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1
Fleming, Brian James. "The social gradient in health : trends in C20th ideas, Australian Health Policy 1970-1998, and a health equity policy evaluation of Australian aged care planning /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2003. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phf5971.pdf.
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2
Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
3
Soldatic, Karen Maree. "Disability and the Australian neoliberal workfare state (1996-2005)." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2009. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2009.0190.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Australia, like other Western liberal democracies, has undergone extensive social policy restructuring as a result of neoliberalism. While neoliberalism had its genesis with Australian Labor governments during the 1980s, it secured the status of orthodoxy under the radical conservatism of the Liberal Coalition government (1996 - 2007). Under the leadership of Prime Minister John Howard a widespread campaign was instigated to advance neoliberal social policy measures across all spheres of social life, leading to the dismantling of rights for a diverse range of social groups including women, refugees, people with disabilities and Indigenous Australians. The restructuring of social provisioning with the intensification of neoliberalism was largely driven by workfare a key domestic social project of neoliberal global restructuring. The thesis examines the Australian experience of workfare and the primary areas of contestation and struggle that emerged in this environment for the Australian Disability Movement during the peak period of workfare restructuring for 'disability' (1996 2005). The thesis draws on the work of critical disability theory to discuss the bivalent social collective identity of disability as it cuts through the politics of recognition and the politics of distribution. From here, the thesis engages with sociological work on emotions, bringing together theories of disgust and disability. The thesis demonstrates that there is a synergy between disability and disgust that informs the moral economy of disability; framing, shaping and articulating able-bodied disabled relations. Drawing on the policy process method the research involved extensive qualitative interviews with members of the Australian Disability Movement, disabled people involved in workfare programs, service providers and their peak organisations, families, as well as the policy elite charged with the responsibility of disability workfare restructuring. Additionally, the study incorporated a range of documents including parliamentary Hansards, key policy texts, government media releases, and publicly available information from disability specialist services and the disability movement. The analytical centrality of policy processes highlighted the strategic interrelationship between macro-structural policy discourses and practices and the role of policy actors as agents, including those collective agents engaged in mediating disability social relations. Three dominant themes emerged from the analysis of the data: movement politics, representation and participation; emotions and processes of moralisation; and finally, the role of temporality in inscribing (disabled) bodies with value. Each of the findings chapters is dedicated to explicating these mechanisms and the effects of these discourses and practices on disabled people involved in workfare programs and the disability movement's struggles for respect, recognition and social justice.
4
Lemar, Susan. "Control, compulsion and controversy: venereal diseases in Adelaide and Edinburgh 1910-1947." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl548.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 280-305). Argues that despite the liberal use of social control theory in the literature on the social history of venereal diseases, rationale discourses do not necessarily lead to government intervention. Comparative analysis reveals that culturally similar locations can experience similar impulses and constraints to the development of social policy under differing constitutional arrangements.
5
Jenkins, Stephen. "Australia's Commonwealth Self-determination Policy 1972-1998 : the imagined nation and the continuing control of indigenous existence /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj522.pdf.
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6
Vicary, Adrian Robert. "Social work and social policy in Australia from welfare state to contract state /." [Bedford Park] : Flinders University of South Australia, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=RkVHAAAAMAAJ.
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7
Neylan, Julian School of History & Philosophy of Science UNSW. "The sociology of numbers: statistics and social policy in Australia." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History and Philosophy of Science, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/31963.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation presents an historical-sociological study of how governments of the modern western state use the language and techniques of quantification in the domain of social policy. The case material has an Australian focus. The thesis argues that by relying on techniques of quantification, governments risk introducing a false legitimacy to their social policy decisions. The thesis takes observed historical phenomena, language and techniques of quantification for signifying the social, and seeks meaningful interpretations in light of the culturally embedded actions of individuals and collective members of Australian bureaucracies. These interpretations are framed by the arguments of a range of scholars on the sociology of mathematics and quantitative technologies. The interpretative framework is in turn grounded in the history and sociology of modernity since the Enlightenment period, with a particular focus on three aspects: the nature and purpose of the administrative bureaucracy, the role of positivism in shaping scientific inquiry and the emergence of a risk consciousness in the late twentieth century. The thesis claim is examined across three case studies, each representative of Australian government action in formulating social policy or providing human services. Key social entities examined include the national census of population, housing needs indicators, welfare program performance and social capital. The analysis of these social statistics reveals a set of recurring characteristics that are shown to reduce their certainty. The analysis provides evidence for a common set of institutional attitudes toward social numbers, essentially that quantification is an objective technical device capable of reducing unstable social entities to stable, reliable significations (numbers). While this appears to strengthen the apparatus of governmentality for developing and implementing state policy, ignoring the many unarticulated and arbitrary judgments that are embedded in social numbers introduces a false legitimacy to these government actions.
8
Wood, Chris. "Social capital, ideology and policy in the UK and Australia." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546478.
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9
Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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10
Wagner, Leanna. "A Policy Analysis of the Patient Self-Determination Act of 1990." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10784173.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This is a policy analysis of the Patient Self-Determination Act of 1990 which aimed to improve access and education of Advance Health Care Directives (ADs). ADs are in the form of durable power of attorneys and living wills that communicate a patient’s decisions concerning life sustaining treatment. The policy has three objectives, first that health care staff are required to educate patients on ADs and to follow such documentation when treating patients. Second, the policy calls for the Federal Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) to educate the United States population on the benefits and need for ADs. Lastly, it required states to create and implement their own laws concerning end-of-life treatments and the use of ADs. This analysis focuses on the impact of the policy on patient self-determination, informed consent and quality-of-life.
11
Boothe, Katherine. "Pharmaceutical programs and social policy development: comparing Canada, Australia and the UK." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26266.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Canada is the only OECD country that provides broad public health benefits but lacks a universal, nation-wide system for funding prescription drugs. This puzzle cannot be explained by the literature on national health insurance, which suggests that the tendency to consider all health services as a single policy has missed an important source of cross-national variation. How can we explain the lack of a major pharmaceutical program in Canada, in light of the country’s own extensive health system and the experience of almost all other welfare states? More generally, why do some countries adopt universal, comprehensive pharmaceutical programs, while others do not?
To answer these questions, the study compares Canada to the UK and Australia using a process-tracing approach, and finds that the range of services in a country’s public health system is determined by the earliest decisions about how to approach policy development. Where institutional, ideological and electoral conditions allowed for large-scale change and all services were introduced simultaneously, countries tended to maintain the full scope of services. But where institutional barriers, ideological dissensus and low issue salience made radical change difficult, health programs were introduced incrementally, and policy development tended to stall after the first priority. Although incrementalism was initially less politically risky, it was also inherently limiting. Barriers to the introduction of services increased over time, and services that were initially lower priorities (such as pharmaceuticals in Canada) were pushed off the public agenda. In investigating this phenomenon, I provide specific mechanisms by which a more limited “path” of policy development becomes “dependent,” and argue that we must consider not only the role of ideas in policy making, but also the role of ideas over time. The study also investigates the implications of the approach to policy development for subsequent policy outcomes. It finds that factors that support the simultaneous adoption of a full range of health services also make it more difficult to retrench these services later on.
12
Maltby, Tony. "Women, pensions and social dependency in Britain and Hungary 1945-1990." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297224.
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13
Ptanawanit, Surapone, and Surapone Ptanawanit. "Crucial Factors in teh Development of Social Security in Thailand in Comparison with Australia." University of Sydney. Social Work, Social Policy and Sociology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/487.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Rich people in Thailand are enjoying higher shares in income transfer than their poor counterparts. This strange phenomenon implies the malfunction of the Thai social security system. Studies on the relationship between social security development and social, economic and political factors are also very limited. These evident constraints are the rationales for this study. A comparative study was chosen because the justification of social security problems would be more objectively valid if r000esearch findings were compared with external criteria. In addition, comparative analysis would clearly pinpoint possible factors that influenced social security development in Thailand. Like many comparative studies, this investigation did not expect only to identify possible influential factors, but it also intended to learn how the modern social security system could be established in a more developed country. However, the findings would be more adaptable if they were transferred from a country that was economically and culturally close to Thailand. By these reasons, Australia, instead of other Western countries, was more appropriate to be the case for comparison. After reviewing theoretical and empirical literature, the research methodology was designed. Basically, the study applied both qualitative and quantitative methods in analysing data gathered from Thailand and Australia. Comparative evidence shows many problems in social security provisions in Thailand. Relatively narrow coverage, low quality and quantity of benefits and services, higher financial burdens borne by people, and marginal welfare rights are the important indications of the severity of the problems. Many factors are responsible for the existence of these problems. The problematic system of social security was partly the legacy of historical development. The effects of historical roots are intensified by many contemporary factors. Undesirable social values, volatile economic growth, late industrialisation and the defeat of socialism are the four major factors that account for the undeveloped social security system. The influences of the four major factors are supported by another four less crucial ones. These supporting factors comprise the elite�s agenda, workers� power, weak non-governmental organisations and population growth. The findings in both Thailand and Australia similarly indicate that religious institutions and colonial influence do not produce significant effects upon social security development. The comparative findings provide valuable guidelines for the suggestions of system development. Several findings help extend existing theoretical explanations of social security development as well. The study recommends comprehensive operational strategies for the improvement of Thai social security. The study made its final suggestion on the importance of applied research based on Western knowledge and experiences for the improvement of Thai social security.
14
Backhouse, Peter. "Medical knowledge, medical power : doctors and health policy in Australia /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb126.pdf.
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15
Parsons, Kelly. "Constructing a national food policy : integration challenges in Australia and the UK." Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/19680/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Calls for an integrated food policy to tackle the new fundamentals of the food system have been regularly made by academics, policymakers, the food industry and civil society for over a decade in many countries but, despite some changes, much of the old policy framework remains entrenched. This gap raises questions about why policy innovation has proved so difficult. This study responded to that research problem through a qualitative, interpretivist comparative study of how two countries attempted to improve their policy integration, via two specific policy integration projects: the UK’s Food Matters/Food 2030 process (2008-2010) and Australia’s (2010-2013) National Food Plan. It applied a conceptual framework fusing historical institutionalism and the public policy integration literature, focusing on the policy formulation stage. Fieldwork was conducted in both countries, including interviews with key informants; and publically-available documents about the policy projects and broader policy systems were analysed. The findings suggest the two policy projects represent a food policy shift from single-domain ‘policy taker’, towards multiple domain ‘policy maker’, but both fell short of what might be classed as ‘integration’ in the literature. The research identifies how tensions between domains are sidestepped, and makes broader propositions around how multiple values and goals co-exist in this contested policy space, and the need for improved value agreement capacity. It also highlights a general lack of focus on integration as a process. It explores how the legacy of historical fragmented approaches, plus political developments and decisions around institutional design, and a more general trend of hollowing out of national government, impact on how integrated food policy can be formulated in a particular country setting. It therefore proposes an emerging ‘institutionalist theory of food policy integration’, conceptualising the dimensions of integration, and multiple institutional influences on integration attempts.
16
Andrew, John Chapman. "A Framework for Energy Policy Evaluation and Improvement Incorporating Quantified Social Equity." Kyoto University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/217191.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Kyoto University (京都大学)0048
新制・課程博士
博士(エネルギー科学)
甲第20016号
エネ博第339号
新制||エネ||68(附属図書館)
33112
京都大学大学院エネルギー科学研究科エネルギー社会・環境科学専攻
(主査)教授 手塚 哲央, 教授 宇根﨑 博信, 准教授 MCLELLAN Benjamin
学位規則第4条第1項該当
17
Kawano, Yukio. "Social determinants of immigrant selection on earnings and educational attainments in the United States, Canada and Australia, 1980-1990." Available to US Hopkins community, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/dlnow/3068173.
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18
Malavaux, Claire. "Cultivating indifference : an anthropological analysis of Australia's policy of mandatory detention, its rhetoric, practices and bureaucratic enactment." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0120.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is based on a particular domain of anthropological inquiry, the anthropology of policy, which proposes that policy be contemplated as an ethnographic object itself. The policy I consider is Australia's refugee policy, which advocates the mandatory detention of
19
Mule, Rosa. "Governing parties and income inequality in Australia (1981-1990), the United Kingdom (1979-1986) and Canada (1971-1981) : rational policy-making in party organizations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2845/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study examines the impact of governing parties in changing patterns of income inequality in three liberal democracies with 'Westminster' systems - Australia (1981-1990), the United Kingdom (1979-1986) and Canada (1971-1981). Extensive analysis of the Luxembourg Income Study datasets for these countries and periods suggests that structural factors, such as changes in the market sphere or alterations in the demographic profiles, can account for only a part of the overall inequality trends in these periods. By using income decomposition analyses, this study indicates that government redistributive policies played an important role in changing inequality trends. Governments in all three countries are single-party operations, and policy responds strongly to partisan processes and considerations. The main question involved in assessing policy changes is therefore why party actors may be willing to increase or decrease income inequality. Applying conventional 'unitary' models of party behaviour (such as the median voter convergence hypothesis) to try and explain decision-making on income inequality also cannot explain these examples. It seems that redistributive policies can only be understood by taking account of the bargaining processes which take place within the organization of the party in power. Explanations of how parties intervene on income inequality should explicitly incorporate the organizational dimension as a key to their behaviour.
20
Dersan, Duygu. "Responses To International Changes:a Neoclassical Realist Analysis Of Syrian Foreign Policy, 1990-2005." Phd thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615043/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This work aims to analyze the responses of Syria to two international changes comparatively. After the end of the Cold War, US initiated a foreign policy doctrine based on American hegemony. This policy was firstly manifested in the war on Iraq as a response to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on January 17, 1991. It was noteworthy to see Syria aligning with the US during the Gulf War (1990-1991), as the country had been allied against the US during the Cold War period. Syria was also the first state accepting US proposal for a peace conference known as Madrid Peace Conference. All these developments reveal that Syria had been cooperated with the US in the aftermath of the Cold War. The second international change analyzed within the framework of this study is the September 11 events. Following the September 11 attacks, the US declared a &ldquowar on terror&rdquo
to recover its superpower position and intervened in Afghanistan and then Iraq. In that process, Syria opted for countering the US and became the leading critique of the invasion of Iraq. This study examines the different responses of Syria to the end of the Cold War and the post-September 11 period through using neoclassical realism as a model.
21
Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932." Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.
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22
Galheigo, Sandra Maria. "Juvenile policy-making, social control and the state in Brazil : a study of laws and policies from 1964 to 1990." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295956.
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23
Ekelund, Simon. "Förändrad syn på svensk militär alliansfrihet? : En studie om svensk neutralitetspolitik mellan 1990-2008." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2592.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine how the Swedish policy of neutrality has changed between the years 1990-2008. The research method used for this essay has been comparative case study, which strives to answer four research questions. Two of these questions are: Which specific occurrences have been fundamental in changing the Swedish policy of neutrality? How have the Swedish policy of neutrality and the policy of non-alignment changed between the years 1990-2008? The theoretical frame work of this study consists of Europeanization as a comprehensive theoretical perspective. In order to explain the Swedish act regarding the policy of neutrality, Logic of Consequences and Logic of appropriateness are used. The conclusion of the study points out that Sweden has become much more flexible in terms of policy of neutrality and policy of security. The years between 1990-2008 are distinguished due to the fact that the international cooperation has become much more important in the Swedish act of security. Sweden still has the policy of non-alignment, but cooperation between the states is more and more prioritized to secure peace around the world.
24
De, Matos Christine, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Imposing peace and prosperity: Australia, social justice and labour reform in occupied Japan, 1945-1949." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_De Matos_C.xml, 2003. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/480.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Historiography tends to seek patterns of inevitability, attempting to explain a decided course rather than incorporating other evident, though unfulfilled possibilities. In the case of historiography on the Allied Occupation of Japan, this is particularly obvious. Occupation scholarship appears absorbed by the overarching US presence in Japan during this period, reflects the dominant paradigm of the Cold War and when it does venture past the US remains focused on the US-Japan dichotomy. Australia also participated in the Occupation, also held a vision for a Pacific future and developed a relationship with Japan. Often the Australian perspective did not coincide with that of the US especially on the terrain of ideological and historical experiences and interpretations. The potential for conflict between the two nations’ approaches to post-surrender Japan is particularly evident in labour reform policy and issues of social and economic justice – the focus of this thesis. Australian policies towards labour reform under the Chifley Labor Government are examined in this thesis within the context of the Australian labour movement’s historical legacy, Orientalism and racial stereotypes, the Cold War, US hegemony, idealism and pragmatism and overall Australian policy towards Occupied Japan as a dual-paradigm structure. This thesis investigates attempts to turn labour reform polices and ideals into practice, via the diplomatic control machinery established for the Occupation namely the Allied Council for Japan and Far Eastern Commission and as articulated by Australian government representatives including Dr H.V. Evatt, William Macmahon Ball, Patrick Shaw and Sir Frederick Eggleston. The thesis contests the predominant simplistic harsh peace label given to Australian policy in the current literature. By examining Australian policy towards Occupied Japan from a micro perspective, what emerges is a more complex foreign policy mosaic to which the research in this thesis is a contributionDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
25
Donoso, Sofia Catalina. "Reconstructing collective action in the neoliberal era : the emergence and political impact of social movements in Chile since 1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:834b8644-fe4c-4f84-b586-a99b94000766.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation investigates the emergence and impact of social movements in Chile since the reinstatement of democracy in 1990. Seeking to make an important contribution to the understanding of the reconstruction of collective action in post-transition Chile, I focus on two cases which have been particularly successful in questioning the benefits of market-friendly policies introduced by the military regime (1973-1989) and continued to a great extent by the Concertación governments (1990-2010). The first case is the 2006 Pingüino movement, named after the secondary school students’ penguin-like black and white school uniforms, which forced a substantial discussion on the education system’s segregating effects and its neoliberal underpinnings. The second case is the 2007 Contratista movement, composed of subcontracted workers of CODELCO – Chile’s main state-owned copper-extracting company. The Contratistas repoliticised a long-dormant debate on labour issues and revitalised a trade union movement which had been in decline in previous decades. I draw on the Contentious Politics approach, which stresses social movements’ interaction with the institutional terrain, and explain the emergence of the Pingüinos and Contratistas as the result of three distinct but intertwined processes: the opening up of the structure of political opportunities involved in the rise of President Bachelet; the deeply felt discontent with the education and labour reforms introduced by the military regime and kept largely intact by the Concertación governments; and the movements’ adoption of non-hierarchical organisational forms as a way of reconstructing collective action ‘from below’. In terms of political impact, I show that both the students and the contract workers were successful in introducing issues onto the public agenda that were not there before the emergence of the movements. The extent to which this was translated into bills that reflected the concerns of the movements, however, depended on their capacity to continue to exert pressure on the government and to forge political alliances. In this way, I argue that the impact of the movements was indirect and followed a two-stage process through which first the Pingüinos and Contratistas influenced aspects of their external environment, namely, public opinion and political alliances, and then the latter influenced policy. Overall, my research shows the links between processes at the micro-level (the development of organisational resources and grievance interpretation) and their subsequent impact at the macro-level (agenda-setting and policy impact) – a development that has undoubtedly acquired greater relevance and analytical urgency since the wide range of protests that have taken place around the world since 2011.
26
Flores, Ramona. "Immigration and Nationality Act of 1990, 101(a)(27)(J); 8 CFR 204.11; Special Immigrant Juvenile Status| A Policy Analysis." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10784708.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this project was to analyze the first child centered immigration policy, Immigration and Nationality Act of 1990, (INA) 101 (a) (27) (J); 8 CFR 204.11; Special Immigrant Juvenile Status (SIJS). In order to understand the ratification of SIJS policy, it is important to analyze the history of child welfare and immigration policies. The beginning for child related policies was when a child was recognized to be part of the animal kingdom before a court. The issue of children being in danger transitioned from a social cause to policies at a Federal, State, and local level. Over the centuries many immigration policies have been ratified for the purpose of relieving or controlling a large percentage of the U.S. population, immigrants. Special Immigrant Juvenile Status (SIJS) is a crossover policy between immigration and child welfare that provides immigration relief to children left behind in the foster care system. Abuse, neglect, and abandonment are clauses within the SIJS policy that an immigrant child must meet in order to be eligible for the benefit of a “green card.”
27
Rigné, Eva Marie. "Profession, science and state : Psychology in Sweden 1968-1990." Doctoral thesis, Sociologiska institutionen, Göteborgs universitet, Göteborg, Sweden, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-51556.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation consists of a case study of Swedish psychology during a specific period of time. It focuses psychology as a scientific discpline, as a professionalised occupation and as a cognitive resource for policy-making. From a general science studies perspective, it aims to provide a sociological and historical analysis of the development of psychological research, psychological practice and psychology's relation to social policy-making in key areas of the welfare state in general. The case study utilises discourse analysis, analysis of archival and documentary material, interviews and bibliometric analyses. It is argued that psychologists have changed their image from being primarily academics to being clinical practitioners whose expertise has moved from differential diagnostics to psychotherapy. Professional discourse has evolved similarly to that shown to be the case in other countries, drawing extensively on rhetorics of economics, humanitarianism and facilitation and control. A critical assessment of discourse analysis and constructionism is provided, arguing for a restricted application of constructionism in science studies. Further, professional action and organisation is analysed. It is argued that the professional project pursued by psychologists is characterised by power struggles within the profession, and is an outcome of adaptation to institutional demands stemming from the labour-market. It results in a pattern of professionalisation which deviates from what is hypothesised by much professionalisation theory. Psychology's role as a cognitive resource for social policy-making is analysed in relation to claims to decisive influence made by psychologists. It is argued that psychology has played a negligible role in key areas of policy-making. The case illustrates the politicisation of science rather than the scientization of policy-making. Finally, psychology's development as a a discipline is analysed. It is argued that the changes in the system of research and higher education illustrates the increasing influence of non-cognitive factors on disciplinary development. It has provided academic psychology with potential for growth but at the same time weakened its disciplinary core. Academic psychology has been more theoretically and methodologically diverse than is usually claimed, but a rivalling knowledge ideal to the traditional academic one has been introduced by sectorial research policy.
28
Arthurson, Kathy. "Social exclusion as a policy framework for the regeneration of Australian public housing estates /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha791.pdf.
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29
Sendziuk, Paul 1974. "Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.
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30
Mambari, Makwan. "Inkluderad på lika villkor : En retorisk analys av Socialdemokraternas invandringspolitik 1990 och 2013." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-27675.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of my study is to study Social Democrats immigration policy over the period 1990 and 2013. My material consists of party programs and motions that social democracy has raised in Parliament. As a research method I used McGee´s ideograph theory. I use a cluster analysis inspired by Kenneth Burke to analyze the meaning of those found ideographs. I also present and use Bitzers rhetorical situation in my analyze With help of Burke´s rhetorical situation I could see how the Social Democrats' rhetorical approach to immigration policy in the different periods in society. My investigation of the Social Democratic Party program and motions / propositions revealed the following ideographs: Democracy, solidarity, equality and freedom. keywords that went to associate to the ideographs relating to immigration policy was school, adults, racism, equal rights, democratic freedom. Rhetorical could be interpreted as a way to show that in year 2013 the party stands behind a more solidarity, equality of human beings in society. Groups such as migrants and refugees should not stick out like a social group, but the group should be included in the collective Sweden.
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
32
Pushkar. "Centre parties and the social question : the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) and health policies in Chile, 1990-2000." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102153.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How are Centre parties distinct from Left and Right parties in term of their policy preferences? The scholarship on political parties either ignores Centre parties or treats them as a residual category. In this study, I attempt to rescue Centre parties from obscurity by looking at a quintessential Centre party: the Chilean Christian Democratic Party (PDC). Between 1990--2000, the PDC led two centre-left Concertacion coalition governments under Patricio Aylwin (1990--1994) and Eduardo Frei (1994--2000). It was the PDC's responsibility to negotiate the 'Chilean paradox': a country that had achieved economic success with neoliberalism and become a "model" for Latin America but where the "social debt" increased exponentially during 17 years of military rule under Augusto Pinochet (1973--1990). Health was one of the main concerns for Chileans through the decade but there was little headway made in the policy arena. My study seeks to explain why this was so.I make a distinction between (1) the "defensive" Centre which aspires to be neither left nor right; and (2) the "encompassing" Centre parties that are both left and right. Christian Democratic parties are "encompassing" Centre parties par excellence since they incorporate elements of both left and right ideologies in a manner consistent with their social Catholic beliefs. They are known to combine a conservative position on social and moral issues with a pro-poor orientation on welfare issues. The main policy dilemmas of the PDC emerged from its status as an "encompassing" Centre Party as it sought to reconcile left and right. During the 1990s, the PDC shifted allegiance from state-led development policies to neoliberalism. As a result, the scope of the party's commitment to welfare issues was defined within the range of options available within the neoliberal model. However, while neoliberals dominated key policy positions, statists retained influence in the Congress and within the party organization. The uneven nature of adaptation to neoliberalism became one of the main obstacles in reaching a consensus for reform. My study also gives due emphasis to the constraints introduced by the country's institutional framework, notably the 1980 Constitution inherited from the military regime.
33
Zampini, Giulia Federica. "Morality play : a comparative study of the use of evidence in drug and prostitution policy in Australia and the UK." Thesis, University of Kent, 2016. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/54392/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The idea of evidence-based policy has gained increasing prominence. Much research exists on the subject, particularly tackling the evidence-based policy turn and, subsequently, its critique. A plethora of studies have identified the shortcomings of the evidence-based policy ideal and challenged its supposed linearity. This project aims to provide an understanding of the way in which evidence is utilized in policy, and contribute to this debate by enacting an innovative research design. I am proposing a 2x2 comparative approach, which looks at the use of evidence across two domains, drug and prostitution policy, across two countries, Australia and the UK. A case-based qualitative comparative approach has the potential to offer a certain depth while at the same time providing the opportunity for analytic generalisation. I argue that evidence can be a prime focus for analysis of the policy process, and that through its lenses one can appraise deeper theoretical and epistemological questions about the state in late modern capitalism, the relationship between knowledge and ideology, science and politics, science and values, reason and emotion. The labelling of prostitution and drug policy as morality policies exposes the nature of these domains as morally and politically antagonistic, whilst providing opportunity to reflect on the role of morality in filtering understandings of evidence and shaping policy positions.
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Lindquist, Anthea Clare. "The impact of socioeconomic position on outcomes of severe maternal morbidity amongst women in the UK and Australia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3ec55671-e8b8-42c6-a777-fb7667b33e6e.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Aims: The aims of this thesis were to investigate the risk of severe maternal morbidity amongst women from different socioeconomic groups in the UK, explore why these differences exist and compare these findings to the setting in Australia. Methods: Three separate analyses were conducted. The first used UK Obstetric Surveillance System (UKOSS) data to assess the incidence and independent odds of severe maternal morbidity by socioeconomic group in the UK. The second analysis used quantitative and qualitative data from the 2010 UK National Maternity Survey (NMS) to explore the possible reasons for the difference in odds of morbidity between socioeconomic groups in the UK. The third analysis used data from the Victorian Perinatal Data Collection (VPDC) unit in Austra lia to assess the incidence and odds of severe maternal morbidity by socioeconomic group in Victoria. Results: The UKOSS analysis showed that compared with women from the highest socioeconomic group, women in the lowest 'unemployed' group had 1.22 (95%CI: 0.92 - 1.61) times greater odds associated with severe maternal morbidity. The NMS analysis demonstrated that independent of ethnicity, age and parity, women from the lowest socioeconomic quintiJe were 60% less likely to have had any antenatal care (aOR 0.40; 95%CI 0.18 - 0.87), 40% less likely to have been seen by a health professional prior to 12 weeks gestation (aOR 0.62; 95%CI 0.45 - 0.85) and 45% less likely to have had a postnatal check with their doctor (aOR 0.55; 95%CI 0.42 - 0.70) compared to women from the highest quintile. The Victorian analysis showed that women from the lowest socioeconomic group were 21% (aOR 1.21 ; 95% CI 1.00 - 1.47) more likely and that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women were twice (aOR 2.02; 95%CI 1.32 - 3.09) as likely to experience severe morbidity. Discussion: The resu lts suggest that women from the lowest socioeconomic group in the UK and in Victoria have increased odds of severe maternal morbidity. Further research is needed into why these differences exist and efforts must be made to ensure that these women are appropriately prioritised in the future planning of maternity services provisio n in the UK and Australia.
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Belcher, Helen Maria. "Resisting the Welfare State: An examination of the response of the Australian Catholic Church to the national health schemes of the 1940s and 1970s." University of Sydney. School of Sociology and Social Policy, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/712.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis extends and refines a growing body of literature that has highlighted the impact of Catholic social principles on the development of welfare state provision. It suggests that Catholic social teaching is intent on preserving the role of the traditional family, and keeping power out of the hands of the state. Much of this literature, however, is concerned with European experience (Esping-Andersen, 1990; Castles, 1993; van Kersbergen, 1995). More recently Smyth (2003) has augmented this research through an examination of the influence of Catholic social thought on Australian welfare policy. He concludes that the Australian Church, at least up to the 1970s, preferred a �welfare society� over a �welfare state�, an outlook shared by the wider Australian community. Following the lead of Smyth, this thesis extends the insights of the European research through an examination of Catholic Church resistance to ALP proposals to introduce national health schemes in the 1940s and the 1970s. These appeared to satisfy the Church�s commitment to the poorest and most marginalised groups in the community. Why, then, did the Australian Church resist the proposals? The thesis concludes that there are at least two possible ways of interpreting Catholic social teaching � a preconciliar interpretation that minimises the role of the state, and a postconciliar interpretation that allows for an active, albeit limited, state. The adoption of either is informed by socio-political factors. The thesis, then, concludes that the response of the Church in the 1940s and the 1970s was conditioned by socio-political and historical factors that inclined the Australian Catholic Church towards a conservative view of welfare.
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Stark, R. D. Andrew. "State transformation and European integration : the expression of rights (1990-2014)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273907.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This work examines the impact of European integration on modern European states, focusing in particular on the expression of civic, political, and social rights in these states. Without an accurate understanding of how integration has transformed states, those involved in the creation of state institutions--now and in the future--cannot hope to know how their societies will be affected by European integration, what role social voice will play in the governance process, and ultimately, how the European project might play-out. Understanding the effect of European integration on the lives of everyday citizens is the main impetus behind this research. This work aims to provide an objective assessment of the effects of European integration on state transformation and, subsequently, the expression of rights in modern Europe. This is accomplished through the examination of three case studies, each of which focuses on a different policy area. Overall, these case studies cover the time period 1990-2014. Operationalized, the research herein addresses the following question: How has being a member of the European Union or striving to join it changed states and specifically those areas linked to the expression of civic, political, and social rights? Additionally, this study tests a new theoretical construction of statehood--the Member State--so that, in the future, this construct might be used to better inform integration theories. This is all carried-out through statistical analyses that establish causal links for observed changes in the expression of civic, political, and social rights in Europe. The findings of the thesis suggest that the expression of civic and social rights have not been decreasing due to state transformation brought on by European integration, while the expression of political rights have been. Furthermore, this research finds support for the new theoretical construct of Member Statehood.
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Merkes, Monika, and monika@melbpc org au. "A longer working life for Australian women of the baby boom generation? � Women�s voices and the social policy implications of an ageing female workforce." La Trobe University. School of Public Health, 2003. http://www.lib.latrobe.edu.au./thesis/public/adt-LTU20051103.104704.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
With an increasing proportion of older people in the Australian population and increasing health and longevity, paid work after the age of 65 years may become an option or a necessity in the future. The focus of this research is on Australian women of the baby boom generation, their working futures, and the work-retirement decision. This is explored both from the viewpoint of women and from a social policy perspective. The research draws on Considine�s model of public policy, futures studies, and Beck�s concept of risk society. The research comprises three studies. Using focus group research, Study 1 explored the views of Australian women of the baby boom generation on work after the age of 65 years. Study 2 aimed to explore current thinking on the research topic in Australia and overseas. Computer-mediated communication involving an Internet website and four scenarios for the year 2020 were used for this study. Study 3 consists of the analysis of quantitative data from the Healthy Retirement Project, focusing on attitudes towards retirement, retirement plans, and the preferred and expected age of retirement. The importance of choice and a work � life balance emerged throughout the research. Women in high-status occupations were found to be more likely to be open to the option of continuing paid work beyond age 65 than women in low-status jobs. However, the women were equally likely to embrace future volunteering. The research findings suggest that policies for an ageing female workforce should be based on the values of inclusiveness, fairness, self-determination, and social justice, and address issues of workplace flexibility, equality in the workplace, recognition for unpaid community and caring work, opportunities for life-long learning, complexity and inequities of the superannuation system, and planning for retirement. Further, providing a guaranteed minimum income for all Australians should be explored as a viable alternative to the current social security system.
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Steyn, Carly. "Work value change in South Africa : its nature, direction and distribution between 1990 and 2001." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53227.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Recent literature on values suggests that advanced, industrial societies are displaying a marked shift away from traditional values that stress material prosperity, physical and economic security towards values that are more expressive of individual freedom, autonomy and growth. According to Inglehart, forces of modernisation and globalisation have initiated a number of systemic level changes, that have ushered in processes of objective and subjective individualisation, dramatically altering the nature and structure of human value orientations and societal norms. Work values, as expressions of general life values in the work context, are no exception to this process. In the new world of work, intrinsic work values that stress personal growth, development and self-determination should gradually replace extrinsic work values such as good pay, job security and status. An understanding of the nature, direction and distribution of such value change could prove invaluable to the organizational practitioner and policy maker, since work values playa pivotal role in shaping organisational structure, process and policy. According to Inglehart, a number of developing countries are displaying similar shifts towards individualised values. Although classified as a middle-income, developing economy, South Africa has undergone a number of prolific economic, political and cultural changes over the last decade that would undoubtedly have altered the nature, direction and distribution of work values in the country. It is in the light of these political, economic and cultural developments that the current study embarked on an analysis of the nature, direction and distribution of work value change in South Africa between 1990 and 2001. The analysis was informed by the proposition that the work values of South Africans citizens should reflect a shift in the direction of individualised work values between 1990 and 2001. South Africans have, however, been exposed to and socialized within vastly different social, economic and political environments. The study has therefore taken cognisance of the fact that work value change in South Africa should reflect the stark cleavages and differences that exist within the population, and attempted to plot the differences in the nature and direction of work values between the various social categories defined by race, gender, educational and occupational level. The secondary analysis of survey data from the South African components of the 1990, 1995 and 2001 World Values Survey was performed in order to fulfil the objectives of the study. Work values of South African citizens were measured in terms of four dimensions, namely work centrality; work values relating to the distribution of power in the organization; work values relating to work preferences; and work values relating to authority systems in the workplace. Use was made of simple uni-variate and bi-variate analysis, as well as the comparison of means where appropriate. The results of the analysis suggest that work values relating to work centrality and the distribution of power in the organisation have become increasingly individualised. Work values relating to work preferences and authority have, however, displayed a trend in opposition to individualisation. Comparisons of work value change across the various sub-groups of the population reflect the changing economic, social and political landscape of South Africa. The data suggests that as various sub-groups of the population are exposed to the systemic level changes characteristic of the new South Africa, traditional value differences informed by race, gender, educational and occupational level will be gradually transformed and replaced by new value patterns untainted by the inequalities of the apartheid era. The analysis concludes by examining a number of explanations for the value changes described, and attempts to infer implications for the formulation and implementation of workplace policy and practice in South Africa. The high and increasing levels of unemployment and the increasing participation of women and previously excluded racial groupings into the South African labour market have increased perceptions of job insecurity in South Africa and have resulted in an expanding number of South Africans placing increased emphasis on traditional work preferences and systems of authority. Should this trend persist, the development of individualised work values will continue to be hindered, rendering the South African business environment less competitive and increasingly fraught with high levels of distrust and uncertainty. We suggest, therefore, that human resource practitioners and policy makers embark on the challenging task of reframing individual perceptions surrounding the meaning of work in South Africa, so as to better prepare South Africans for the challenges brought about by the new world of work
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Onlangse literatuur oor waardes dui daarop dat vooruitstrewende industriële gemeenskappe 'n merkbare verskuiwing toon weg van tradisionele waardes wat materialistiese welvaart, tasbare en ekonomiese sekuriteit beklemtoon, na waardes wat groter klem lê op individuele vryheid, outonomie en ontwikkeling. Volgens Inglehart het kragte van modernisering en globalisering 'n aantal sistemiese veranderinge teweeg gebring wat op hul beurt prossesse van objektiewe en subjektiewe individualisasie ingelei het en wat aanleiding gegee het tot 'n dramatiese verandering in die aard en struktuur van menslike waarde-orientasies en gemeenskapsnorme. Werkwaardes as uitdrukking van algemene lewenswaardes in die werkkonteks is nie 'n uitsondering in die proses nie. In die nuwe wêreld van werk behoort intrinsieke waardes wat persoonlike groei, ontwikkeling en selfbeskikking beklemtoon, geleidelik ekstrinsieke waardes soos goeie besoldiging, werksekuriteit en status te vervang. 'n Begrip van die aard, rigting en verspreiding van sodanige waarde-verandering kan van onskatbare waarde wees vir die organisatoriese praktisyn en beleidmaker aangesien werkswaardes 'n sentrale rol speel in die vorming van organisatoriese struktuur, prosesse en beleid. Volgens Inglehart vertoon 'n aantalontwikkelende lande 'n soortgelyke verskuiwing na geïndividualiseerde waardes. Alhoewel Suid-Afrika as 'n middel inkomste ontwikkelende ekonomie geklassifiseer word, het dit die afgelope dekade 'n verskeidenheid van ekonomiese, politieke en kulturele veranderinge ondergaan wat ongetwyfeld die aard, rigting en verspreiding van werkswaardes beïnvloed het. Met hierdie politieke, ekonomiese and kulturele ontwikkelinge as agtergrond, onderneem hierdie studie 'n analise van die aard, rigting en verspreiding van die verandering in werkswaardes in Suid-Afrika tussen 1990 en 2001. Die analise is in die veronderstelling dat die werkswaardes van die Suid-Afrikaanse gemeenskap 'n verskuiwing in die rigting van geïndividualiseerde werkswaardes sal weerspieël tussen 1990 en 2001. Suid-Afrikaners is egter blootgestel aan verskillende sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke omgewings. Die studie neem dus kennis van die feit dat werkswaarde-veranderinge in Suid- Afrika die skeiding en verskille wat voorgekom het in die bevolking sal weerspieël en poog om die verskille in die aard en rigting van werkswaardes te demonstreer tussen die verskillende kategorieë gedefinieer volgens ras, geslag, opvoedings- en beroepsvlak. Die sekondêre analise van opname data van die Suid Afrikaanse komponente van die 1990, 1995 en 2001 "World Values Survey" is ontleed ten einde uitvoering te gee aan die doelstellings van die studie. Werkwaardes van Suid-Afrikaners is gemeet aan die hand van vier dimensies, nl. werksentraliteit; werkswaardes wat verband hou met die verspreiding van mag in die organisasie; werkswaardes wat verband hou met werksvoorkeure, en werkswaardes wat gerig is op gesagstelsels in die werkplek. Gebruik is gemaak van enkelvariansie en dubbelvariansie analise asook die vergelyking van middelpunt, waar van toepassing. Die resultate van die ondersoek dui daarop dat werkswaardes wat verband hou met werksentraliteit en die verspreiding van mag in die organisasie toenemend geïndividualiseerd geraak het. Werkswaardes verwant aan werksvoorkeure en gesag demonstreer egter 'n duidelike neiging in stryd met individualisasie. Vergelyking van werkswaarde-veranderinge oor die verskillende sub-groepe van die bevolking weerspieël die veranderende ekonomiese, sosiale en politieke landskap van Suid-Afrika. Die data dui aan dat soos verskillende sub-groepe van die bevolking blootgestel word aan die sistemiese-vlak veranderings eie aan die nuwe Suid-Afrika, tradisionele waarde-verskille as gevolg van ras, geslag, opvoeding- en beroepsvlak, geleidelik sal verander en vervang word deur nuwe waarde-oriëntasies onbevlek deur die ongelykhede van die apartheidsera. Die analise sluit af deur 'n aantal verduidelikings vir die waarde-veranderings te ondersoek en poog om implikasies af te lei vir die formulering en implementering vir werkplekbeleid en praktyk in Suid-Afrika. Die hoë en steeds toenemende vlakke van werkloosheid, die toenemende toetrede van vrouens en voorheen benadeelde rassegroeperings tot die Suid Afrikaanse arbeidsmark het die persepsie van lae werksekuriteit in Suid-Afrika verhoog en het tot gevolg dat 'n toenemende aantal Suid-Afrikaners groter klem plaas op tradisionele werksvoorkeure en sisteme van gesag. Sou die tendens voortduur, sal dit die ontwikkeling van geïndividualiseerde werkswaardes belemmer, wat tot gevolg sal hê dat die Suid-Afrikaanse besigheidsomgewing minder kompeterend sal wees, met toenemende vlakke van wantroue en onsekerheid. Ek stel dus voor dat menslike hulpbron praktisyns en beleidsmakers begin met die uitdagende taak om individuele persepsies te beïnvloed met betrekking tot die betekenis van werk in Suid-Afrika ten einde Suid-Afrikaners beter voor te berei vir die uitdagings daargestel deur die nuwe wêreld van werk.
39
Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09MD/09mdj54.pdf.
Повний текст джерела
40
Yacine, Badiaa. "La science algérienne dans les années 1990 : une bibliométrique de la recherche universitaire à travers ses programmes, ses institutions et sa communauté universitaire de 1990 à 1999." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00716252.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
L'objectif de ce travail est de contribuer à l'évaluation d'une politique publique : celle de l'Algérie en matière de recherche scientifique et technique. Nous nous limitons à l'espace de la recherche universitaire et à la période (troublée) de 1990-1999. La thèse s'inscrit dans le domaine de la sociologie des sciences. Le chapitre 1 souligne ce que nous devons aux études Mertoniennes (communautés scientifiques), à la révélation de "lois" de la production, et aux études sur les réseaux scientifiques. Nous empruntons aussi à la politique des sciences et de l'innovation. Le chapitre 2 spécifie le contexte Algérien, et les questions et procédures qu'il suggère. Au chapitre 3 nous exposons nos parti-pris méthodologiques (enquête directe : par questionnaire, et enquête indirecte : bibliométrique). Nous détaillons les outils utilisés. La 2° partie du travail (chapitres 4 à 7) expose les résultats. Le questionnaire aux chercheurs (chapitre 4), même décevant, a permis d'approcher leurs origines sociales et leurs pratiques professionnelles. La bibliométrie (chapitre 5) livre une vue d'ensemble de la production algérienne, de son évolution, de ses spécialités (bien particulières) et de son impact Nous entrons ensuite dans le détail de la répartition des capacités, par villes et par institutions. Le chapitre 6 est consacré à l'analyse des réseaux associant villes, institutions et co-auteurs nationaux ou internationaux. Il révèle quelques résultats des plus originaux. Le chapitre 7 enfin traite de la coopération scientifique internationale. L'ensemble de ces données nous permet d'ouvrir en conclusion une discussion sur la politique scientifique, passée et envisageable pour l'avenir. Le débat est ouvert : il n'est pas de solution universelle.
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Smith, Phillip Andrew. "The Axe Without the Handle: An Exploratory Analysis of Eco-Terrorism and its Relationships to U.S. Public Policy towards Terrorism:1990-2010." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3646796.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
From 1990-2010 ecoterrorist attacks by the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF) created an anomaly in the U.S. with millions of dollars in property destruction. Interestingly, in a post 9/11 era, the FBI warns that the number one threat to U.S. national security is not religious terrorism, but rather environmental-group terrorism. When examining this topic further, there is a void in analysis between examining ecoterrorist attacks and U.S. public policy. Is there a statistical significant relationship between terrorist attacks by ALF/ELF and U.S. public policy towards terrorism? Is per capita income an influence on the attacks occurring in specific states?
This study seeks to analyze such relationships through an exploratory analysis and case study approach. I conducted a trend analysis on attacks by ELF/ALF from 1990-2010 and the subsequent adoption of U.S. public policy towards terrorism. I analyzed per-capita income by region and its relationships to attacks occurring. I performed chi
2 hypothesis testing in order to determinethe statistical significant relationships between ELF/ALF attacks/U.S. public policy and per capita income by State.
The findings of this study suggest that the definition of terrorism is ambiguous and can lead to alternative interpretations, which can affect U.S. public policy towards terrorism. Attacks by ALF/ELF are not deterred by U.S. public policy. Also, a majority of attacks by ALF/ELF are most likely to occur in states that rank in the top 20th percentile regarding per capita income and occur mainly on the west coast. The statistical significance of the relationships between ELF/ALF attacks and U.S. public policy demonstrate that these two entities are mutually exclusive. Per capita income levels by states and ELF/ALF attacks are also mutually exclusive. This study creates an improved understanding of what constitutes terrorism and an understanding of the radical elements in the environmental movement and its place in a post 9/11 America. The significance of this study is to provide a model for analysis of terrorist attacks and government responses and provide a framework of inquiry for the fields of terrorism,public policy and conflict studies.
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Rossi, Mônica Therezinha Bartie. "Habitação social e gestão associativa: avaliação dos programas promovidos pelo governo do Estado de São Paulo no período 1990 a 2008." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16137/tde-17072012-141213/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A presente tese investiga e discute a gestão da política habitacional sob a ótica da articulação dos agentes públicos e privados na promoção dos programas associativos de habitação social. Como objeto de pesquisa seleciona a experiência dos programas associativos desenvolvidos pelo governo do estado de São Paulo, por meio da Secretaria de Habitação e da CDHU - Companhia de Desenvolvimento Habitacional e Urbano, entre os anos 1990 e 2008. Com base no inventário dos empreendimentos construídos, elaborado pela autora, avalia a transformação dos princípios e diretrizes de gestão, bem como a escolha dos projetos urbanísticos e seu rebatimento na qualidade do espaço, e seu impacto social nas famílias de baixa renda, vis-à-vis o referencial teórico do papel do estado na política habitacional e urbana. Como objeto de análise destaca que os programas associativos diferenciam-se em função das formas de gestão adotadas, apresentando variações na apropriação dos espaços e na qualidade urbana, segundo as modalidades de autogestão, mutirão, gestão compartilhada ou empreitada na construção. Aponta que as experiências de construção com processos associativos, regra geral, apresentam menor incidência de problemas na gestão condominial, nas recomercializações e na inadimplência, quando comparadas com os empreendimentos executados por empreitada. Na mesma linha de análise, evidencia que os programas associativos que adotam projetos de melhor qualidade e contam com assessoria técnica, apresentam melhores resultados qualitativos na apropriação das moradias e, portanto, enquadram-se nos objetivos de eficácia da política social de habitação. Em resumo, em consonância com a metodologia adotada, conclui que há uma latente potencialidade nos princípios dos programas associativos, referente à importância de se adotar projetos arquitetônicos e urbanísticos de qualidade que contem com uma assessoria técnica especializada e, principalmente, referente à criação e sinergia das redes sociais, que permitem promover um conceito de sustentabilidade progressiva nas condições de vida das famílias e do ambiente construído. Como visão de futuro, discute o papel complementar que os programas associativos desempenham no conjunto das ações públicas em habitação social e propõe uma perspectiva para a participação de entidades e agentes envolvidos, concentrando seus esforços no controle social e na qualidade do processo construtivo.This thesis investigates and discusses the management of housing policy from the perspective of the articulation of public and private associations in the promotion of social housing programs. As an object of investigation, it selects the experience of associative programs developed by the State Government of São Paulo, through the São Paulo State Housing Secretariat and the Company of Housing and Urban Development (CDHU), between 1990 and 2008. Based on a built-stock inventory prepared by the author, it evaluates the transformation of management principles and guidelines, as well as the urban projects and their deployment on the space quality and its social impact on low-income households, face-to-face with a theoretical reference in terms of the State\'s role in housing and urban policy. As an object of analysis, it highlights that associative programs differ one another, related to their forms of management, showing changes in space appropriation and urban quality, according to the modalities of self-management, self-help construction, shared management or construction bidding process. It points out that building experience under associative processes generally have a lower incidence of problems such as condominium management, informal commercialization and delinquency, compared with the projects carried out by contract. Following the same reasoning, it points out that associative programs which adopt better designs and rely on technical advice, show the best qualitative results related to dwelling appropriation and, therefore, fall within the objectives of effective social housing policy. In summary, consistent with the methodology adopted, it concludes that there is a latent potential in the principles of associative programs, concerning the importance of adopting architectural and urban quality which counts with specialized technical assistance and, above all, regarding the creation and synergy of social networks, which can promote a concept of \"progressive sustainability\" in the living conditions of households and of the built environment. As a vision of the future, it discusses the complementary role that associations play in all programs of public housing policies, and proposes a vision for the participation of organizations and stakeholders, concentrating their efforts on social control and quality of the construction process.
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Harris, Stanley E. "Investment decisions in a changing South Africa from 1990 to 1999 (transition) : analysis of the decade of the 1990s." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53476.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is an investment performance review covering the ten years from 1990 to 1999. To many investors the 1990s were a tough decade because of the political, economic and social changes, which caused investment uncertainty. The primary focus is to examine the implications of these changes during the 1990s on the investment strategies of South Africans. Furthermore, the aim is to provide insight into investment decision-making during the period of transition and transformation. The analyses specifically address the importance of the investment environment on portfolio construction and maintenance. The objective is to see how far the investors ventured in their efforts to 'beat" the South African share market under changing conditions. The structure of the portfolio was evaluated as well as the investor's preferences and beliefs during the period under review. It also looked at the investors' attitudes and philosophies. Effective portfolio management was important because changing conditions were becoming challenging. The investor's investment mix and the risk associated with each investment determined the effectiveness of managing the portfolio. Furthermore, this study examines the investors' objectives, constraints and strategies. In the final analysis, this study examines investment strategy and investment performance in retrospect. It presents a ten-year historical analysis of the South African environment which was affecting investment decisions. It was also found that investors were fulfilling their expectations, they were looking at medium and long-term investment opportunities. Furthermore, stock-picking was done with greater caution. The opening of global investment markets further enhanced the investment opportunities. Moreover the investors realised the importance of diversification in order to reduce risk. The investors will be presented with challenges and opportunities in the next decade (or century). Therefore this study also concludes with an assessment of possible future investment scenarios for the South African investors. Finally, investment decision was interpreted against the political, economical, social and other changes that took place during the period of transition. The key to investment success was the investor's ability to manage the changing South African environment.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is 'n oorsig van die beleggingsvaardighede gedurende die tydperk 1990 tot 1999. Vir baie beleggers was die negentigs 'n baie moeilike dekade as gevolg van die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale veranderings. Hierdie veranderings het onsekerheid laat ontstaan by die beleggers. Die primêre fokus is om die implikasies van die veranderings op die beleggingsstrategieë van die Suid Afrikaanse belegger te ondersoek. Verder, is die doelook om insig te bekom oor die beleggingsbesluitneming gedurende die periode van verandering en transformasie. Hierdie analise salook in besonder aandag gee aan die belangrikheid van die gepaardgaande beleggingsomgewing en op die konstruksie en instandhouding van die beleggingsportefeulje. Die doel is om ook vas te stel hoe die beleggers gespekuleer het om die Suid Afrikaanse aandele mark te klop gedurende die periode van verandering. Die samestelling van die portefeulje is ge-evalueer sowel as die beleggers se voorkeure en menings. Daar is ook ondersoek ingestel na die belegger se houding en filosofie. Effektiewe beleggingsbestuur was belangrik gedurende die tydperk omdat die veranderde omstandighede uitdagend geword het. Die belegger se beleggingssamestelling en die gepaardgaande risiko het die doeltreffendheid van die bestuur van die portefeulje bepaal. Verder ondersoek hierdie studie ook die beleggers se doelwitte, beperkinge en strategieë. In die finale analise is dit hoofsaaklik 'n retrospektiewe ontleding van beleggingbestuursvaardighede gedurende die 1990s. Dit is n tienjaar historiese analise van die Suid Afrikaanse beleggingsomgewing wat 'n invloed gehad het op die beleggingsbesluitnemings. Die beleggers het hul verwagtings goed hanteer en het gesoek na medium- en langtermyn beleggingsmoontlikhede. Bowendien is die beleggings gedoen met groter omsigtigheid. Die opening van die wêreld markte het ook groter beleggingsmoontlikhede geskep. Verder het die beleggers ook besef dat diversifikasie belangrik is om risiko te verminder. Beleggers sal te staan kom voor uitdagings sovel as gunstige beleggingsmoontlikhede in die volgende dekade (of eeu). Daarom sluit hierdie studie af met toekomstige beleggingsmoontlikhede en die faktore wat sal bydra tot die toekomstige beleggingsaksie en besluitneming. Ten slotte, die beleggingsbesluit is geïnterpreteer teen die politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale veranderinge wat plaasgevind het. Die sleutel tot die beleggingssukses was die vermoë van die beleggers om die veranderde omstandighede te kan hanteer.
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Brooks, Kathryn Janet (Lamb), and kal@aapt net au. "Rural resilience and prosperity : the relevance of government and community networks." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2007. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20080115.173131.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dominant society centred interpretations of social capital in Australia are
inadequate to explain the economic fortunes and social prosperity of rural
Australian communities. Given the continued contention over interpretations and
measurement of social capital, this research sought to assess the relationship
between different interpretations of social capital and rural communities resilience
and prosperity.
¶
Utilising both quantitative and qualitative techniques to establish the relative
levels of social capital in two communities of divergent growth, the primary
objective was to test the association asserted between levels of social capital and
prosperity and resilience in the rural Australian context.
¶
The research findings highlight three notable issues. Surveying social capital with
current instruments is only effective in establishing the well being of rural
communities which appears related to their resilience, not their ability to prosper.
Secondly, the operational frameworks and responsibilities for social capital
adopted by governments dictate the manner in, and degree to which they deem
bridging and linking networks necessary and appropriate. This significantly affects
the role social capital is perceived to play in communities. Lastly, while
interpretations of social capital regard it as a normative factor in social life, rather
than being comprised of different and dynamic elements affecting communities
ability to prosper, the concept will remain unable to effectively contribute to the
policy domain.
45
Summers, Michael. "Great expectations : a policy case study of four case management programs in one organisation /." Connect to thesis, 2007. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/2182.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Four different case management programs delivered by UnitingCare Community Options (UCCO) in the eastern suburbs of Melbourne were examined against the expectations of case management as a policy solution to a range of perceived policy problems at the micro-, meso- and macro-levels. The micro-level expectations were related to client and family experiences of the service system and outcomes. At the meso-level expectations were focused on perceived service delivery problems such as poor matching of services to the needs of ‘complex’ clients including a lack of integration, flexibility and responsiveness to clients’ needs and preferences. Perceived macro-level policy problems were concerned with a variety of issues including increasing rates of institutionalisation, increasing costs to governments, lack of economic efficiency and the desire to create market or quasi-market conditions in the community care service delivery sector. (For complete abstract open document)
46
Rivera, Pabón Jorge Andrés. "Proceso de urbanización y agentes urbanos en Pereira, Colombia. Desigualdad social, fragmentación espacial y conflicto ambiental, 1990-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/132907.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Con esta investigación que tiene por objetivo general el realizar un análisis geográfico e histórico del proceso de urbanización de la ciudad de Pereira-Colombia, con el propósito de identificar y explicar las causas y factores determinantes de la desigualdad social y fragmentación espacial que caracteriza las diferentes etapas de su desarrollo y crecimiento urbano, se destacan entre los principales resultados, en primer lugar, que su origen es subproducto del proceso de colonización agraria de la vertiente andina establecida desde la segunda mitad del siglo XIX.
Posteriormente, se identifica a Pereira con la inserción territorial de algunas regiones especializadas en recursos estratégicos y materias primas como el café a las redes internacionales del comercio, pero sin una integración planificada a un modelo de desarrollo autárquico nacional. Por otra parte, la “época de la violencia” impacta en forma aguda a las zonas potencialmente más ricas en cuanto a su producción cafetera de exportación, generando un éxodo y desplazamiento campesino, siendo el proceso de urbanización de Pereira durante estos años corolario de esta dinámica social, con tasas de crecimiento intercensal para el área urbana entre 1938-1951 del orden de 68 por cada mil habitantes, y entre 1951-1964 de 50 por cada mil habitantes, siendo estas las cifras más altas en su evolución demográfica.
La ciudad de Pereira ha venido configurando por tanto una urbanización dual, con un crecimiento urbano que ha estado asociado a la instauración de una base económica productiva “formal” instaurada desde el período de modernización local, y de otro lado, un crecimiento espontáneo e “informal” relacionado con la dificultades estatales para atender los requerimientos económicos y habitacionales de la población de menores ingresos provenientes de las diferentes oleadas migratorias.
En este sentido, el desarrollo de la periferia popular obedece a la acción individual o colectiva de organizaciones de viviendistas y a los deficientes programas de desarrollo progresivo para los sectores de bajos ingresos (lotes con servicios para autoconstrucción). En cuanto a las áreas de elitización rururbana (multiplicación atomizada y dispersa de condominios neo-rurales) se puede afirmar que este proceso se ha dado a partir de la relación entre agentes urbanos que han adquirido las tierras baratas rurales anticipando la urbanización, y la posterior llegada de los promotores y constructores, que han sido favorecidos por las débiles políticas de gestión local para frenar los intereses inmobiliarios en un territorio rural con alto potencial agroecológico, paisajístico y ambiental.
Asimismo, cabe reiterar sobre los agentes sociales comprometidos en la urbanización marginal, que éstos han estado históricamente asociados a la falta de políticas de planificación territorial orientadas a prever las demandas de suelo para los estratos de ingresos más bajos, de modo que se pudiera mitigar su proliferación en un contexto social de fuerte inmigración como es el de Pereira, aumentando la acción de los procesos de invasión.
Por último, con el nuevo modelo de vivienda de interés social ofertada por el entramado “sector financiero y constructoras privadas” se ha limitando aún más la posibilidad de acceder al mercado de vivienda formal a los sectores de menores ingresos y pauperizados por la crisis económica que vive la ciudad y la región desde 1990 como consecuencia de la recesión del agro-negocio cafetero y el impacto de las políticas neoliberales y aperturistas en sus principales sectores productivos, entre ellos la manufactura local (textil, etc.).The main objective of this research is to make a geographical and historical analysis of the urbanization process of Pereira, Colombia, in order to identify and explain the causes of social inequality and spatial fragmentation that characterizes the different stages of its development and urban growth. Among the most important results, the first one is that the origin as a town of Pereira was related with the process of rural land colonization of the mountainous areas of the central Colombian Andes established since the second half of the nineteenth century. Subsequently, Pereira is part of the territorial insertion of some regions specializing in strategic resources and commodities such as coffee to international trade networks. After that, the "violence period" hits sharply to the potentially richest areas in terms of coffee production for export, generating an peasant exodus, with the urbanization process of Pereira as a main effect of this social dynamic. Therefore, Pereira has been shaped a dual urbanization, associated with a "formal" productive economic structure from the local modernization period, and on the other hand, a spontaneous growth related with the state difficulties in order to get proper solutions to economic and housing needs of the population who has the lower income. In this sense, the development of the popular periphery has been produced by individual or collective actions from social organizations, and from public housing politics such as progressive development programs. Finally, rural gentrification has been ocurred because of relationship between urban agents who have purchased cheap land anticipating rural urbanization, and subsequent arrival of developers and builders, with several effects in these areas with high agro-ecological potential, environmental and landscape heritage.
47
Moran, Anthony F. "Imagining the Australian nation settler- nationalism and Aboriginality /." Click here for electronic access to document, 1999. http://dtl.unimelb.edu.au/R/U1L2H28HB18MC24L4CL743PII8DUPUQSDYN9NGAGLBXL8YA8BU-00451?func=results-jump-full&set_entry=000013.
Повний текст джерела
48
Williams, J. Gary. "Supervised autonomy : medical specialties and structured conflict in an Australian General Hospital /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw7242.pdf.
Повний текст джерела
49
Prout, Sarah. "Security and belonging reconceptualising Aboriginal spatial mobilities in Yamatji country, Western Australia /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/23030.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
"December 2006".Thesis (PhD) -- Macquarie University, Division of Environmental and Life Sciences, Department of Human Geography, 2007.
Bibliography: p. 284-307.
Introduction -- Case-study area profile and methodology -- A walkabout race?: contemporary Aboriginal mobilities in Yamatji country -- State service provision and Aboriginal mobilities -- Security and belonging: re-conceptualising Aboriginal mobilities -- Security and belonging and the mainstream economy -- The ties that bind: negotiating security and belonging through family -- Conclusion.
This dissertation explores contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices in Yamatji country, Western Australia, within the context of rural service provision by the State government. The central themes with which it engages are a) historical and contemporary conceptualisations of Aboriginal spatialities; b) the lived experiences of Aboriginal mobilities in the region; and c) the dialectical, and often contentious, relationship between Aboriginal spatial practices and public health, housing, and education services. Drawing primarily on a range of field interviews, the thesis opens up a discursive space for examining the cultural content and hidden assumptions in constructions of 'appropriate' models of spatial mobility. In taking a policy-oriented focus, it argues that the appropriate provision of basic government services requires a shift away from overly simplistic assumptions and discourses of Aboriginal mobility. Until the often subtle practices of rendering particular Aboriginal mobilities as irrational, deviant, and/or mysterious are challenged and replaced, deep-colonising practices in rural and remote Australia will persist. --The thesis reconceptualises contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices in Yamatji country based upon an examination of dynamics and circumstances that undergird Aboriginal mobilities in the region. With this empirical focus, it argues that Aboriginal spatial practices are fashioned by the processes of procuring, cultivating and contesting a sense of security and belonging. Case study material presented suggests that two primary considerations inform these processes. A post-settlement history of contested alienation from family and country (both sources from which belonging and security were traditionally derived), and a changing engagement with mainstream social and economic institutions, have produced a context in which security and belonging are iteratively derived from a number of sources. Contemporary Aboriginal spatial practices therefore take a complex variety of forms. The thesis concludes that adopting the framework of security and belonging for interpreting contemporary Aboriginal mobilities provides a starting point for engaging more effectively and intentionally with dynamic Aboriginal spatial practices in service delivery policy and practice.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
x, 320 p. ill., maps
50
Bouiller, Sophie. "Le Parti social-démocrate allemand et la justice sociale dans les années 1980. Une identité social-démocrate à l'épreuve de l'unification (1989-1990)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL024.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cette thèse propose une analyse des notions de justice sociale et d'État-providence au prisme de la politique sociale du SPD dans les années 1980. À la fois parti d'opposition au Bundestag à Bonn et parti au pouvoir dans certains Länder en RFA, le SPD se trouvait dans une position ambiguë, propre au fédéralisme allemand. Afin de peser sur les réformes sociales initiées par le ministre du Travail Norbert Blüm (CDU) pour résoudre la crise de l'État-providence, les sociaux-démocrates adoptèrent une stratégie alternant opposition et coopération avec le gouvernement Kohl. Dans le même temps, ils engagèrent un travail de refondation programmatique en vue de reconquérir le pouvoir en 1990. Aux divisions générationnelles communément admises par la recherche se substitua une fracture entre une « aile sociale » adepte d'une politique traditionnelle et une « aile réformatrice » sensible aux valeurs post-matérialistes et « écosocialistes ». Du fait de son immédiateté, le processus d'unification de l'Allemagne (1989-1990) constitua un révélateur permettant de juger, à l'épreuve des faits, la validité des programmes et des discours sociaux-démocrates. Malgré les propositions concrètes de Rudolf Dreßler pour améliorer l'union sociale entre la RFA et la RDA, le SPD ne parvint ni à se faire entendre sur la question de l'unité allemande ni à imposer sa volonté de refonder l'État-providence. Les réserves d'Oskar Lafontaine sur l'emballement des coûts économiques et sociaux contribuèrent à entretenir la confusion concernant la position du SPD sur l'unité allemandeThis doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification.This doctoral thesis analyses the concepts of social justice and the welfare state in light of the social policies of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in the 1980s. Both in the opposition in the Bundestag in Bonn and in office in some West German Länders, the SPD found itself in an ambiguous position, peculiar to German federalism. The Social Democrats took on a strategy based alternatively on opposition and cooperation with Helmut Kohl’s government, in order to influence the welfare reforms introduced by the Labour Minister Norbert Blüm (Christian Democratic Union, CDU). The SPD simultaneously started to overhaul its political platform with a view to taking back power in 1990. The generational conflicts, which have been widely established by researchers, gave way to a new divide between a “social wing” advocating a traditional policy and a “reforming wing” drawn towards post-materialist and “eco-socialist” values. By virtue of its immediacy, the German unification process (1989-1990) proved to be a litmus test, which allowed the efficiency of the SDP’s agenda and rhetoric to be evaluated. In spite of Rudolf Dreßler’s concrete propositions to improve the social union between East and West Germany, the SDP failed both to share its views on German unification and to impose its determination to overhaul the welfare state. Oskar Lafontaine’s reservations about the economic and social costs spiralling out of control contributed to a blurring of the lines on the SDP’s position on German unification