ukraine to disentangle it from the association with NATO, guaranteeing Russia’s regional security and sphere of influence. However, this study also demonstrates that to achieve the maximal mutual benefits, the war must be ended before it causes further casualties and all other means of loss; it would be beneficial for participants of the Russia-Ukraine war to seek more peaceful and sustainable solutions.
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37

CHIFU, Iulian. "PUTIN’S POLICY IN UKRAINE: A DESTRUCTIVE, UGLY, ATTRITION BASED WAR, FOUGHT AIMLESSLY, FOR THE SAKE OF WAR." INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERINCE "STRATEGIESXXI" 18, no. 1 (December 6, 2022): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2971-8813-22-07.

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It is a challenge to try to draw conclusions and find the characteristics of an ongoing crisis. Even more so when it is a large-scale war, like the one fought by Russia in Ukraine, a war already defined as a war of aggression of Russia in Ukraine, unprovoked, illegal and unjustified, an invasion of Russia in Ukraine aimed at conquering new territories for Moscow to annex. But, after three months of war, some basic arguments are already in place and it is worth assessing the regularities of this war and its particularities in a way that allows us to predict the evolution of this war. And if no two wars are alike, comparisons give us hints about previous behaviors and perspectives of evolution. In this case, the 7 districts buffer zone in Nagorno Karabakh could give us a hint on the way the destruction of Eastern Ukraine will be used in the future by Russia to deny any the presence of weapons close to its borders
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38

Pavel, Alexei Svetlana, and Dmytro Anastasiya Oksana. "Russian-Ukraine 2022 War: A Review of The Economic Impact of The Russian-Ukraine Crisis on The Several Developing Countries." Indonesian Journal of Islamic Economics and Finance 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37680/ijief.v3i1.2523.

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The war between Russia and Ukraine is one of the international tragedies that burden many countries today—affected countries incident war, Of course in Europe. Supply energy in Europe is almost half more originates from Russia, so war makes the area of Europe and around No stable. Another problem is war. It also involves many countries, not only Russia and Ukraine, directly. War Russia opposes Ukraine has caused enhanced consumption of energy and food on the ground in Europe. The rupture crisis economy causes enough inflation high in several countries. Therefore appearance challenges the economy in modern times. Peace and stability in the world economy should be maintained, now ravaged by war. War raises Lots of dire consequences for the world community. Among other things, the raw material price rose sharply and changed the global energy trading system. Plus, with the increased price of energy and items, attacks Russia to Ukraine, the supplier country food. As a result, food shortages threaten and influence hunger in the global community. Wartime has influenced many countries, such as increasing food and fertilizer prices. In condition this kind is necessary, there is an action real from the United Nations to complete the organization's most extensive international at this time. Due to the war between Russia and Ukraine in 2022, a crisis economy happened, plus there is Covid 19. Several impacts price of commodity oil and gas rebound high, a threat to food, and stock market shocks.
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39

Sona Singh. "Russia-Ukraine War: Impact on Russian Civil Society." ijpmonline 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/ijpm.1.13.

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On February 24 this year, Russia launched its “special military operations” against Ukraine and that set-in motion a chain of events which have had immense repercussions on all forms of Russian life. According to President Putin, this operation on Ukraine was necessary in order to “denazify” and “demilitarise” Ukraine. Many Russian experts believed that the operation was long overdue and the Russian side had been preparing for it, especially in the wake of the large Russian military presence on its border areas with Ukraine from 2021 onwards. In this article, I have argued how the Russian civil society, a fragile space struggling to reclaim its place in the country in the aftermath of the Foreign Agents Law in 2012, is impacted by the Russia- Ukraine war and how it conducts itself now will decide the future of civil society space in Russia.
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40

MIHALCEA, Petru. "IS THE CONTEMPORARY RUSSIA-UKRAINE CONFLICT “CONVENTIONAL”?" Strategic Impact 89, no. 4 (April 3, 2024): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1842-9904-23-18.

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One of the biggest European conflagrations after the World War II constitutes Russian’s unprovoked attack on Ukraine which begun in 2014 and evolved in a full scale war in February 2022. Despite the fact that it represents an armed conflict between two actors, it is difficult to classify it as pure conventional or unconventional war. The main goal of the paper is to reveal the extent to which conflict can be classified as conventional since both sides have been using a long range of elements of unconventional war. Using the historical and analytical method, the paper emphasizes that the conflict cannot be classified fully conventional or unconventional as the actors use a mixture of both to reach their military and political objectives. The scope of our paper limits the research to the Russian military interventions unfolding during the last two decades.
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41

Doroshko, Mykola. "Russia versus Ukraine: a historical front." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 8, no. 2 (March 30, 2023): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2022.8.2.141-153.

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«Memory wars» are an integral part of relations between Ukraine and Russia. The modern Russian-Ukrainian war is not only a war for Ukrainian territory, which the Russian Federation seeks to capture, but also a confrontation between the Ukrainian world, as an organic part of Europe, and the so-called "Russian world", which is based on the idea of imperial revenge. The author believes that the real essence of Ukrainian-Russian relations is the opposition of the Ukrainian world to the plans of Russia (Muscovy) to absorb Ukraine, which has been going on for several centuries.
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42

Stec, Agnieszka. "Francuska polityka zagraniczna wobec Rosji, Ukrainy i wojny Federacji Rosyjskiej przeciwko Ukrainie w kampanii prezydenckiej we Francji w 2022 roku." Studia Polityczne 51, no. 3 (October 26, 2023): 173–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2023.51.3.07.

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This article aims to compare the political positions of the five main candidates in the presidential election in France (Emmanuel Macron, Marine Le Pen, Jean Luc Mélenchon, Éric Zemmour, Valérie Pécresse), representing the political parties running in the election to the National Assembly, on the foreign policy of the French Republic in the context of the war in Ukraine caused by Russia on 24 February 2022. The article focuses on four thematic segments showing their attitude to: Russia before the war in Ukraine and the economic sanctions introduced in 2014 after the annexation of Crimea; Russia after the outbreak of war in Ukraine and the resulting economic sanctions; military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine; and the concept of ending the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. It also attempts to understand the special position of Russia in the foreign policy of France since the beginning of the Fifth Republic, which has influenced perceptions of the war in Ukraine and proposals for resolving the conflict.
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43

ANTONY, Saranya. "A Glimpse of Baltic States over the Russia-Ukraine War." BULLETIN OF "CAROL I" NATIONAL DEFENCE UNIVERSITY 12, no. 4 (January 18, 2024): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2284-9378-23-57.

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This article examines the 2022 Russia-Ukraine conflict and its implications for the Baltic states. In the wake of July 11, 2023, the NATO summit was held in Lithuania with the participation of U.S. President Joe Biden. The summit occurred amid tensions between Russia and Ukraine and provided an opportunity for the East European nations of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania to assert their positions on international platforms. Thus, the Baltic states serve as a transformed stage for the strategic alliance among the EU allies and NATO in opposition to Russia. Russia disclosed a list of unfriendly countries and territories, which includes the Baltic states. The war between Russia and Ukraine poses a security threat to the Baltic states, given their close geographical proximity and location as a junction between East and West. However, the Baltic states receive high-level military drills and special training for their nation-level armed forces as NATO member countries. Subsequently, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has multiple implications for the Baltic states. Thus, the paper argues that the Russia-Ukraine military escalation has strong geopolitical, economic, socio-cultural, and security disruptions over the Baltic states.
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44

Khan, Shahnawaz Muhammad, Muhammad Arif Khan, and Imran Altaf. "Russia Ukraine Relational Fiasco: Insights and Analysis." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VII, no. II (June 30, 2022): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2022(vii-ii).02.

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After the Second World War, USSR and the US started trying to increase their hegemony and were trying to persuade countries to make them align with them; specifically, they were trying to encourage the countries that were not associated with any of the superpowers. Russia's war with Ukraine is the most significant threat following the post-Cold War Era to the security of European and its stability. On February 24, 2022,Russia began a military strike against Ukraine along with a wide appearance, leading Ukraine to cut off full diplomatic connections with Russia. Vladimir Putin has repeatedly warned that the plans of Ukraine to participate in NATO are indeed a threat to Russia and has now voiced concern about NATO country's plans to expand in Ukraine. The research uses secondary sources like research articles and past published relevant material; it is a qualitative document analysis that focuses on the Russia Ukraine Crisis and critically analyze-sits causes and prospects for the world community.
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45

Aliaksandrau, Andrei. "Brave new war: The information war between Russia and Ukraine." Index on Censorship 43, no. 4 (December 2014): 54–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306422014560963.

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46

Karazanashvili, Tamar. "Russia-Ukraine War: US Policy and Its Implications on Global World Order." Journal of Social Sciences 9, no. 1 (January 18, 2024): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/jss.v9i1.153.

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The Russia–Ukraine war and its future consequences is unclear, but how the process develops willclearly affect Russia’s future course, and how the war ends will have its fundamental implicationsfor global order. Since the invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the United States has taken thelead in providing Ukraine with substantial military equipment and training, economic aid as well asdiplomatic support. The paper focuses on the US strategic interests in Russia-Ukraine War, its roleand implications on the world order. It analyses the regional affects and the US interests as a democraticstate in the global order. Finally, the paper focuses on US sanctions against Russia, underlinesits influence over the regional security and democracy, and concentrates on the aids as well as fundsprovided by US to Ukraine.
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47

Julia Magdalena Wuysang, Ira Patriani, and Netty Herawati. "Misrepresentation of Russian Interests in the Russo–Ukrainian War: The Closure of News Offices in Russia." Technium Social Sciences Journal 49, no. 1 (October 26, 2023): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v49i1.9820.

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The misrepresentation of Russian interests in the ongoing Russo–Ukrainian War has drawn extensive public criticism. Scholars have investigated the war between Russia and Ukraine using diverse perspectives and using various aspects. Few, however, have examined the mechanisms through which Russian interests have been misrepresented. This article, thus, uses media analysis to investigate the Russo–Ukrainian War, relying on a review of the literature (previous studies, books, and digital news articles) to obtain its data. This study of the misrepresentation of Russian interests in the Russo–Ukrainian War finds 1) American and Ukrainian media have highlighted the disarray of the Russian offensive; 2) the media has misrepresented Russia's interests; 3) Russia and Ukraine have presented different information regarding the Russia–Ukraine War; 4) throughout the Russo–Ukrainian War, Russia has employed a DIME (Diplomacy, Information, Military, and Economy) strategy for its international politics. This study contributes to an understanding of the misrepresentation of Russia's interests on social media during the Russo–Ukrainian War.
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48

Wahyudi, Heru. "The Effect of Macroeconomic Variables and The Russia-Ukrainian War on Exports in Indonesia." Jurnal Ekonomi Pembangunan 11, no. 3 (November 28, 2022): 129–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.23960/jep.v11i3.721.

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Indonesia is one of the countries that are active in international trade activities. This study examines the effect of macroeconomic variables consisting of natural resources rent, foreign direct investment, and government spending on Indonesian exports. In addition to macroeconomic variables, this study examines the effect of the Russia-Ukraine war on Indonesian exports. This study uses time series data from 1991-2021. The method used in this research is Ordinary Least Square (OLS). The results of this study show that natural resource rents have a positive effect on exports. In contrast, foreign direct investment, government spending, and the Russia-Ukraine war negatively and significantly impact Indonesian exports from 1991-2021. Simultaneously, natural resource rents, foreign direct investment, government spending, and the Russia-Ukraine war substantially affect Indonesian exports. This paper examines how macroeconomic factors, particularly the influence of the Russia-Ukraine war on exports, affect Indonesian exports, which are currently quite restricted. As a result, this study helps to understand the variables that influence exports in Indonesia.
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49

Phung, Hung Quang. "Impact of financial contagion on developed and emerging economies in the wake of the covid-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine conflict." Strategic Financial Reviews 1, no. 1 (February 19, 2024): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.59762/sfr794324261120240118154701.

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The world economy has been experiencing two double difficulties, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the war between Russia and Ukraine. The Russia-Ukraine war, accompanied by strong Western economic sanctions as well as Russia’s reactions, has had a comprehensive and profound negative impact on the world economy. With the openness of the economy as high as it is today, the influence between different economies is understandable. The research results focus on analyzing the financial contagion between mature and emerging markets in the post-COVID pandemic and the war of Russia and Ukraine. The study collected random stock index data from 5 developed and 5 developing countries from 2015 to the end of January 2023. The study uses the GARCH(1,1)-M model to find the financial spread between selected countries. Research results show that developed countries have a larger financial spread than developing countries, especially during the post-COVID pandemic and the war of Russia - Ukraine period.
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50

Yang, Hee-Yong. "Russia-Ukraine War: An Analysis from the Perspective of Nuclear Competition." Korean Association of Area Studies 40, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 53–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.40.4.3.

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When we approach Russia-Ukraine War with the perspective of nuclear competition, relentless competition, driven by typical security dilemma, to achieve nuclear superiority is found to be strongly implicated before, during, and after the war. After the post-Cold War order emerged, the U.S. attempted to gain nuclear superiority over Russia by establishing theater missile defense system across Europe. Threat perception coming from the fear of its nuclear deterrence being undermined by America’s damage limitation strategy forced Russia to modernize its nuclear forces and extend the scope of nuclear deterrence to include the possible use of nuclear weapons even against conventional attacks. While Putin raising the prospect of using nuclear weapons invaded Ukraine, the U.S. response seemed to be constrained by the fear of nuclear escalation. Russia-Ukraine War has found 1994 Budapest Memorandum to be nothing more than empty statements and has awakened the world to the reality that nuclear threats are actively being used as a tool of intimation and escalation management. As such, Russia-Ukraine War has ushered us into “New Nuclear World” characterized by (1) the nuclear paradigm shift from non-proliferation to nuclear competition, (2) retreat of nuclear arms control regime, (3) and tripolar (U.S., Russia, and China) nuclear dynamics.
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