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Статті в журналах з теми "Australian refugee and asylum seeker policy"

1

Minns, John, Kieran Bradley, and Fabricio H. Chagas-Bastos. "Australia’s Refugee Policy." International Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2018): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881717746797.

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The image of three-year-old Aylan Kurdi’s body, washed up on a Turkish beach is only the most visible face among the large number of tragic deaths resulting from the perilous journey of the world’s desperate to reach safety. Over the years, the arrival of asylum-seekers to Australia has been an issue of significant political contestation. In October 2015 former Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott urged European leaders to follow Australia’s example and prevent the recent wave of Syrian refugees from crossing borders. Contrary to Abbott’s appeal, the ‘Australian Solution’ is a model neither Europe nor anyone else should follow. Australia’s refugee policies emerged not in response to the number of asylum-seeker arrivals, but rather as a political appeal to fear and segregation in order to scapegoat the Other. We outline Australia’s refugee policies over the previous two decades (1992–2015), discuss some of their negative consequences and the implications of the Australian model being adopted internationally. Finally, we propose alternative ways forward for both Australia and Europe.
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2

Billings, Peter. "Irregular Maritime Migration and the Pacific Solution Mark II: Back to the Future for Refugee Law and Policy in Australia?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 20, no. 2 (2013): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02002007.

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Following a rise in the number of irregular maritime arrivals seeking refugee protection in Australia, and two successful legal challenges to their refugee processing policies, the Labor Government has resuscitated notorious aspects of the ‘Pacific Solution’ as part of a ‘no advantage’ policy. This strategy seeks to deter ‘irregular’ asylum seekers by treating them no more favourably than refugees seeking protection from overseas awaiting entry to Australia through regular refugee/humanitarian channels. In furtherance of this ‘no advantage’ policy, extra-territorial processing on Nauru and Papua New Guinea has been re-introduced and ‘excision’ provisions are to be extended to mainland Australia placing the continent outside of its ‘migration zone’ and, therefore, asylum seekers beyond the regular laws and processes for protection seekers. This article analyses the seismic shifts in asylum seeker policy that have occurred in Australia over the recent past and the politics underpinning them.
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3

McAlister, Dani, Harriot Beazley, and Wynonna Raha. "“I See Nothing but a Fence of Tears”: The Impact of Australia’s Immigration Detention and Border Protection Policies on the Asylum Seeker Child’s Geographies of Hope and Hopelessness." Jeunesse: Young People, Texts, Cultures 11, no. 2 (December 2019): 74–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jeunesse.11.2.74.

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As a signatory to both the United Nation Refugee Convention and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Australia’s border protection policy to detain offshore asylum seekers who reach Australian borders by boat, including accompanied and unaccompanied minors, is under intense international scrutiny. In the context of Australia’s “Operation Sovereign Borders,” however, the asylum seeker child’s perspectives and their geographies of hope and hopelessness have not yet been fully explored. Drawing on recent literature within children’s geographies, which emphasizes the “emotional” matters within policy development and professional practice, and how they affect children, this paper seeks to contribute to emerging debates exploring borders, asylum seeker children, and children’s emotional geographies. Utilizing drawings, letters, and poems produced by children for an Australian Human Rights Commission’s National Inquiry into Children in Immigration Detention on Nauru, a child-centred approach was applied to privilege children’s own perspective of their indefinite internment. The primary focus of the paper is to emphasize the ways in which “the asylum seeker child” constructs their own emotional geographies within the inherently complex and restrictive context of Australia’s border protection policy.
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4

Phillips, Louise Gwenneth, and Catherine Montes. "Walking Borders: Explorations of Aesthetics in Ephemeral Arts Activism for Asylum Seeker Rights." Space and Culture 21, no. 2 (September 11, 2017): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331217729509.

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Australia’s Operation Sovereign Borders vehemently enforces closed borders to asylum seekers arriving by boat to Australia. Policed urban borders were enforced in Brisbane, Australia, during the G20 Summit in 2014, to protect visiting dignitaries from potential violent protest. The ephemeral arts intervention Walking Borders: Arts activism for refugee and asylum seeker rights symbolically confronted border politics by peacefully protesting against Australian immigration policy. Rather than focusing on the direct effects of the ephemeral arts intervention, this article attends to the affective workings of the aesthetic elements of the project through sensory ethnography and storying. Informed by Ranciere’s aesthetics of politics, this article explores the affective experience and potential educative gains of the ethical turn attended to in participatory arts such as ephemeral arts interventions.
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Troath, Sian. "Prospects for Australian-Led Regional Cooperation On Asylum Seeker and Refugee Issues." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 5, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.5.2.105-128.2016.

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The nomination of former Refugee High Commissioner Antonio Guterres for Secretary-General, the ongoing and intensifying condemnations of Australia’s offshore detention centres on human rights grounds, and the ruling of the Papua New Guinea Supreme Court regarding detention centres on Manus Island, indicate that the Australian government needs a new policy on asylum-seekers. The domestic political demand for a deterrence-based, “no advantage”, tough on borders approach means that the only way to achieve this would be through regional cooperation, which would be impossible without the cooperation of Indonesia. Analysing why there is such strong involvement of domestic politics on this issue, even to the detriment of the bilateral relationship with Indonesia, is vital to understanding how to improve the relationship and foster regional cooperation on asylum seekers. While reaching a broad cooperative agreement on asylum seekers in general would be far too difficult, the Rohingya refugee crisis presents a specific case on which regional cooperation could be built. If successful, this would serve as a building-block for deeper and more sustained regional cooperation on asylum seekers
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6

Hamlin, Rebecca. "International Law and Administrative Insulation: A Comparison of Refugee Status Determination Regimes in the United States, Canada, and Australia." Law & Social Inquiry 37, no. 04 (2012): 933–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2012.01292.x.

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International law provides nations with a common definition of a refugee, yet the processes by which countries determine who should be granted refugee status look strikingly different, even across nations with many institutional, cultural, geographical, and political similarities. This article compares the refugee status determination regimes of three popular asylum seeker destinations—the United States, Canada, and Australia. Despite these nations' similar border control policies, asylum seekers crossing their borders access three very different systems. These differences have less to do with political debates over admission and border control policy than with the level of insulation the administrative decision-making agency enjoys from political interference and judicial review. Bureaucratic justice is conceptualized and organized differently in different states, and so states vary in how they draw the line between refugee and nonrefugee.
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7

Martin, Timothy James, Coen Butters, and Linny Phuong. "A two-way street: reciprocal teaching and learning in refugee health." Australian Health Review 42, no. 1 (2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah17055.

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The Water Well Project is a health promotion charity that aims to improve the health literacy of individuals of refugee, asylum seeker and migrant backgrounds. Health literacy is an important predictor of health status, but many Australians cannot demonstrate functional health literacy, and individuals from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds are at higher risk of poor health literacy. The primary participants of The Water Well Project’s health education sessions are individuals of refugee, asylum seeker and migrant background, who are at risk of increased morbidity and mortality due to a range of factors. Secondary participants are volunteer healthcare professionals who facilitate these sessions. Because the Water Well Project is a community-centric organisation, the content and delivery of education sessions is shaped by the health literacy needs of the participants. During each session, The Water Well Project aims for a ratio of two volunteer healthcare professionals to every 5–15 participants. Sessions are interactive, with the use of visual aids, and incorporate the services of a professional interpreter when required. Since 2011, over 300 education sessions have been delivered to more than 3000 participants with anticipated flow-on effects to family and friends. The sessions provide a unique opportunity for participants and volunteer healthcare professionals to simultaneously acquire valuable health literacy skills. For participants, this fosters an improved awareness of and trust in the healthcare system; for volunteer healthcare professionals, this affords the opportunity to contribute to the health of vulnerable populations while developing skills in working effectively with interpreters and CALD communities. What is known about this topic? Individuals of CALD backgrounds, including refugees and asylum seekers, are at risk of poor health literacy. Reasons include burden of illness, effects of transition including exposure to psychological and physical trauma, and exposure to new risk factors in country of settlement. What does this paper add? The Water Well Project is a not-for-project, health literacy organisation that provides health education sessions to individuals of refugee, asylum seeker and migrant background. Interactive sessions are provided by volunteer healthcare professionals at the request of established community groups. Evaluation data has demonstrated positive outcomes for session participants, volunteers and referral community organisations. What are the implications for practitioners? Improved health literacy improves the ability of individuals to engage with the health system and improve their own health. Healthcare volunteers gained valuable skills working with CALD communities and interpreters.
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8

Helmiyana, Nurlaily. "Analisis Kebijakan Kevin Rudd terkait Pencari Suaka di Australia dalam PNG Solutions." Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 12, no. 2 (July 13, 2020): 114–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v12i2.3918.

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Papua New Guinea Solution is a bilateral relationship between Australia under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and Papua New Guinea regarding anti-resettlement conducted by people who want to access Australia and obtain refugee status by boat. This solution was taken after Kevin Rudd who came from the Australian Labor Party sent Pacific Solutions which had been used during Prime Minister Howard's administration. The difference in efforts to overcome the arrival of aid can be seen by using the Bureaucratic Model in its analysis. This effort was carried out with the aim of securing Australia. The problem is that Australia ratified the 1951 Refugees conference. The essence of PNG Solutions is individuals or groups who come to Australia who can pass Australia, and without a visa and a clear identity are not allowed into Australia and will be sent in Papua New Guinea. Australia's national interests can hurt ratified conventions. This study uses a qualitative method using secondary resources, and analysis uses the concept of securitization and uses Barry Buzan's research in his book People, State, and Fear. Then the policy analysis is taken by Prime Minister Rudd by using the Bureaucratic Model due to bargaining in Australia's domestic politics. Keywords: PNG Solutions, Asylum Seeker, Australia’s Foreign Policy
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9

Alunaza, Hardi, Ireng Maulana, and Adityo Darmawan Sudagung. "The Pacific Solution as Australia Policy towards Asylum Seeker and Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAs) in John Howard Era." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 14, no. 1 (May 9, 2018): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v14i1.2789.61-75.

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<p>This research is attempted to answer the question of why John Howard used the Pacific Solution as Australian policy towards Asylum Seekers and Irregular Maritime Arrivals (IMAS). By using the descriptive method with a qualitative approach, the researchers took a specific interest in decision-making theory and sovereignty concept to analyze the phenomena. The policy governing the authority of the Australian Government in the face of the Asylum Seeker by applying multiple strategies to suppress and deter IMAs. The results of this research indicate that John Howard used Pacific Solution with emphasis on three important aspects. First, eliminating migration zone in Australia. Second, building cooperation with third countries in the South Pacific, namely Nauru and Papua New Guinea in shaping the center of IMAs defense. On the other hand, Howard also made some amendments to the Migration Act by reducing the rights of refugees. Immigrants who are seen as a factor of progress and development of the State Australia turned into a new dimension that threatens economic development, security, and socio-cultural. </p>
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10

Ubayasiri, Kasun. "Manus to Meanjin: A case study of refugee migration, polymorphic borders and Australian ‘imperialism’." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 27, no. 1and2 (September 30, 2021): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v27i1and2.1198.

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This non-traditional research article argues that the refugee and asylum-seeker protests in Brisbane’s Kangaroo Point between April 2, 2020 and April 14, 2021 can be viewed against a backdrop of Australian colonialism—where successive Australian governments have used former colonies in Nauru and Manus Island in Papua New Guinea as offshore detention facilities—as a dumping ground for asylum-seekers. Within the same context this article argues that the men’s removal to the Kangaroo Point Alternative Place of Detention is a continuation of this colonial policy of incarcerating ‘undesirables’ on occupied land, in this case on Meanjin—Jagera land identified by the colonial name of Brisbane. This extension of Australian sub-imperial and neo-colonial dominion and the imagining of its boundaries is viewed though the theoretical prism of a polymorphic border, a border that shifts and morphs depending on who attempts to cross it. In a departure from orthodox research practice, this article will use visual storytelling drawn from photojournalism praxis alongside more traditional text-based research prose. In doing so, it will use photo-journalistic artifacts and the visual politics that surround them, as core dialogical components in the presentation of the article as opposed to using them as mere illustrations or props.
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Дисертації з теми "Australian refugee and asylum seeker policy"

1

Higgins, Claire Michelle. "New evidence on the development of Australian refugee policy, 1976 to 1983." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c8e5abc0-d906-40b3-861c-8fbd82fcb71d.

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This thesis aims to improve historical knowledge of Australian refugee policy between 1976 and 1983, a unique and transitional moment in the nation’s history and in international refugee movements. The discussion will be based on original evidence drawn from archival records and oral history interviews, and informed by a broad literature which recognises that refugee policy is a product of varied political imperatives and historical context. First, Chapter Three reveals that because the Fraser government could not deport the Indochinese boatpeople who sailed to Australia, it sought to approve their refugee status in order to legitimate its announcements that only ‘genuine’ refugees were being admitted. In doing so, the Fraser government was required to defend the processing of boat arrivals to the public and within the bureaucracy. Chapter Four finds that historical and political considerations informed the Fraser government’s choice not to reject or detain boat arrivals but to instead introduce legislation against people smuggling. The chapter presents new evidence to disprove claims expressed in recent academic and media commentary that the government’s Immigration (Unauthorised Arrivals) Act 1980 (Cth) marked a particularly harsh stance and that passengers on the VT838 were deported without due process, and draws from ideas within the literature concerning the need for states to promote the integrity of the refugee concept. Chapter Five contributes to international literature on refugee status determination procedure by studying the Australian government’s assessment of non-Indochinese. Through a dataset created from UNHCR archives it is found that the quality of briefing material and political considerations could influence deliberations on individual cases. Chapter Six contributes to literature on in-country processing, revealing how Australia’s programme in Chile and El Salvador was a means of diversifying the refugee intake but caused tensions between the Department of Immigration and the Department of Foreign Affairs.
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2

Murphy, Claire. "Asylum seeker policy in Australia: Sending refugees back to persecution." Thesis, Murphy, Claire (2014) Asylum seeker policy in Australia: Sending refugees back to persecution. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 2014. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/23469/.

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Australia has shifted the way it conceives its international obligations under the Refugee Convention, calling into question its continuing viability as a protection instrument. The Refugee Convention was a progressive step towards the international recognition of human rights and justice. It invokes the key obligation of non-refoulement, which prohibits State Parties from returning a vulnerable person to a place where their life or security is threatened. The Refugee Convention must contend with state sovereignty, which is the integral right of states to control the entry and residence of those within their territories. In the last few decades, the Refugee Convention has been confronted by a number of major challenges. In the current climate, the principle of state sovereignty is in competition with the humanitarian goal of protecting refugees. When faced with asylum seekers at their borders, many States have adopted restrictive practices in order to evade their protection obligations. This indicates a clear preference for sovereignty at the expense of human rights. While historically committed to the Refugee Convention, the governments of Australia have since implemented a range of measures to deter refugees from seeking asylum. Of these, the most contentious include prolonged mandatory detention and offshore processing. These policies are a blatant violation of Australia’s obligations under the Refugee Convention, especially with respect to non-refoulement. It is clear that the Refugee Convention is not being honoured in the way that it once was. It will be argued that despite contemporary issues, the Refugee Convention’s key principle of non-refoulement is the most significant obligation for protecting refugees and remains highly significant.
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3

Mackinlay, Liz. "On-shore asylum seekers : an analysis of the Australian policy at end of 2001 /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16959.pdf.

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4

Davies, Evan. "Mandatory detention for asylum seekers in Australia : an evaluation of liberal criticism." University of Western Australia. Political Science and International Relations Discipline Group, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0202.

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This thesis evaluates the policy of mandatory detention for asylum seekers maintained by successive Australian governments against several core liberal principles. These principles are derived from various accounts of liberal political thought and the major themes and criticisms inherent in the public debate over the policy. The justifications of the policy given by the Australian government and the criticisms enunciated by scholars, refugee advocates and non-government organisations with respect to the policy strongly correspond with the core liberal principles of fairness, protecting the rights of the individual, accountability and proportionality. The claims of the critics converge on a central point of contention: that the mandatory detention of asylum seekers violates core liberal principles. To ascertain the extent to which the claims of the critics can be supported, the thesis selectively draws on liberal political theory to provide a framework for the analysis of the policy against these liberal principles, a basis for inquiry largely neglected by contributors to the literature. This thesis argues that, on balance, the mandatory detention policy employed by successive Australian governments violates core liberal principles. The claims of the critics are weakened, but by no means discredited, by the importance of the government's maintenance of strong border control. In the main, however, criticisms made by opponents of the policy can be supported. This thesis contributes to the substantial body of literature on the mandatory detention policy by shedding light on how liberal principles may be applicable to the mandatory detention policy. Further, it aims to contribute to an enriched understanding of the Australian government's competence to detain asylum seekers.
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5

Smit, Jack H. "The political origins and development of Australia’s people smuggling legislation: Evil smugglers or extreme rhetoric?" Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2011. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/419.

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This thesis explores the Australian State response to the voyage facilitators of maritime asylum seekers, commonly known as ‘people smugglers’. It does so by examining a number of Parliamentary debates and previously confidential Cabinet papers. Negative depictions of asylum seekers and their voyage facilitators as well as the prevailing political discourse is critically explored while Parliamentary debates are analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis. The research questions the ways Australian legislators justified the criminalisation of these voyage facilitators and investigates whether political elites were sufficiently informed about the circumstances of maritime asylum seeker journeys and the unique nature of their travel arrangements. The analysis is conducted within the container of established asylum seeker rights as formulated by the United Nations is its 1951 Refugee Convention. Within the Australian context these are framed as the “rights of unauthorised arrivals”. By examining de-classified Fraser government documents, the thesis presents evidence of the State’s intent to criminalise ‘people smugglers’ as part of a two-fold strategy, aiming to also punish maritime asylum seekers for arriving uninvited. This strategy was first proposed under the Fraser government soon after the first asylum seeker vessels arrived in Australia during the late 1970s. The research findings indicate that the increasingly harsh measures imposed by successive Australian governments targeting smugglers and passengers represents an increasingly punitive and continuous series of policy proposals and parliamentary discourse, where the voyage facilitators became the recipients of criminal labels such as “traffickers” and “smugglers” while 1980 legislative measures determined them to be serious criminals. The research also analyses legislative measures aiming to impose criminal sanctions implemented by the Howard government in 1999, and legislation that established a wide range of extended powers to Australian border officials in dealing with ‘unauthorised’ vessels entering Australian waters. Both legislative measures were responses to a number of undetected entries by vessels with Chinese migrants in the lead-up to the 2000 Sydney Olympic Games. This section of the research explores the dominant “national security” narrative constructed by Australia’s conservative political elites in order to justify the legislation criminalising ‘people smugglers’. The research presents documented evidence that the Howard government withheld details of the Chinese arrivals from Parliament for ‘operational reasons’ and that the Immigration Department attempted to influence political debates by means of distributing a manipulative briefing document in the Parliament. Post-research participant interviews present evidence that Prime Minister John Howard’s Immigration Minister Phillip Ruddock held the view that nobody has the right, neither by air nor by boat, to enter Australia to seek asylum. The research concludes that the legislative measures criminalising ‘people smugglers’ were not presented in order to fight transnational people trafficking but that they were instead presented and passed by the Parliament to ‘stop the boats’ and to further deter assisted asylum voyages into Australia by regarding such ventures as illegal without due regard for the UN Refugee Convention.
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6

Tarimci, E. Alper. "The Role Of Geographical Limitation With Respect To Asylum And Refugee Policies Within The Context Of Turkey&amp." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606825/index.pdf.

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Turkey has been among a limited number of states that signed the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and adopted the geographical limitation
furthermore, among a very few number of states that still maintains this limitation. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the significance of geographical limitation and what has brought the changes to Turkish asylum policies in respect of this reservation. Turkey is expected to abolish the geographical limitation during the European Union harmonization process. In this thesis furthermore, the role of the European Union within this process will be put forward.
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Bahadir, Aydan. "Development Of The Eu Asylum Policy:preventing The Access To Protection." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605209/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the ignored humanitarian concerns in the development of the EU Asylum Policy. As a result of the strict migration control concerns, EU has engaged in forming a new regional refugee protection system which is tacitly based on limiting the access of protection seekers to the EU territories. In that context, the thesis aims to assess the scope and impact of the externalizing tendencies in the EU asylum policy development and thereby aims to attract the attention to the contradiction that EU falls in its human rights and refugee protection commitments while trying to prevent refugees from arriving to the Union&rsquo
s territories. To this aim, after giving a general account of the development of EU Asylum competence, the thesis will extensively deal with the pre-entry and the post-entry access prevention measures which act to serve to this access prevention strategy. Under pre-entry access prevention measures, the thesis will deal with the visa requirement, carrier sanctions and other complementary tools which prevent the protection seekers from ever arriving at the EU territory. Under the post-entry access prevention mechanisms the thesis will analyze the &lsquo
safe third country&rsquo
and &lsquo
host third country&rsquo
implementations and readmission agreements which aim to divert the protections seekers summarily out of the EU territories. In analyzing these policies, the thesis will try to demonstrate how EU Member States try to shirk their non-refoulment obligation, which is the heart of the refugee protection regime, through applying legitimate deemed means.
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8

Rogalla, Barbara, and com au BarbRog@iprimus. "Framed by Legal Rationalism: Refugees and the Howard Government's Selective Use of Legal Rationality; 1999-2003." RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080122.100946.

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This thesis investigated the power of framing practices in the context of Australian refugee policies between 1999 and 2003. The analysis identified legal rationalism as an ideological projection by which the Howard government justified its refugee policies to the electorate. That is, legal rationalism manifested itself as an overriding concern with the rules and procedures of the law, without necessarily having concern for consistency or continuity. In its first form, legal rationalism emerged as a
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9

Stats, Katrina Therese. "The Australian Way: A Critical Review of Australia’s Responses to Refugees and Asylum Seekers 1901-2013." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/120656.

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When Coalition Prime Minister John Howard declared in 2001 that it was “in Australia’s national interest that we draw a line on what is increasingly becoming an uncontrollable number of illegal arrivals in this country”, he argued that this was necessary not only to “protect Australia’s borders and to defend our right to decide who comes to this country and in what circumstances” but also to preserve Australia’s long-standing tradition of resettling offshore refugees under its formal humanitarian program.1 According to Howard, onshore asylum seekers arriving by irregular means (so-called “boat people”) were displacing people whose claims for refugee status were more meritorious and testing the limits of Australia’s generosity. The defence of this program with the Pacific Solution measures was thus, in the words of Immigration Minister Philip Ruddock, “rational compassion”.2 But for many other observers, when he drew a line in the sand against the Tampa asylum seekers and those who would follow in their wake, Howard was also drawing a line between Australia’s proud past as compassionate nation and generous supporter of refugees and its increasingly punitive border protection policies and cruel treatment of asylum seekers since then. I take issue with both of these accounts that have together contrived to forge and sustain a dominant narrative about Australia’s refugee history, namely, that it is a long and proud one of generously offering hospitality to refugees. According to the former account, this is a long and unbroken history, which current border protection policies seek to defend; according to the latter, these policies represent a deviation from, and the destruction of, this proud history. In this thesis, I critically review Australia’s “proud” refugee history and its contemporary “aberrations”. While other scholars have compiled critical accounts of Australia’s responses to particular refugee populations or periods of history, this is the first comprehensive account of Australia’s responses to those seeking refuge within its borders and its approach to the principle of asylum from Federation in 1901 until the present era. While not disputing the humanitarian outcomes of Australian policy responses to various refugee crises over time – the large numbers of displaced persons who found refuge and made a home in Australia after the Second World War, or the integration of the Indochinese who were welcomed not long after the White Australia policy had been abandoned, for example – I nevertheless contest common accounts of Australia’s refugee history that construe the architects of such policies as exemplars of a proud humanitarian tradition. By measuring the success of these policies not merely according to their outcomes as viewed through the fuzzy lens of time but with respects to their objectives, I demonstrate a consistent trajectory to refugee and asylum policies that have been charted by both sides of politics in Australia since the birth of the modern state. I show how Australia’s recent responses to asylum seekers arriving by boat were foreshadowed by its responses to earlier refugee populations. I argue that Australia’s approach to refugees has, since the beginning of the contemporary settler nation, been directed by its approach to immigration in general, with a conflation of the aims and objectives of these two very different policy areas that has persisted until the present. This has resulted in a selective approach to Australia’s humanitarian obligations that assesses people’s value before their vulnerability and privileges the protection of borders over the protection of people. It is an approach that has been characterised by restriction and selection and driven by the desire for control since Federation and was neatly summed up a century later by Howard’s message to the Tampa refugees: “we will decide who comes to this country and the circumstances in which they come”. These words will forever be associated with the 25th Prime Minister of Australia but, as this thesis clearly demonstrates, they were not invented by him and nor was “the Australian way” of dealing with refugees and asylum seekers.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2017
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10

Cox, Emma. "Affect, belonging, community : asylum seekers and refugees in performance and writing in post-2001 Australia." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109569.

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This doctoral dissertation examines the production and function of representations of asylum in writing and performance in Australia since 2001. It encompasses creative work that portrays asylum seekers (people whose protection claim has not been assessed) and refugees (people whose status has been determined within the terms of the United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees) as well as work that engages with the issue of asylum more broadly. My selection of performative work includes theatrical production, performative art installation, protest action and film, and my selection of written work includes novels, poetry, memoirs, short stories and letters. The timeframe of the analysis acknowledges 2001 as a decisive period in the development of punitive national policy (and ideology) on unauthorised asylum seekers, concurrent with the escalation of sovereign security discourse worldwide after 11 September, that continue to inflect Australia's engagement with non-belonging non-citizens. If the upheavals of 2001 and concomitant proliferation of creative arts response mark the starting point of this study, the last two years have presented a renewed intensification of the challenges faced by the world's displaced. Recent global economic crises have heightened the vulnerability of people living in economically and politically unstable parts of the world, prompting an increase in refugee numbers; the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Antonio Guterres, stated in a press conference with the Australian Minister for Immigration and Citizenship, Chris Evans, in February 2009 that recent economic deterioration is an "accelerating factor" upon the existing pressures that force people movements, and moreover, a "generator of xenophobia" directed at refugees in many parts of the world. In its emphasis on creative and cultural work in writing and performance, approached to a significant extent in terms of counter-representations to (usually) pejorative government and news media discourse, this project speaks to crucial questions posed by Suvendrini Perera, writing in response to the Tampa incident of 2001: "The terrain of representation, of language, imagery and narrative ... emerges as a crucial site for contesting the disconnection and separation of refugees and asylum seekers from wider society. What representations of refugees, other than official ones, are available in the public sphere? What are the forms and modalities by which refugee stories are told and made visible?" ("A Line" 32-3). Despite its broad analytical umbrella, encompassing writing and performance - both forms that themselves contain a number of representational modalities - created by Australians and by refugees, this study can only begin to provide an answer to Perera's questions. In doing so, it develops an overarching (though by no means exclusive) theoretical concern with affective cross-cultural engagement. I endeavour to illustrate some of the ways in which selected creative representations construct spaces of affective contact and connection between human lives separated-in-proximity by sovereign demarcations of national community.
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Книги з теми "Australian refugee and asylum seeker policy"

1

Asylum seekers: Australia's response to refugees. Melbourne, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 2001.

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2

Borderline: Australia's treatment of refugees and asylum seekers. Sydney, Australia: UNSW Press, 2001.

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3

Rod, Tess. Who gets to stay?: Refugees, asylum seekers, and unauthorized arrivals in Australia. Melbourne: Institute of Public Affairs, 2001.

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4

Peter, Mares, ed. Borderline: Australia's response to refugees and asylum seekers in the wake of the Tampa. 2nd ed. Sydney: UNSW Press, 2002.

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5

Cox, David R. The wellbeing of asylum seekers in Australia: A study of policies and practice with identification and discussion of the key issues. Bundoora, Vic., Australia: Centre for Regional Social Development, Graduate School of Social Work, La Trobe University, 1994.

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6

Crock, Mary. Seeking asylum alone: A study of Australian law, policy and practice regarding unaccompanied and seperated children. Annandale, N.S.W: Themis Press, 2006.

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7

A last resort?: National inquiry into children in immigration detention. Sydney, NSW: Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, 2004.

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8

Mares, Peter. Borderline: Australia's Treatment of Refugees and Asylum Seekers (Reportage). University of New South Wales Press, 2001.

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9

FitzGerald, David Scott. Refuge Beyond Reach: How Rich Democracies Repel Asylum Seekers. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2022.

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10

Mary, Crock, ed. Protection or punishment?: The detention of asylum-seekers in Australia. Sydney: The Federation Press, 1993.

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Частини книг з теми "Australian refugee and asylum seeker policy"

1

Moyo, Khangelani, and Christine Botha. "Refugee Policy as Infrastructure: The Gulf Between Policy Intent and Implementation for Refugees and Asylum Seekers in South Africa." In IMISCOE Research Series, 77–89. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92114-9_6.

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AbstractThis chapter engages the policy practices of the South African state in handling refugees and asylum seekers. The primary focus is on the articulation of migration policy concerning refugees and asylum seekers into physical infrastructure and the lived experiences of refugees in the urban context of Johannesburg. The research considers the decisionmaking timeline involved in developing the policy landscape and resulting migration infrastructure (or lack thereof) for refugees and asylum seekers. We explore policy as hard and soft infrastructure and note that, the refugee and asylum seeker policies in South Africa have at times been shaped to align to migration patterns retrospectively but in recent years - have taken a more restrictive position towards mobility more generally. In engaging these issues, the research draws on the existing literature and insights from key informant interviews with representatives of refugee protection NGOs, the City of Johannesburg migration unit and academic researchers.
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2

Vogl, Anthea. "Outsourcing Deterrence." In Privatising Border Control, 191—C10.P100. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192857163.003.0011.

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Abstract This chapter explores government outsourcing of asylum seeker welfare services, surveillance, and reporting functions to non-government organisations (NGOs). It focuses on Australia, where the government has outsourced the delivery of core welfare services for asylum seekers living in the community to NGOs. The outsourced welfare services have been appraised as ‘starving out’ asylum seekers and deploying deprivation as a means of deterrence. The government-contracted NGOs are also required to report on asylum seekers who are in breach of Australia’s Asylum Seeker Code of Behaviour, which prohibits actions such as spitting, swearing, and spreading rumours. The chapter argues that the Australian government’s outsourcing of refugee welfare services co-opts and captures NGOs as direct partners in immigration control and deterrence. Further, it analyses state capture of the NGOs as exemplifying the alliance between care and immigration control involved in humanitarian forms of governance at the border. By virtue of contractual outsourcing, the Australian government has both created new sites of discretion and control over asylum seekers and constrained the capacity of NGOs to contest government policy, instead involving them in the enforcement of sovereign borders as a condition for providing support and assistance.
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3

Peterie, Michelle. "Immigration Detention in Australia." In Visiting Immigration Detention, 9–27. Policy Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529226607.003.0002.

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This chapter provides the backdrop for this book by locating Australia’s immigration detention system in its political and historical context. It describes the vilification and politicization of people seeking asylum in Australia, the evolution of Australia’s controversial policy of indefinite mandatory detention, and the emergence of Australia’s refugee and asylum seeker support/advocacy/activism movement.
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4

FitzGerald, David Scott. "Stopping the Refugee Boats." In Refuge beyond Reach, 219–52. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190874155.003.0010.

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Australia has unusually effective controls to deter asylum seekers as a result of its remote geography, regional hegemony, and relatively weak legal constraints. In the 1970s the government’s options were self-limited by foreign policy interests that favored asylum seekers fleeing the fallen ally of South Vietnam. By the 2000s, it had shifted toward a harsh policy built on buffers in Indonesia and Papua New Guinea, the “excisions” of particular Australian territories to restrict asylum seekers’ rights there, aggressive interceptions of visa-less travelers at sea, and offshore processing of maritime asylum seekers in other countries’ territories where most have been determined to be refugees by the UNHCR definition. The only current modest limitations on Canberra’s remote controls derive from reliance on other governments to do the work of buffering and caging and scrutiny by civil society.
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5

Sugars, Jasper MacLennan. "Refoulement and Refugees." In Immigration and the Current Social, Political, and Economic Climate, 727–40. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-6918-3.ch040.

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Refoulement, a French word meaning to reject; or backwash, is a contentious issue in the international law and policy. However, the word is unknown to most of the public world – the Australian government operations to deter asylum seekers titled ‘pushing back the boats', ‘operation sovereign borders' are questionably pushing the limits as to what's refoulement and what isn't – but the worded meaning in the convention relating to the status of refugees is the process by which a persecuted asylum seeker is forcibly removed back to a place where they are re-exposed to the same danger from which they are trying to escape. In this article, the author hopes to provide information to others who are interested in the area of refugee policy and, in particular Australia's role in the development of this increasingly important field of international law as well as the implementation of their own unique approach to dealing with asylum seekers arriving in their territorial waters by boat. in this chapter the author has made every effort to provide an unbiased, politically non-partisan view of the current policies which Australia has implemented under domestic law, which includes the act of turning back of boats and offshore processing in third-nation processing facilities.
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6

Sugars, Jasper MacLennan. "Refoulement and Refugees." In Defending Human Rights and Democracy in the Era of Globalization, 181–97. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0723-9.ch008.

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Refoulement, a French word meaning to reject; or backwash, is a contentious issue in the international law and policy. However, the word is unknown to most of the public world – the Australian government operations to deter asylum seekers titled ‘pushing back the boats', ‘operation sovereign borders' are questionably pushing the limits as to what's refoulement and what isn't – but the worded meaning in the convention relating to the status of refugees is the process by which a persecuted asylum seeker is forcibly removed back to a place where they are re-exposed to the same danger from which they are trying to escape. In this article, the author hopes to provide information to others who are interested in the area of refugee policy and, in particular Australia's role in the development of this increasingly important field of international law as well as the implementation of their own unique approach to dealing with asylum seekers arriving in their territorial waters by boat. in this chapter the author has made every effort to provide an unbiased, politically non-partisan view of the current policies which Australia has implemented under domestic law, which includes the act of turning back of boats and offshore processing in third-nation processing facilities.
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7

Sirriyeh, Ala. "Outrage, Responsibility and Accountability." In The Politics of Compassion, 117–38. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529200423.003.0007.

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This chapter examines how migrant and refugee rights activists have reclaimed a politics of outrage to challenge violent and repressive policies and hold those responsible to account. Focusing on the campaign to end Australia's use of offshore immigration detention on Manus Island and Nauru, the chapter highlights the Australian government's long-standing denial of responsibility and discrediting of the physical body as a mode of testimony and how it has obscured from public view — and physical proximity — the violence of its asylum and immigration policy. The #LetThemStay protests which took place in early 2016 against the deportation of refugees from Australia to the offshore detention centres, and the #CloseTheCamps and #BringThemHere protests reflect how asylum seekers and activists turn to the suffering body as a means of rearticulating compassion and connecting it to the feminist ethics of care, as well as directing outrage towards the causes of suffering.
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8

Neumann, Klaus. "Oblivious to the obvious? Australian asylum-seeker policies and the use of the past." In Does History Matter? Making and debating citizenship, immigration and refugee policy in Australia and New Zealand. ANU Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/dhm.09.2009.03.

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9

Allotey, Pascale, Peter Mares, and Daniel D. Reidpath. "Controlling compassion: the media, refugees, and asylum seekers." In The Health of Refugees, 275–94. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814733.003.0015.

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This chapter explains the influence of the media in controlling the discourse about humanitarianism, refugees, migrants and asylum seekers. Changing responses to the arrival of several waves of refugees in Australia are used as an example. Media reporting has great power to shape public perceptions of these populations, and the result is often a populist policy response that also ultimately has an impact on access to care and services. In recent years the advent of social media such as Facebook and Twitter has also had a great impact, as exemplified by the almost instantaneous worldwide response to the image of a drowned Syrian child refugee in 2015.
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10

FitzGerald, David Scott. "The Catch-22 of Asylum Policy." In Refuge beyond Reach, 1–20. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190874155.003.0001.

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Most refugees do not have a legal way of reaching safety in the rich democracies of the Global North. There is no legal line where they can register and wait as their number advances. Obtaining a resettlement slot is like winning the lottery. The only realistic way to reach the Global North is to reach its territory and then ask for asylum. Rich democracies typically abide by the principle of non-refoulement but deliberately and systematically shut down most legal paths to safety. An architecture of repulsion based on cages, domes, buffers, moats, and barbicans keeps out asylum seekers and other migrants. Australia, Canada, the United States, and the European Union have converging policies of remote control to keep asylum seekers away from their territories. The catch-22 for refugees is that rich democracies are essentially telling them, “We will not kick you out if you come here. But we will not let you come here.”
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