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1

Makarowicz, P., J. Niebieszczański, M. Cwaliński, J. Romaniszyn, V. Rud, and I. Kochkin. "Barrows in action. Late Neolithic and Middle Bronze Age Barrow Landscapes in the Upper Dniester Basin, Ukraine." Praehistorische Zeitschrift 94, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 92–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pz-2019-0013.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to view the spatial distribution of Upper Dniester Basin’s (Western Ukraine) barrows and to interpret their location principles. These monuments were often situated on the flattened summits of watershed ridges or hills. It appeared also that some of them were located on upper parts of gentle slopes of not more than 8° of inclination. Mounds appear within linear and group-linear arrangements and were rarely observed as clusters, while more specific adjustments to their location were dependant on local terrain morphology. Barrow alignments run along the elevated ridges, while clustered groups were situated in places where erosive indentations or denudation cavities prevented barrows from stretching in a linear pattern. It can be noted that during the spatial development of barrow alignments, more attention was paid to the intervisibility between the mounds, than to their visibility from other places in the landscape. The potential of observing at least one of the following groups of tumuli from every embankment indicates the direction of movement within the framework of the barrow landscape, perhaps augmented in the past by the presence of paths or “roads”. Examples of analogous or similar, in a certain sense even universal, practices in shaping barrow landscapes were documented also from various parts of Eurasia. Therefore, it is argued these traits were shared by all “barrow societies” and their origins can be traced to the steppe zone. Specific and repeatable patterns of barrow arrangements are a manifestation of certain knowledge and skills, transmitted over generations and immortalized in the landscape that symbolized the incorporation of territory by “barrow societies”. Characteristic mound alignments became a cultural code or institution, as it were – an instrument of familiarising previously unknown landscapes, facilitating movement and simultaneously expressing continuity of kin-lineages.
2

Eckardt, Hella, Peter Brewer, Sophie Hay, and Sarah Poppy. "Roman Barrows and their Landscape Context: a GIS Case Study at Bartlow, Cambridgeshire." Britannia 40 (November 2009): 65–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/006811309789786025.

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ABSTRACTThis paper examines the landscape context of the Bartlow Hills, a group of large Romano-British barrows that were excavated in the 1840s but have been largely neglected since. GIS is employed to test whether it was possible to view the mounds from nearby roads, barrows, and villas. Existing research on provincial barrows, and especially their landscape context, and some recent relevant applications of GIS are reviewed. We argue that barrows are active and symbolically charged statements about power and identity. The most striking pattern to emerge from the GIS analysis is a focus on display to a local rather than a transient audience.
3

Tilley, Christopher. "Round Barrows and Dykes as Landscape Metaphors." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 14, no. 2 (October 2004): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774304000125.

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This article outlines the results of phenomenological research on the significance of landscape features, in particular ridges and coombe (dry valley) systems, in relation to the locations of Bronze Age round barrows and late Bronze Age/early Iron Age crossridge and spur dykes constructed along a chalk ridge in central southern England. It considers the locations of these monuments in a holistic manner and argues that together the round barrows, and then subsequently the dykes, network or draw together very different aspects of the topography in narratives about life and death. The round barrows differentially reference the significance of these places metaphorically through a combination of their specific locations. By contrast, the monumental courses of the dykes physically impose themselves on, or objectify the significance of, the same landscape features, but in a radically different manner indicating both continuity and difference in the historical significance of place.
4

Medvedev, A. P. "NEW SARMATIAN BARROWS IN THE MIDDLE KHOPER BASIN." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 36, no. 3 (May 28, 2020): 334–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2020.03.21.

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In 2018—2019, the Yelan archaeological expedition of the Voronezh State University excavated the barrows near Ivanovka village on the Yelan River in the Novokhopyorsky District, Voronezh Region. Sarmatian barrows had not been excavated in this area before. The barrows with the height of 0.5—5 m are situated on the slope of the headland on the right bank of the Yelan and the left bank of its tributary, the Tatarka River. Most of the barrow group had never been plowed and remained in the natural steppe landscape representing a fragment of fescue-feather grass steppe. The expedition excavated two Sarmatian barrows up to 0.5 m high and up to 20 m in diameter, being a part of the «long-running» barrow group Ivanovka 7 (about 40 mounds). The north-western sector of the Barrow 25 contained the only burial found under the mound top with the size of 2 Ч 2.1 m and the depth of 0.9—1 m from the native soil level. The buried lied diagonally with the head directed to the north-west. The skull had features of artificial deformation. In the southern corner there were some broken vessels — a large gray-clay dish with small ruminant bones, a large one-handle jar with the brown surface and a small gray-clay jar with a hollow handle. On the bottom there was an iron adze with wooden remains inside the plug. Between the shin-bone and wall there was an iron knife and 16 small iron three-bladed arrow heads. At the end of the right hand there was a piece of bone piercer. The barrow is dated to the Late Sarmatian period (middle of the 2nd century AD). Though this barrow group is now situated in the forest steppe the study of buried soil showed its clearly steppe nature. Therefore the studied burials do not differ from the bulk of late Sarmatian burials found in steppes of the Volga and Don interfluve area.
5

Latteur, Olivier. "Observing, Interpreting, and Excavating Roman Barrows." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 3, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00302002.

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Even today, the landscape of some Belgian regions is deeply marked by the presence of dozens of Roman barrows. These mounds have survived the passage of time and have shaped the landscape, from antiquity up to the present-day. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a period characterized by the rediscovery of classical antiquity and the emergence of antiquarianism, travellers and scholars took a fresh look at these remains. The development of a proto-archaeological approach to the landscape gradually transformed the relationship between man and his surrounds, and contributed to a better understanding of certain landscape features. The first part of this article is devoted to historical observation of these barrows and their impact on the local landscape: Roman tumuli had unusual features (height, strength, presence of trees, etc.) and were used as landmarks and vantage points, especially in the Hesbaye region, which was sparsely wooded and relatively flat. The second part deals with interpretations of these mounds during the early modern period (attribution to the Romans, association with magic, etc.). The third part focuses on the first ‘archaeological’ excavations of tumuli (1507, 1621, 1641, and 1654). These early modern digs gradually transformed perceptions of these remains: observations of a proto-archaeological nature became increasingly common and heralded the emergence of a new approach, which co-existed with medieval or popular traditions.
6

Holst, Mads Kähler, Marianne Rasmussen, Kristian Kristiansen, and Jens-Henrik Bech. "Bronze Age ‘Herostrats’: Ritual, Political, and Domestic Economies in Early Bronze Age Denmark." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 79 (August 21, 2013): 265–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2013.14.

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In this article we argue that within the Danish Bronze Age there was a short-lived period (roughly 1500–1150 bc) that witnessed a dramatic investment of resources into the construction of monumental architecture in the form of barrows and long houses. These investments had far-reaching long-term effects on the local landscape with negative consequences for agricultural productivity. We use two extraordinary well-documented excavations of a barrow (Skelhøj) and a long house (Legård) as a model for labour organisation and resource allocation, which is calculated against the number of barrows and long houses recorded in the Danish Sites and Monuments database for the period. An astonishing minimum of 50,000 barrows were constructed, devastating an estimated 120,000–150,000 hectares of grassland. During the same time period an estimated 200,000 long houses were constructed and renewed every 30–60 years. In densely settled regions the effects are easily recognisable in pollen diagrams as a near-complete deforestation. Thereby, the productive potential of the economy was, in effect, reduced.The situation was unsustainable in a long-term perspective and, at least on a local scale, it implied the risk of collapse. On the other hand, the exploitation of resources also appears to have entailed a new way of operating in the landscape, which led to a new organisation of the landscape itself and a restructuring of society in the Late Bronze Age. The intense character of these investments in monumental architecture is assumed to rely primarily on ritual and competitive rationales, and it exemplifies how the overall economy may be considered an unstable or contradictory interplay between ritual, political, and domestic rationales.1
7

Oleszczak, Łukasz, Marcin M. Przybyła, Igor Pieńkos, Konstantin V. Chugunov, and Nina A. Zhogova. "The magnetic survey of the early Scythian burial site and settlements in the Turan-Uyuk valley in Tuva." Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 55 (2020): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/00015229aac.20.013.13518.

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In 2019, Polish archaeologists took part in an expedition of the Hermitage Museum, led by K.V. Chugunov, in Chinge-Tey cemetery, Tuva (Russian Federation). This paper presents the results of magnetic surveys carried out within the so-called western chain of barrows and around the princely barrow of Chinge-Tey I. This method of non-invasive research is very well suited to the landscape and has produced a significant body of information. Among others, the survey of the western chain identified a stone mantle in barrow 8, which makes it different from other barrows from this group, whose mounds were built of earth. Another important result is the identification of a stone circle surrounding a cult feature (certainly associated with eschatological rituals) known as the northern complex. The presence of the circle came as a surprise for the investigators of the site, as it does not manifest itself at all on the surface of the site. On the other hand, worth noting is one negative result, which nevertheless allows for some conclusions, namely the lack of detectable anomalies connected with one of the tombs in the vicinity of Chinge-Tey I (barrow 15). Despite being clearly discernible in the landscape, and even more evident in LIDAR images, the barrow is invisible on images produced with a magnetometer. This means that one cannot rule out a possibility that other structures undetectable by magnetic surveys may be present within the investigated part of the cemetery. Nevertheless, one cannot but arrive at the conclusion that the results generated by the magnetic research provide significant information concerning the spatial arrangement of the cemetery and are helpful in planning of archaeological excavation.
8

Darvill, Timothy, Friedrich Lüth, Knut Rassmann, Andreas Fischer, and Kay Winkelmann. "Stonehenge, Wiltshire, UK: High Resolution Geophysical Surveys in the Surrounding Landscape, 2011." European Journal of Archaeology 16, no. 1 (2013): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957112y.0000000025.

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An extensive high-resolution geophysical survey covering 2 km2was undertaken to the north of Stonehenge in June and October 2011. The survey is important in providing, for the first time, abundant detail on the form and structure of the Stonehenge Cursus, including the recognition of entrances in both of the long sides. Much additional information about the internal form of round barrows in the Cursus Round Barrow Cemetery, the course of the Avenue, the course of the so-called Gate Ditch, and numerous tracks and early roads crossing the landscape was recorded. A series of previously unrecognized features were identified: a pit-arc or cove below a barrow on the west side of King Barrow Ridge, a square-shaped feature surrounded by pits on the east side of Stonehenge Bottom, and a linear ditch on the same solstical axis, and parallel to, the southern section of the Stonehenge Avenue. An extensive scatter of small metallic anomalies marking the position of camping grounds associated with the Stonehenge Free Festival in the late 1970s and early 1980s raise interesting conservation and management issues.
9

Cooper, Anwen. "Other Types of Meaning: Relationships between Round Barrows and Landscapes from 1500 bc–ac 1086." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 26, no. 4 (October 25, 2016): 665–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774316000433.

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This paper is about Bronze Age round barrows and the ways in which they became caught up in human practices over an extended time period. At one level it belongs to a flourishing body of work that examines the ‘re-use’ or ‘biography’ of prehistoric monuments. Rather than treating the latter as a generic group, however, this study focuses on chronologies of one specific monument type—round barrows—over a 2600-year period from 1500 bc–ac 1086. By bringing together evidence and interpretations generated mainly within period specialisms, significant homogeneities are revealed in terms of how activities at prehistoric monuments have previously been understood. The possibilities for seeking out different interpretative ground are duly explored. Using a case study from the east of England and drawing on evidence and ideas from much more broadly, the approach taken places particular emphasis on examining relationships between round barrows and other aspects of landscape. The findings offer fresh insight into the temporality of activities undertaken at round barrows, question existing characterizations of past people's historical understandings, and explore the long-term coherence of ‘round barrows’ as a category.
10

Field, David, Neil Linford, Martyn Barber, Hugo Anderson-Whymark, Mark Bowden, Peter Topping, Paul Linford, et al. "Analytical Surveys of Stonehenge and its Immediate Environs, 2009–2013: Part 1 – the Landscape and Earthworks." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 80 (August 14, 2014): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2014.6.

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Integrated non-invasive survey in the Stonehenge ‘triangle’, Amesbury, Wiltshire, has highlighted a number of features that have a significant bearing on the interpretation of the site. Among them are periglacial and natural topographical structures, including a chalk mound that may have influenced site development. Some geophysical anomalies are similar to the post-holes in the car park of known Mesolithic date, while others beneath the barrows to the west may point to activity contemporary with Stonehenge itself. Evidence that the ‘North Barrow’ may be earlier in the accepted sequence is presented and the difference between the eastern and western parts of the enclosure ditch highlighted, while new data relating to the Y and Z Holes and to the presence of internal banks that mirror their respective circuits is also outlined.
11

Demina, A. D. "STONES, SEA AND BARROWS: SCYTHIAN TIME SITES IN THE LANDSCAPE OF NORTHERN AZOV COAST." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 26, no. 1 (March 25, 2018): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2018.01.09.

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Herodotus described the land to the north of the Maeotian lake as a place where the royal Scythian tribes lived. Today, the northern coast of the Azov sea is most commonly associated with this land. However, even though nomadic barrows have been excavated there for more than a century, this region remains the blind spot on the archaeological map of European Scythia, in the comparison to the neighboring sites in the Dnieper and Don basins. Only the «elite» Scythian burial sites, such as Melitopol kurgan, Bierdiansk kurgan and Dvohorba mohyla have been analyzed in the broader context of nomadic burial practices. To address this gap, I have made a closer examination of 117 barrows with 160 burials of Scythian time in this region. In particular, I focused on whether the distinctive features of the local landscape correlate to the burial construction patterns. The sites, included in this research, are located within the 60 km area to the north of coastline. The latitudinal extend of this area is approximately 380 km. In addition, several sites, such as Tokmak barrows and Perederieva mohyla, which are not located in the Azov littoral, but in the upstream basins of coastal rivers are surveyed as well. This territory is divided in several geographic zones, though the high-cliffed Donets ridge and Azov Upland along with flat lowlands of Black Sea and Azov sea occupy the largest part of it. Considering the size and diversity of the territory, the claim of studying some common landscape characteristics seems to be problematic. However, this study shows that land use strategies have reflected in (1) the pattern and frequency of stone constructions, (2) the use of marine eelgrass as architectural material and (3) the arrangement of sites in regard to the bronze age barrows. This analysis contributes to the understanding of regional differentiation of burial sites and land use characteristics in Scythian time.
12

Uzzell, Jennifer. "‘And Raise Me Up a Golden Barrow’." Journal of the British Association for the Study of Religion (JBASR) 20 (September 21, 2018): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18792/jbasr.v20i0.28.

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The stories we tell ourselves about our beginnings are a vital part of our sense of identity and belonging. For Druids living in the UK those stories tend to be deeply rooted in a sense of connectedness with the landscape and with the ‘Ancestors’, usually situated in an imagined and often idealized pre-Christian past. Since the time of William Stukeley, himself associated with the Druid Revival of the Eighteenth Century; the Druids have been associated in the popular romantic imagination with the ancient burial mounds that proliferate in the landscape. The fact that this association is not historically correct has done little to weaken its power. This paper will focus on the construction, in recent years, of a number of barrows, mimicking the Neolithic monuments, and designed to take human cremated remains in niches built into the construction. The fact that this initiative has proved hugely popular with Druids, but also with many others testifies to the power that the barrows hold over the imagination. Why is this? What stories are being told about the barrows, and do those stories have to say about connections to ‘deep time’, to the land, to each other, to community and to the future.
13

Iwaniszewski, Stanislaw. "The power of the dead in Neolithic landscapes: an agricultural-celestial metaphor in the funerary tradition of the Funnel Beaker Culture in the Sandomierz Upland." Documenta Praehistorica 43 (December 30, 2016): 429–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dp.43.22.

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FBC earthen long barrows were roughly oriented along the East-West axis, with deviations not exceeding the frame of the solar arc. Also, the Sandomierz Group monuments display this general pattern. The paper brings together archaeoastronomy, landscape archaeology and symbolic archaeology.
14

Turek, Jan. "Neolithic Long Barrows and Enclosures as Landmarks of Ritual Landscape of Central and North Bohemia." Open Archaeology 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1674–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opar-2020-0207.

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Abstract Based on reconstruction of the spatial context of causewayed enclosures and long barrows of the Proto- and Early Eneolithic period, we attempt to model the phenomenon of the ritual landscape in Central and North Bohemia. Discussing the purpose and meaning of the long barrows and enclosures, they are being described as funerary and religious structures related to the cult of ancestors. An alternative explanation views them primarily, in economic terms, as territorial markers delineating the areas controlled by different communities. It seems likely that both of these interpretations are valid and well characterise the true nature of such structures. Both types of monuments should not be perceived as isolated structures, but just the opposite as they are part of a pattern of regional and super-regional identity of communities and individuals. In fact, they are crucial elements of the overall system of structuring of the prehistoric landscape.
15

Gawałkiewicz, Rafał. "Mounds and barrows as important elements of cultural landscape of Poland." Geoinformatica Polonica 18 (2019): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/21995923gp.19.007.11574.

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16

Whyte, Nicola. "The after-life of barrows: prehistoric monuments in the Norfolk landscape." Landscape History 25, no. 1 (January 2003): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01433768.2003.10594547.

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17

Arnoldussen, Stijn, and David Fontijn. "Towards Familiar Landscapes? On the Nature and Origin of Middle Bronze Age Landscapes in the Netherlands." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 72 (2006): 289–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00000864.

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In many regions in north-west Europe, the Middle Bronze Age is seen as the first period in which a ‘humanly-ordered’ agrarian landscape took shape that has resonance with rural landscapes of historical periods. But what did this ‘ordering’ actually involve? Basing ourselves on a survey of the rich evidence from the Netherlands – including the evidence on everyday settlement sites as well as the use of the non-everyday ‘ritual’ zones in the land – we argue that from c. 1500 cal BC onwards the landscape was organised and structured by specific, ideological concepts of regularity and categorisation that are distinct from those of the preceding Neolithic and Earlier Bronze Age. We will show that elaborate three-aisled farmhouses of very regular layout emerged here around c. 1500 cal BC and argue that this profound architectural change cannot simply be explained by assuming agricultural intensification combined with indoor stalling of cattle, as conventional theories would have it. Also, we will argue that the way in which the settled land was used from this period onwards was also different than before. Neolithic and Early Bronze Age settlements, far from being ‘ephemeral’, seem to have been organised along different lines than those of the Middle Bronze Age-B (MBA-B: 1500–1050 cal BC). The same holds true for the way in which barrows structured the land. Although they were significant elements in the organisation of the landscape from the Late Neolithic onwards and do hardly change in outer form, we will show that MBA barrows played a different role in the structuring of landscape, adhering to long-term categorisation and zoning therein. A similar attitude can also be discerned in patterns of object deposition in ‘natural’ places. Practices of selective deposition existed long before the MBA-B but, because of different subsistence bases of the pre-MBA-B communities, their interpretations of unaltered ‘natural’ places will have differed significantly. The presence of multiple deposition zones in the MBA-B also must have relied on a unprecedented way of persistent categorisation of the ‘natural’ environment. Finally, the evidence from ‘domestic, funerary and ritual’ sites is recombined in order to typify what the Dutch Middle Bronze Age landscape was about.
18

Laursen, Steffen Terp, Kasper Lambert Johansen, Mads Kähler Holst, and Marianne Rasmussen. "Høje, landskab og bosættelse – Rekognosceringer ved Tobøl-Plougstrup-højgruppen." Kuml 52, no. 52 (December 14, 2003): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v52i52.102642.

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Barrows, Landscape and SettlementField surveys at the Tobøl-Plougstrup barrow groupA group of barrows located between the villages of Tobøl and Plougstrup in the parishes of Føvling and Jernved in Ribe County has on several occasions been the object of intense archaeological interest. The group consists of 26 burial mounds all situated close to or in some cases almost directly on the eroded banks of the Kongeå river meadows (fig. 1). Extraordinarily lavish grave goods together with conspicuously large mounds have contributed to an impression of an area of special significance in prehistory. It is, however, the recovery of well-preserved oak log coffins from the Early Bronze Age in three different mounds, which in particular has drawn attention to the locality. The coffins were in every case uncovered under adverse circumstances leaving only scattered information on find circumstances and grave goods. As part of a larger research program the Tobøl-Plougstrup area was revisited in 1999 where a number of drillings were carried out in selected mounds. The aim was to obtain knowledge on prehistoric soil development, principles of barrow construction and preservation of organic matter in the mounds. In the core of several mounds the presence of an iron pan encapsulation was detected. These iron pans facilitate the preservation of organic matter and have been observed in connection with almost all discoveries of oak log coffins. Recent investigations suggest that the iron pans have developed because of special constructionmethods. This has added to the impression of the special role of the barrow group. In the period 2002-2004 the five ­metre-high Skelhøj mound will be excavated. With an iron pan encapsulated core the excavation opens the possibility of improved insights into a variety of aspects of Early Bronze Age society. Furthermore, soil analyses of sod material from the other mounds throw light on long-term cultural exploitation of the areas in the vicinity of the individual mounds. Existing information on Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age finds suggests that settlement was restricted to the southern side of the Kongeåen, opposite the mounds (fig. 1). This leaves an impression of a secluded ritual landscape on the northern banks of the river. Focusing on the overall role of mound building and its effect on the development of settlement and landscape it was decided to carry out a systematic field survey of the area. The applied survey strategy had to enable studies of both regular occupation sites and patterns of “off-site” land use. Based on this demand and a wish to preserve the compatibility of the collected material it was decided to apply a strategy of adaptive cluster sampling. Adaptive cluster sampling is a recently developed statistical sampling procedure intended for clustered populations. It is based upon an initial randomised or systematic distribution of sample units in a regular grid. If a predetermined critical value is exceeded in a unit, its neighbouring units are also sampled (fig. 2). The method in this way focuses on the relatively most informative clusters of the material without losing the statistical properties. This makes it well suited for archaeological field surveying.In practice, the sampling at Tobøl-Plougstrup started out with a systematic grid of 20x20 m squares in which every 9th square was initially subjected to a 20 min. single person survey. The total sample area covers five square kilometres (fig. 3). It was decided to collect all artefacts, estimated to be more than 200 years old. If a square exceeded a critical value of artefacts four of the adjacent squares were surveyed. The method proved very effective for sampling and delimiting, even in connection with small concentrations of cultural remains (fig. 4). Information on all collected material is contained in a digital database (fig. 5 gives a schematic description of the database in Danish). The survey is still preliminary and the results should be treated accordingly. However, some overall tendencies are observed. The distribution of four chronologically significant categories of ceramics reveals tempo-spatial patterning (fig. 6). Flint of good quality is very scarce in the area, which is reflected in several aspects of the flint assemblage, for instance the size and exploitation of the cores (fig 7). As regards the production of larger tools like thin-butted flint axes, only the last stages of reduction are present suggesting that these implements entered the area almost completed (fig. 8). The distribution of formal flint tools is to a large extent in accordance with the distribution of ceramics. Two early/ Neolithic/early middle Neolitihic concentrations on the southern side of the Kongeå stand out in particular (fig. 9). Bifacial tools from Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age are found primarily at three different locations. In the central part of the barrow group, between two concentrations of barrows, some scattered finds of bifacial tools are present (fig. 10). This distribution of finds is compared to the evidence of prehistoric soil development as attested by the drillings in the mounds. Based on this comparison a zoning of the landscape exploitation is hypothesised (fig 11). In conclusion, as regards methodology, adaptive cluster sampling has been quite manageable in the field and must be recognised as a preferable alternative to conventional sampling and surveying. A survey of the remaining part of the Tobøl-Plougstrup area is to be carried out in the near future.Steffen Terp LaursenKasper Lambert JohansenMads Kähler HolstDepartment of Prehistoric Archaeology,University of AarhusMoesgårdMarianne RasmussenHistorical-Archaeological Research Centre, Lejre.
19

Field, David. "Round barrows and the harmonious landscape: placing Early Bronze Age burial monuments in south-east England." Oxford Journal of Archaeology 17, no. 3 (November 1998): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0092.00065.

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20

Lemaire, Ton. "Of ‘Little People’ and Ancient Monuments." Archaeological Dialogues 2, no. 1 (January 1995): 30–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800000295.

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Roymans' article is an original and valuable contribution to an interpretation of the ‘cultural biography’ of the landscape of a specific area by combining archaeological and folkloric evidence. His study concentrates on the sacred places of this landscape, especially the urnfields and barrows, because ‘these are focal points from which local communities order and interpret the surrounding landscape’. The author rightly stresses that funerary monuments not only had a certain significance in the societies that constructed and used them, but that they also had a prominent place in the landscape of later societies up until pre-modern times. He suggests that, in the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt region, there has been ‘a long-term incorporation of prehistorical burial monuments in the mythical landscape of later inhabitants’. Archaeology itself, for that matter, should be understood in the perspective of the (dis)continuing biography of the landscape because it presupposes the destruction of the ancient mythical geography, including the Christian one. Archaeology is the product of the ‘modernisation’ of space: it is presupposing and reflecting (upon) the coming of the modem world with its rationalisation and Entzauberung (disenchantment) of the landscape. In a similar way the study of folklore (Volkskunde in both Dutch and German) has been made possible and interesting by the waning of rural popular culture as a consequence of both the Enlightenment and the industrial revolution. Thus, it is no accident that modernity produced the conditions of becoming aware of the mythical meaning of the landscape exactly at the time that its traces are disappearing in the physical landscape as well as in the memory of the rural population.
21

Doorenbosch, Marieke, and Jan M. van Mourik. "The impact of ancestral heath management on soils and landscapes: a reconstruction based on paleoecological analyses of soil records in the central and southeastern Netherlands." SOIL 2, no. 3 (July 4, 2016): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/soil-2-311-2016.

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Abstract. The evolution of heathlands during the Holocene has been registered in various soil records. Paleoecological analyses of these records enable reconstruction of the changing economic and cultural management of heaths and the consequences for landscape and soils. Heaths are characteristic components of cultural landscape mosaics on sandy soils in the Netherlands. The natural habitat of heather species was moorland. At first, natural events like forest fires and storms caused small-scale forest degradation; in addition on that, the forest degradation accelerated due to cultural activities like forest grazing, wood cutting, and shifting cultivation. Heather plants invaded degraded forest soils, and heaths developed. People learned to use the heaths for economic and cultural purposes. The impact of the heath management on landscape and soils was registered in soil records of barrows, drift sand sequences, and plaggic Anthrosols. Based on pollen diagrams of such records we could reconstruct that heaths were developed and used for cattle grazing before the Bronze Age. During the late Neolithic, the Bronze Age, and Iron Age, people created the barrow landscape on the ancestral heaths. After the Iron Age, people probably continued with cattle grazing on the heaths and plaggic agriculture until the early Middle Ages. Severe forest degradation by the production of charcoal for melting iron during the Iron Age till the 6th–7th century and during the 11th–13th century for the trade of wood resulted in extensive sand drifting, a threat to the valuable heaths. The introduction of the deep, stable economy and heath sods digging in the course of the 18th century resulted in acceleration of the rise of plaggic horizons, severe heath degradation, and again extension of sand drifting. At the end of the 19th century heath lost its economic value due to the introduction of chemical fertilizers. The heaths were transformed into "new" arable fields and forests, and due to deep ploughing most soil archives were destroyed. Since AD 1980, the remaining relicts of the ancestral heaths are preserved and restored in the frame of the programs to improve the regional and national geo-biodiversity. Despite the realization of many heath restoration projects during the last decades, the area of the present heaths is just a fraction of the heath areal in AD 1900.
22

Young, Robert. "Barrows clearance and land use: some suggestions from the north-east of England." Landscape History 9, no. 1 (January 1987): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01433768.1987.10594403.

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23

Millican, Kirsty, Helen Goodchild, and Dorothy Graves McEwan. "MONUMENTS AND LANDSCAPE: INVESTIGATING A PREHISTORIC MONUMENT COMPLEX AT LOCHBROW, DUMFRIES AND GALLOWAY." Antiquaries Journal 97 (September 2017): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581517000270.

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This paper presents the results of a survey project investigating a complex of prehistoric archaeological sites at Lochbrow, in Dumfries and Galloway, Scotland. An Early Neolithic timber cursus, Late Neolithic or Early Bronze Age timber circles and Bronze Age round barrows were first recorded as cropmarks on aerial photographs in the 1980s and 1990s. The Lochbrow Landscape Project set out to investigate and understand this lesser-known complex of prehistoric sites and their layout in the landscape using non-destructive survey techniques, including geophysical survey, experiential survey and re-assessment of aerial photographs. A pilot survey was undertaken in 2010 followed by a series of short field seasons from 2011 to 2015. Interpretation of the results from geophysical survey has proved challenging because of strong geological and geomorphological signals, but has been successful in detecting both the features known from aerial photographs and additional archaeological features. The simple step of marking out the known archaeology on the ground has provided additional insights into the landscape context of the known monuments and elements of their morphology. This indicates that the monuments were closely tied to their landscape context and that the monument boundaries were used to influence the experience of being within the monuments. Overall, the research has been successful in enriching our understanding of the complex of prehistoric sites known at Lochbrow.
24

Allen, Michael J. "Beaker Settlement and Environment on the Chalk Downs of Southern England." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 71 (2005): 219–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00001018.

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This paper is dedicated to John Evans, environmental archaeologist extraordinaire, who died 14 June 2005, while this paper was in press. He continually reminded us that environmental data should address questions of people and landscape and be relevant to the understanding of Prehistory by our archaeological colleagues.The Beaker period in north-west Europe is abound with objects, burials, and monuments, but evidence of settlement and domestic life is often absent or less easily found, and England is no exception. Despite the thousands of barrows with rich artefacts assemblages (eg, Amesbury Archer) and the numerous pits with non-domestic assemblages of placed items, evidence for houses and settlement are sparse despite the indication of increased agriculture and sedentism. This paper explores this problem on the chalklands of southern England that are rich in Beaker finds, and which are generally recognised as one of the best studied and well understood landscapes in Europe. From this study it is suggested that Beaker domestic sites are present, but are often in low lying positions on the chalk downs and have subsequently been buried by variable depths of hillwash, making them invisible to normal archaeological survey and reconnaissance.
25

Макаров, Н. А., А. М. Красникова, and С. А. Ерохин. "FIRST RESULTS OF NEW STUDIES OF THE GNEZDILOVO CEMETERY NEAR SUZDAL." Краткие сообщения Института археологии (КСИА), no. 264 (December 3, 2021): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25681/iaras.0130-2620.264.7-29.

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Поиски средневековых могильников, исследованных в 1851-1852 гг. А. С. Уваровым и утративших выраженные на поверхности надмогильные памятники - курганные насыпи - после раскопок и многолетней распашки земельных участков, на которых находились курганы, ведутся Суздальской экспедицией ИА РАН и ГИМ в Суздальском Ополье уже двадцать лет. Методы и приемы этих поисков существенно изменились в последние годы с использованием ГИС для определения местоположения объектов, обозначенных на картах и планах, сопровождающих полевую документацию 1851-1852 гг., анализом данных дистанционного зондирования местности и использованием геофизической съемки для выявления площадок, на которых располагались курганы, и участков с грунтовыми погребениями. Материалы новых исследований могильника Гнездилово демонстрируют высокую ценность памятников, считавшихся утраченными. Search for medieval burial sites which had been under excavations in 18511852 in the framework of A. S. Uvarov’s field campaign and later became invisible in the landscape with the destruction of the barrows which marked the location of the burials on the intensively cultivated lands are going on for twenty years. Surveys are conducted by Suzdal expedition of the Institute of Archaeology RAS and State Historical Museum. Methods and techniques of these surveys became more effective in the recent years with the progress of GIS, georeferencing of maps of the 1851 excavations and introduction of remote sensing and geophysical prospections for the detection of barrow platforms and areas with the flat in-ground inhumation graves. Recent field investigations at Gnezdilovo burial site demonstrate high scientific value of the sites which were previously regarded as completely destroyed
26

Ellison, Ann, Philip Rahtz, P. C. Ensom, R. L. Otlet, D. F. Williams, and P. Wilthew. "Excavations at Hog Cliff Hill, Maiden Newton, Dorset." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 53, no. 1 (1987): 223–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00006204.

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A segment of earlier Bronze Age arable landscape incorporating isolated round barrows on the high chalk spur of Hog Cliff Hill became the chosen location for a later Bronze Age earthwork of considerable dimensions. The area excavated within the bank and ditch was densely occupied by two major phases of buildings of timber construction, lasting into the earliest Iron Age. Sometime during the early Iron Age the oval enclosure was replaced by a more substantial one which partly followed its line and contained a series of unusual structures comprising dry-stone flint banks or wall-footings. The site was subsequently abandoned, the land probably being returned to agricultural use, until the Roman period when the agger of the Roman road from Dorchester to Ilchester was constructed across the earthwork.
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Jones, Andy M., and Graeme Kirkham. "From Landscape to Portable Art: The Changing Settings of Simple Rock Art in South-West Britain and its Wider Context." European Journal of Archaeology 16, no. 4 (2013): 636–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957113y.0000000039.

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South-west Britain—Cornwall, Devon and west Somerset—has featured little in discussions of British rock art. However, although it lacks the complex motifs found in northern Britain or the rich ornamentation of the Irish passage graves, it has a growing number of sites with simple cup-marks and stands at a pivotal location in the wider distribution of this form of rock art within north-west Europe. This paper considers the cup-mark tradition in south-west Britain and its wider European context, drawing attention to comparable traditions in western France, Wales, and south-west Ireland where simple cup-marks occur in analogous contexts. We propose a chronology for cup-marks in the south-west, from suggested Neolithic origins associated with rock outcrops and chambered tombs through to their use in Bronze Age barrows and subsequently roundhouses in the second millennium BC.
28

Razuvaev, Yury, and Yury Chendev. "Landscape Environment of Hillforts and Kurgans of Scythian Time within the Don Forest Steppe Region." Stratum plus. Archaeology and Cultural Anthropology, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 343–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.55086/sp213343356.

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The article offers a reconstruction of the landscape in the 6th—3rd centuries BC in the environs of 24 sites of Scyphoid and Gorodets archaeological cultures. Information on previous soil and palynological analyses is summarized, and the results of the latest studies of buried soils are published. A modern soil map offers an approximate view of the vegetation of the Don basin in the past. Hillforts and barrows of the Scyphoid culture are concentrated in the territories of typical forest steppe, while the fortified settlements of Gorodets are found in the more forested northern territory. This may be due to the difference in management systems, especially farming (tillage and slash-and-burn farming). Under the earthen defensive ramparts of all the studied hillforts of Early Iron Age, associated with forest valley-river landscapes, the soils with properties of forest formation have been identified, however, in many cases preserving the features of Chernozems of the drier Bronze Age. Qualities of paleosoils suggest the process of afforestation of river valleys and adjacent sections of watersheds at the beginning of Early Iron Age. Kurgans, which demonstrate the military-elitist appearance of the material culture and mobility of their creators, are situated in the interfluvial meadow-steppes and are separated from the nearest hillforts under the forests by the local relief. Localization of these and other sites confirms the existence of different economic and cultural types among the population of the Scythian era.
29

Mäemets, Laura. "Karksi kihelkonna pühapaigad: mõningaid tähelepanekuid." Mäetagused 83 (August 2022): 89–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/mt2022.83.maemets.

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This article gives a brief review about some of the most characteristic sacred natural places in Karksi parish based on place lore. These are: cemeteries/barrows, sandstone outcrops (so-called “Hells”) and places connected with Pell – a being of folk belief in Karksi parish (Mulgimaa). Vanapagan (“The Old Heathen”, also known as “The Old Devil”) can be seen as very popular supernatural being in Karksi’s oral tradition, which has historically been connected with many places in Karksi. Karksi parish can be seen as a centre of Pell tradition as most accounts of belief and customs that are referring to vernacular cult originate from Karksi. Unfortunately, most of its special sacrificial sites have been destroyed – like many other sacred places in Karksi. Both landscape and folklore can be seen as dynamic phenomenons connected and dependent on each other. Changes in landscape make changes in place lore. Natural sacred places preserve the values of the present and the past. They are essential phenomenons from the perspectives of historical memory, folklore, popular religion, and archaeology. Oral tradition can be significant and, even more, primary prerequisite considering protection of and both – physical and cultural – continuity of these kind of places.
30

Preda, Bianca. "Considerations regarding Barrow Burials and Metal Depositions during the Early Bronze Age in the Carpathian-Danube Area." Hiperboreea 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 5–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.2.0005.

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Abstract The beginning of the Early Bronze Age brought significant changes in the Carpathian-Danube Area, including new burial customs, a different economy and innovative technologies, most of them with eastern steppe origins. Thus, burial barrows appeared in the landscape raised over rectangular grave-pits, sometimes with wood or stone structures containing individuals lying in contracted or supine position with flexed legs, stained with ochre, rarely accompanied by grave-goods like wares, ornaments or weapons made of stone, bone and precious metals. Among the metallurgical innovations, items such as silver hair rings, copper shaft-hole axes and tanged daggers are considered specific to the new era. However, a careful approach of the deposition contexts of these artifacts, as compared with the eastern space, indicates that in some cases the objects were not just adopted, but reinterpreted and involved in different social practices. This paper aims to analyze the manner in which metal pieces were disposed of and to identify the rules governing this behavior.
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Jaeger, Mateusz, Jakub Niebieszczański, and Mateusz Stróżyk. "The first cup marks from the territory of Poland and their archaeological context." Praehistorische Zeitschrift 94, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 116–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pz-2019-0008.

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Abstract Thus far, prehistoric rock art has not been featured in the discourse concerned with the archaeology of Poland due to the absence of finds there belonging to this category. This text presents the very first identified specimens of cup marks in the present-day territory of Poland; all differ significantly in terms of context, which consequently determines the potential for interpreting the finds. The first is a boulder which was put in place as grave-marker at a Wielbark Culture site dated to Late Iron Age. The find appears to overlap with the general pattern of regularities observed in the funerary rituals of the Wielbark communities. The second instance is an isolated boulder with cup marks – most likely positioned ex situ – discovered at Wilcza (Greater Poland). Regarding the latter, available information contributes little to determination of chronology of the cup marks and the original location of the boulder in the landscape, thus obscuring the primary function of the feature. The third boulder yielded the most contextual information; it is situated within a complex of numerous Middle Bronze Age barrows in Smoszew, at a site which constitutes a part of the Bronze Age cultural landscape that has survived in the Krotoszyn Forest in southern Greater Poland. For the authors, this very feature served as a basis for a contextual and chronological analysis of rock art which has hitherto remained unknown in Poland. In light of obtained data, the cup-marked boulder from Smoszew should be approached as an element of the funerary landscape created by the Tumulus Culture community and evidence of broader cultural processes which linked particular regions of Europe in the Bronze Age.
32

De Reu, Jeroen, Jean Bourgeois, Philippe De Smedt, Ann Zwertvaegher, Marc Antrop, Machteld Bats, Philippe De Maeyer, et al. "Measuring the relative topographic position of archaeological sites in the landscape, a case study on the Bronze Age barrows in northwest Belgium." Journal of Archaeological Science 38, no. 12 (December 2011): 3435–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2011.08.005.

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33

French, Charles, Helen Lewis, Michael J. Allen, Robert G. Scaife, Martin Green, Julie Gardiner, and Kasia Gdaniec. "Archaeological and Palaeo-environmental Investigations of the Upper Allen Valley, Cranborne Chase, Dorset (1998–2000): a New Model of Earlier Holocene Landscape Development." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 69 (2003): 201–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00001316.

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A combination of on- and off-site palaeo-environmental and archaeological investigations of the upper Allen valley of Dorset conducted in 1998–2000 has begun to reveal a different model of landscape development than those previously put forward. A combination of off-site geoarchaeological and aerial photographic survey and palynological analyses of two relict palaeochannel systems, and sample investigations of four Bronze Age round barrows and a Neolithic enclosure, have been combined with inter-regional summaries of the archaeological and molluscan records to re-examine the prehistoric landscape dynamics in the study area. Preliminary results suggest that woodland development in the earlier Holocene appears to have been more patchy than the presumed model of full climax deciduous woodland. With open areas still present in the Mesolithic, the area witnessed its first exploitation of the chalk downs, thus slowing and altering soil development of the downlands. Consequently, many areas perhaps never developed thick, well structured, clay-enriched soils (or argillic brown earths), but rather thin brown earths. By the later Neolithic these under-developed soils had become thin rendzinas, largely as a consequence of human exploitation. The presence of thinner and less well-developed soils over large areas of downland removes the necessity for envisaging extensive soil erosion and thick aggraded deposits in the valley bottom in later prehistory. The investigations have suggested that, if there were major changes in vegetation and soil complexes, these had already occurred by the Neolithic rather than in the Bronze Age as suggested by previous researchers, and the area has remained relatively stable since.
34

Berezovich, Elena L., and Elena E. Ivanova. "MORE ON RECONSTRUCTING THE MYTHICAL PEOPLES’ NAMES IN THE MOUNTAIN MYTHONYMY OF THE URALS." Ural Historical Journal 81, no. 4 (2023): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2023-4(81)-132-142.

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The article analyzes the mountain mythonymy of the Urals. Mythonyms are names for supernatural anthropomorphic beings that guard treasures of the earth (minerals and metals) and aid (or interfere with) their discovery, extraction, and carving. This article concerns mythonyms motivated by the names of the peoples who, as legends say, were the most ancient population of the region and used to live in the mountains, pits, barrows, etc. The authors use the material from dialect dictionaries, folklore texts, travellers’ notes, etc.; in addition, part of the material was collected during the 2020–2023 expeditions. The research is based mostly on the data from the Western, Middle and Southern Urals. Special attention is paid to toponyms and appellative landscape terms. The authors analyze the motivations behind the mythonyms, as well as the cultural context connected with the names. The following mythonyms are studied: чудь (chiúd’), дивьи люди (dív’i liúdi), стары люди (stáry liúdi), суксуны (соксуны) (suksuný (soksuný)), шайтаны (shaitány), шуты (shutý). In some cases, «prototype» peoples or generalized groups of such peoples may be indicated for them (for чудь, most likely, extinct Finno-Ugric tribes); in other cases, the nominations (in the source language) reflect signs of “savagery”, primitiveness (дивьи люди), antecedence to current peoples (стары люди), typical actions (суксуны). Linguistic facts and the beliefs and folklore texts behind them form a fairly rigid system in which various kinds of interactions are observed: language attractions; the interaction of folklore motifs, of which the most common is locative — living in mountains, mounds, etc.; further, the motives of storing treasures, self-burial in dugouts.
35

Radeloff, Volker C., Roger B. Hammer, Paul R. Voss, Alice E. Hagen, Donald R. Field, and David J. Mladenoff. "Human Demographic Trends and Landscape Level Forest Management in the Northwest Wisconsin Pine Barrens." Forest Science 47, no. 2 (May 1, 2001): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/forestscience/47.2.229.

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Abstract The effects of landscape pattern on forest ecosystems have been a recent focus in forest science. Forest managers are increasingly considering landscape level processes in their management. Natural disturbance patterns provide one baseline for such management. What has been largely ignored is the pattern of human habitation patterns (i.e., housing), on landscapes. The objective of this study is to discuss landscape level management options for the northwest Wisconsin Pine Barrens based on both landscape ecology and the human demographics of the region. Using the 1990 U. S. Decennial Census we examined current housing density, seasonal housing unit concentration, historic housing density change and projected future housing densities. These data were related to land cover and land ownership data using a GIS. Housing density increase was particularly pronounced in the central Pine Barrens, an area where seasonal housing units are common. Lakes and streams were more abundant in areas that exhibited highest growth. Within national forest lands, 80% of the area contained no housing units. In contrast, only 12% of the area in small private land ownership contained no housing. These results are integrated with previous studies of presettlement vegetation and landscape change to discuss landscape level management suggestions for the Pine Barrens. For. Sci. 47(2):229–241.
36

Скляр, В. Г., Ю. Л. Скляр, М. Г. Баштовий, В. В. Литовка, О. М. Ємець, М. Ю. Шерстюк, Н. П. Ярошенко, and Я. С. Говенько. "Biodiversity of the proposed reserve “Pshinchyne”." Bulletin of Sumy National Agrarian University. The series: Agronomy and Biology 41, no. 3 (November 30, 2020): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/agrobio.2020.3.5.

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According to the results of a study of the valley of the river Khmelivka near the Basivka and Pshinchyne villages, Romny district, Sumy region the biodiversity was firstly characterized and the creation of the reserve with the local value named «Pshinchyne» was offered. Flora, vegetation and fauna of the territory were studied with the usage of recognized floristical, geobotanical, zoological methods, reconnaissance and route-detailed in particular. We investigated that the dominating part of this valley territory is covered by the air-watered vegetation represented by the mono-groups of Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin. ex Steud.). Peat meadows are spread with the domination of Deshampsia caespitosa (L.) P. Beauv.). Meadow-steppe groups dominate on the two barrows with the major abundance of Elytrigia repens (L.) Nevski, Festuca valesiaca Gaudin, Festuca pratensis Huds., Poa pratensis L., Carex hirta L. We marked that within the river valley the trees Alnus glutinosa L. (Gaerth.), Salix fragilis L., Populus tremula L., Salix triandra L., Salix pentandra L. are actively spread. The analisys of the fauna of the territory showed that at the riverbed part Rana ridibund and Rana arvalis are spread. Natrix natrix occurred at the coastal part. At the land part it was pointed the representatives of Capreolus capreolus, Lepus europaeus, Vulpes vulpes. The sozological value of the proposed reserve «Pshinchyne» consists of the 2 flora species declared in the Red book of Ukraine ‒ Dactylorhiza incarnata (L.) Soó. і Dactylorhyza fuchsii (Druce) Soо. and 23 plant species represented in the Red list of IUCN with the LC range of protection. Among the fauna there are 27 species with the IUCN protection status with the LC range, among them – 19 belong to the lists of annexes II and III of Bern convention. The results of conducted geographic-aesthetical and psycho-aesthetical rating bear evidence to high aesthetical value of the landscape of the river valley Khmelivka near Basivka and Pshinchyne villages and confirmed the expediency of this territory to be included to the nature reserve fund of Sumy region.
37

Bourgeois, Quentin P. J., and David R. Fontijn. "The Tempo of Bronze Age Barrow Use: Modeling the Ebb and Flow in Monumental Funerary Landscapes." Radiocarbon 57, no. 1 (2015): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_rc.57.17925.

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The thousands of Bronze Age burial mounds of northwestern Europe often have complex histories, with multiple construction phases and secondary burials added to these mounds. It can be difficult to understand the dynamic nature of these events and the ebb and flow of activities in these monumental funerary landscapes. This article presents chronological models of five Bronze Age barrows from two sites. A total of 41 radiocarbon-dated cremation burials were fitted into several chronological sequences. The results from the chronological models at both sites suggest that the creation of a burial mound was just one event within a much longer funerary history. For both sites, there are indications that the deceased were buried in flat graves decades and sometimes more than a century prior to any monument construction. Once in place, the barrows were then used as a repository for the dead for decades afterwards. At the same time, a comparison of the models suggests that funerary events at both sites were punctuated. At one site, several barrows were in use simultaneously, at the other, barrows seem to be each other's successor. The models provide evidence for both protracted histories as well as punctuated events.
38

Myers, Lisa. "The Ruined Landscapes of Beowulf : Apocalypse and Hope." Studies in Philology 121, no. 2 (March 2024): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sip.2024.a923963.

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Abstract: A wide variety of scholars have examined the settings of the Old English epic Beowulf , interpreting the text in a myriad of ways and providing valuable information on sources and analogues. This article seeks to build upon and add to this body of scholarship by applying landscape history and a variety of archaeological evidence to the poem in order to develop a further understanding of the landscape settings of Beowulf as literary representations of real topographical features of early medieval England. Attention is paid to the mere and lair of the Grendle-kin, the barrow of the dragon, and Beowulf’s own final resting place. Analysis of these landscapes, grounded in the historical topography of England, enhances an interpretation of the text as a statement on humanity’s relationship with the past and hope for the future.
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Lucash, Melissa S., Robert M. Scheller, Alec M. Kretchun, Kenneth L. Clark, and John Hom. "Impacts of fire and climate change on long-term nitrogen availability and forest productivity in the New Jersey Pine Barrens." Canadian Journal of Forest Research 44, no. 5 (May 2014): 404–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/cjfr-2013-0383.

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Increased wildfires and temperatures due to climate change are expected to have profound effects on forest productivity and nitrogen (N) cycling. Forecasts about how wildfire and climate change will affect forests seldom consider N availability, which may limit forest response to climate change, particularly in fire-prone landscapes. The overall objective of this study was to examine how wildfire and climate change affect long-term mineral N availability in a fire-prone landscape. We employed a commonly used landscape simulation model (LANDIS-II) in the New Jersey Pine Barrens, a landscape characterized by frequent small fires and fire-resilient vegetation. We found that fire had little effect on mineral N, whereas climate change and fire together reduced mineral N by the end of the century. Though N initially limited forest productivity, mineral N was no longer limiting after 50 years. Our results suggest that mineral N is resilient to fire under our current climate but not under climate change. Also, predictions that do not consider N limitation may underestimate short-term but not long-term productivity responses to climate change. Together these results illustrate the importance of including N dynamics when simulating the effects of climate change on forest productivity, particularly in fire-prone regions such as the New Jersey Pine Barrens.
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Cooper, Anwen. "‘Held in Place’: Round Barrows in the Later Bronze Age of Lowland Britain." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 82 (July 27, 2016): 291–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2016.9.

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This paper presents a systematic study of later Bronze Age practices at round barrows – features that are typically seen as emblematic of the Early Bronze Age in Britain. Examining the evidence from 87 excavated round barrows in the east of England, it adds subtlety and empirical detail to previous discussions about the changing role of funerary monuments over the course of the 2nd millennium bc. A wide variety of activities was undertaken at existing round barrows in the later Bronze Age. Burials were added, the monuments themselves were augmented and replicated, they were often actively built into land boundary systems, and settlements were located close to them. The findings not only attest to the continued (if shifting) significance of round barrows in the later Bronze Age, they also contribute substantially to wider debates about the character of life during this period in lowland Britain – the shifting relationship between ‘ritual’ and ‘everyday’ practices, and the processes by which mobile communities began to settle down. More broadly, this investigation adds to a growing body of work that explores the multi-temporal qualities of later prehistoric landscapes.
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Vora, Robin S. "Moquah Barrens." Ecological Restoration 11, no. 1 (1993): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/er.11.1.39.

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42

Frost, Lise. "Et depotfund fra yngre bronzealder – Nymølle Bro ved Lisbjerg." Kuml 59, no. 59 (October 31, 2010): 9–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v59i59.24531.

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A Late Bronze Age hoard from Nymølle Bro near LisbjergThe hoard from Nymølle Bro near Lis­bjerg, NW of Århus, is a multi-type dry-land assemblage comprising 13 objects, and combined from the equipment of at least three individuals. Chronologically, the find lies around the transition between periods IV and V of the Late Bronze Age (c. 1000-900 BC). It comprises three hanging vessels, a belt ornament, two miniature fibulas, three fibulas (two piece), a large awl, two casting jets and a piece of casting waste (see fig. 1).Overall, there are not many single, uni- or multi-type depositions from the Late Bronze Age in the Århus area (see fig. 2). The find is therefore remarkable both for the local area and in general as there are only three examples of hoards containing the costume equipment of more than two women from the whole of Denmark.The hoard was discovered in August 1933 by a group of labourers working in a gravel pit to the east of the farm of Nymølle near Lisbjerg. Accordingly, like so many other hoards, it turned up by chance and information concerning the find circumstances is scant. It has, however, been possible to locate the find spot. This lies in undulating terrain to the south, on a small promontory facing down towards the river Egå, and the steep and uneven sub-glacial stream trench at Kasted (see fig. 3).The Nymølle assemblage is well preserved, with a combined weight of 1345 g. With respect to date, two of the hanging vessels (figs. 6 and 8), the belt ornament (fig. 9) and two of the fibulas (figs. 10 and 12), show clear period V features in their form and/or ornamentation. The dating of the artefacts therefore lies at the transition between periods IV and V. However, the fact that period V motifs appear on artefact types from period IV just shows that assignation to type is difficult with respect to bronze ornaments such as belt ornaments and hanging vessels because these generally comprise a uniform group in which various form and style traditions occur intermixed. At the same time, a chronologically fluid transition between periods IV and V fits very well with the record available from grave finds. Furthermore, artefacts in hoards, in particular, can be expected to show a gradual chronological development because they presumably represent objects belonging to several people/families which were deposited at one time. Bronzes are also artefacts with a long life. On the distribution maps (figs. 2 and 20), the Nymølle find is, however, marked with a period IV symbol. This is partly because, for the sake of visual clarity, it is necessary not to use too many chronological symbols, partly because period IV is the date assigned to the find in the literature.In addition to a lump of bronze, the find also contains two so-called casting jets, representing remains from the casting process (fig. 17). One of them (to the right on fig. 17) has two pouring channels and appears to originate from a hollow-cast socketed object, perhaps a celt (see fig. 18). The other casting jet in the assemblage (to the left on fig. 17) has two broad, flat casting deadheads. In this case it has not proved possible to make any suggestion concerning the object to which the jet was originally attached during casting. However, the piece is interesting in that it displays clear file marks showing that it has been filed using a narrow polishing stone, probably of flint.The robust bronze awl in the assemblage (fig. 19) can obviously also be seen in connection with casting and ornamentation. Perhaps it was used as a punch, or these heavy awls could have been used as a kind of decorating and modelling tool in connection with ornamental work in wax. Figure 20 shows the distribution for the whole country of hoards from the Late Bronze Age containing casting material and/or awls. The find circumstances and content vary in the same way as with other artefact types in hoards. Consequently, it is not immediately possible to identify any general characteristics of hoards with this particular content. However, it is important to focus greater attention on finds linked with technology and crafts, as this is generally a neglected area.Relative to the analysis of the individual artefacts in the Nymølle assemblage, it should be emphasised that there is still a lack of knowledge concerning basic technical details relating to casting. But in relation to the form of the ornamentation on, for example, the hanging vessels, the conclusion drawn from radiographs and from related finds is that neither cast nor punched ornamentation was universal.The Nymølle find belongs to a group of just over 200 Danish multi-type hoards from Bronze Age periods IV and V, the content of which is dominated by sets of female ornaments and costume equipment. Furthermore, the find is special because it contains parts of sets from at least three individuals as well as casting material and tools. The content therefore points in several directions at once. This is a typical feature of hoards which, with respect to both content and find circumstances, are very diverse and thereby difficult to interpret and categorise.The artefact assemblage constituting the Nymølle find represents, among other things, components of costume equipment belonging to a small group of women who could have been from the same family and/or have been linked socially and religiously. In themselves, however, the artefacts make it difficult to talk in terms of sets of artefacts and, thereby, the number of people involved. This would require new investigations of wear, alloy composition, ornamentation and tool marks.Many researchers have attempted to characterise hoards in various ways, for example as sacral and profane depositions. However, as the finds are very diverse it is often possible to classify them into several categories. Although it is clear that, especially in the Late Bronze Age, a definite distinction was made between artefacts which ended up in hoards and in graves, respectively. Accordingly, the two find groups supplement each other and appear to illustrate two different, mutually connected ritual impressions. This also applies, for example, in relation to the use of the landscape where there are indications that different places have different significance. In general, barrows are the typical burial places relative to bogs and wetlands as typical localities for depositions. Accordingly, it is important to see hoards in relation to the other categories of Bronze Age finds in a local landscape-archaeological perspective.Berta Stjernquist has, in several contexts, studied complex sacrificial sites in a diachronic settlement-archaeological perspective. She has, for example, attempted to divide the finds up into an individual and an official cult. The former could, for example, be the deposition of a pottery vessel containing food from a single household, whereas the official cult would have involved several participants and a content comprising, for example, ornaments, weapons and/or cultic artefacts. With respect to a find such as Nymølle, containing ornaments from several individuals, the deposition appears most obviously to be an expression of a communal undertaking by an area or district.Seen in the light of the general source-related problems pertaining to hoards, where it is often the case that, as at Nymølle, one is faced with a chance find lacking basic information concerning the find context, the landscape can provide part of the key to a better understanding of the finds and their relationship to the cultural landscape as a whole. Unfortunately, apart from the round barrows, a couple of settlement traces and a cup-marked stone in Lisbjerg Church there are as yet, however, no other Late Bronze Age finds from Lisbjerg parish or neighbouring parishes close to the find site.In the case of the Nymølle find, there is no information concerning the depth at which the artefacts lay or whether they were arranged in a certain way, wrapped and so on. Neither do we know precisely where the find was deposited, but the find site was on a south-facing slope running down towards the river Egå. About 100 m to the east of the find site, the river meets a stream Koldkær Bæk, which also forms part of the northern boundary between Skejby, Kasted and Lisbjerg parishes. Egå has its source in a bog Geding Mose, about 2.5 km east of the find site. The river runs along the floor of a narrow valley with steep sides which, further to the east, widens out into the Stone Age Lystrup Fjord and its mouth into the Bay of Århus. During the Bronze Age it was probably possible to sail as far inland as the crossing at Lisbjerg Bro, where the landscape alters and the river changes character and becomes narrower. About 900 m further to the west of Lisbjerg Bro lies the Nymølle Bro find site, where there is a natural crossing place over Egå. The site must therefore have been of great significance relative to communication and transport. Judging from the topography to the south of the find site and the river, where both to the east and west there are several boggy and impassable areas, there was also a relatively great distance to alternative crossings. Hoards typically lie in close association with watercourses, which of course is due to the fact that this is where bogs and wetlands are also located. But their location by rivers is also interesting relative to communication. Closer investigations of the location of the hoards in the landscape often show that the finds were actually deposited in places which topographically appear to have been central relative to the infrastructure. The location of hoards in bogs and wetland areas should therefore not necessarily be seen as being peripheral, lying far away from everything associated with everyday life. An important location relative to routes of communication need not be in conflict with the hoards’ possible connection to religion and rituals. In any case, this concept is very consistent with the Bronze Age as a society in which ritual aspects seem to be woven into everyday life in various ways –including as markers in the landscape. Perhaps it was in such communicatively significant places that people met in connection with rituals, or perhaps it was even essential to carry out depositions in places located in border areas and where crossings had to be made.The hoards constitute a strange and difficult find group which can, on the face of it, appear peripheral in their location. However, seen in a landscape context, there is great potential for the logical inclusion of the finds as part of the structure of the cultural and ritual landscape of the Bronze Age.Lise FrostMoesgård Museum
43

Sablin, Mikhail, and Polina Kim. "Silver Vessels from the Maykop Barrow (Oshad): Realistic Drawings with the Magical Overtones." Stratum plus. Archaeology and Cultural Anthropology, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.55086/sp222193202.

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In 1897 Russian archaeologist N. I. Veselovsky excavated an Early Bronze Age burial mound on the eastern outskirts of Maykop town. He found some silver vessels covered with images, made by the technique of contour embossing. Although the landscapes, flora and fauna on these objects, most likely performing a ritual function, were conveyed with a high degree of reliability, the original meaning of the images still remains a subject of controversy. The total floristic and faunal composition of the drawings is quite extensive: two species of plants, three species of birds, eight species of mammals. Most of the researchers who previously dealt with this issue spoke about the impossibility of considering these images as ordinary drawings, believing that they have a deep meaning. The joint circular movement in the sun is considered an extremely favorable magical effect for most of the peoples of Eurasia. The large wild animals are important intermediaries between humans and gods. For example, in ancient Hittite and Siberian mythology, they represented the sacred totems “beasts of the gods” or “patron spirits”. Most likely, the drawings on the vessel “with the landscape” make up a single semantic composition, the plot, perhaps the simplest map-scheme: a bear guards the World Tree growing far in the north at the foothills of the World Mountain, where the two sacred rivers originate from.
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Linge, John. "Re-discovering a landscape: the barrow and motte in north Ayrshire." Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 117 (November 30, 1988): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/psas.117.23.32.

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45

Wibiralske, Anne W., Roger Earl Latham, and Arthur H. Johnson. "A biogeochemical analysis of the Pocono till barrens and adjacent hardwood forest underlain by Wisconsinan and Illinoian till in northeastern Pennsylvania." Canadian Journal of Forest Research 34, no. 9 (September 1, 2004): 1819–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/x04-047.

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We assessed soil and vegetation nutrient capital in the landscape mosaic of till barrens and hardwood forests on the Pocono Plateau in northeastern Pennsylvania. These shrublands, which contain an unusual abundance of rare species, occur primarily on Illinoian-aged glacial till, though some patches grow on Wisconsinan till. We hypothesized that barrens soil and vegetation contain smaller quantities of nutrients than forest soil and vegetation, and under the same vegetation, Illinoian till soils have a smaller nutrient content than Wisconsinan till soils. We measured pH, total C and N, and exchangeable Ca, Mg, K, and Al content of the soils and determined C, N, Ca, Mg, K, and P content of the vegetation. Litter and soil organic matter in the barrens have a higher C/N ratio than the forest. The Illinoian barrens Oa horizon is thicker and contains a greater quantity of exchangeable mineral nutrients than the other Oa horizons. Differences in vegetation nutrient capital strongly mirror differences in biomass. Our results show no strong association of parent material with soil or vegetation nutrient capital. Instead, they suggest that plant community characteristics, not soil nutrient availability, shape the landscape pattern of barrens and forest, particularly plant-driven positive feedbacks primarily involving fire frequency.
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Lindstrom, Orville M., and Michael A. Dirr. "Cold Hardiness of Magnolia grandiflora L. Cultivars." Journal of Environmental Horticulture 9, no. 3 (September 1, 1991): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24266/0738-2898-9.3.116.

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Abstract Established cultivars of Magnolia grandiflora L. with observed cold hardiness limits and recently introduced cultivars with unknown cold hardiness limits were subjected to laboratory cold hardiness evaluation. The laboratory cold hardiness data corresponded closely to the observed field performance of ‘Edith Bogue’, ‘Little Gem’, ‘Spring Grove #16’, and ‘Spring Grove #19’. ‘Edith Bogue’ is considered the most cold hardy cultivar under landscape conditions. It also proved the most cold hardy in laboratory tests with leaves and stems hardy to at least − 24°C (−11°F) and −27°C (−17°F) over the three test dates. ‘Little Gem’, the least cold hardy under field conditions, was also the least cold hardy in laboratory tests. The Spring Grove cultivars survived −32°C (−25°F) in 1976 and 1983 and −30°C (−22°F) in 1989 under landscape conditions. Laboratory test data corroborated observed field hardiness. Three recent introductions, ‘Bracken's Brown Beauty’, ‘Phyllis Barrow’ and ‘Select #3’ showed different laboratory cold hardiness profiles. ‘Bracken's Brown Beauty’ developed the greatest stem cold hardiness followed by ‘Select #3’ and ‘Phyllis Barrow’. ‘Select #3’ and ‘Phyllis Barrow’ exhibited similar leaf cold hardiness, while ‘Bracken's Brown Beauty’ had less hardy leaves. Results indicated that promising clones of Magnolia grandiflora could be laboratory tested for cold hardiness with the resultant data used to predict survivability and geographic adaptability.
47

Streletskiy, Dmitry A., Nikolay I. Shiklomanov, Jonathon D. Little, Frederick E. Nelson, Jerry Brown, Kelsey E. Nyland, and Anna E. Klene. "Thaw Subsidence in Undisturbed Tundra Landscapes, Barrow, Alaska, 1962-2015." Permafrost and Periglacial Processes 28, no. 3 (September 28, 2016): 566–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ppp.1918.

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48

Arnberger, Arne, Paul H. Gobster, Ingrid E. Schneider, Kristin M. Floress, Anna L. Haines, and Renate Eder. "Landowner Acceptability of Silvicultural Treatments to Restore an Open Forest Landscape." Forests 13, no. 5 (May 17, 2022): 770. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/f13050770.

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This study examined the acceptability of different silvicultural treatments to restore pine barrens, an open, fire-dependent forest landscape type globally imperiled across the northern Great Lakes region of the United States and Canada. In an online survey, we asked family-forest owners (N = 466) in Northeastern Wisconsin about the acceptability of pine barrens restoration treatments through ratings of both verbal descriptions and visual scenarios. An informational statement about pine barrens restoration purposes and goals preceded ratings for half the sample. Across the entire sample, acceptability ratings for eleven verbally-described treatments generally declined as treatments became more intensive, creating greater openness on the landscape. Information recipients found two groups of treatments identified by factor analysis (selective openings, fire) more acceptable than non-recipients, and cluster analysis identified four respondent subgroups, each with varying levels of acceptability. The respondents also rated the acceptability of visual scenarios, with treatment attribute combinations portraying a range of likely restoration alternatives. While we generally found correspondence between verbal and visual acceptability ratings across the entire sample, the groups distinguished by their verbal acceptability ratings did not substantially differ in how they rated the acceptability of the visual scenarios. Implications are discussed for designing and communicating the purpose and value of restoration treatments to stakeholder groups.
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Whittle, A., A. J. Rouse, J. G. Evans, C. Barker, C. Cartwright, G. Cruse, I. Dennis, et al. "A Neolithic Downland Monument in its Environment: Excavations at the Easton Down Long Barrow, Bishops Cannings, North Wiltshire." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 59 (1993): 197–239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00003790.

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Excavations at the Easton Down long barrow were part of a wider programme of research into the Neolithic sequence and context of the Avebury area in north Wiltshire. The short barrow, on high chalk downland to the south-west of Avebury and the upper Kennet valley, and containing only a few inhumations according to Thurnam's 19th-century investigation, dates to the later 4th millennium BC. Test pits around the barrow produced very little struck flint, and virtually no colluvium in the adjacent dry valley to the west. The mound covered a thin calcareous turfline above a rubbly soil, probably formerly cultivated. The pre-barrow molluscan fauna, soil micromorphology and other environmental data indicate a clearance adjacent to woodland. In the secondary fill of the flanking ditches there is a succession from renewed woodland to open conditions in the Late Neolithic.The Easton Down monument falls relatively late in the regional sequence of long barrow construction. Its setting was probably one of scattered, non-permanent clearances in woodland. Woodland was still widespread on the higher downland of the region in the middle of the Neolithic. Renewed and bigger-scale clearance towards the end of the Neolithic may be connected with the construction of very large monuments elsewhere in the region. The later prehistoric landscape became both more open and less diverse.
50

Medici, Antonella. "THIS IS NOT A LANDSCAPE. Extractivism, landscape and exile in the work of Daniel de la Barra." Quaderni Culturali IILA 4, no. 4 (February 19, 2023): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qciila-2063.

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This article is the first theoretical approach to Daniel de la Barra’s artistic work through different productions made between Peru, Italy and Spain. From the intersection of artistic practices, decolonial thought and political ecology, this work aims to delve into the discursive and aesthetic problems that emerge from the representations of Latin American nature. This production will give us the opportunity to investigate, from a global perspective, the colonial conflicts that have relegated nature to a subordinate space of exploitation and domination, as well as to analyze the problem of landscape representation understood as an extractive process and exercise of power.

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