Дисертації з теми "Asian Social Policy"
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1
Wilson, Roland B. "The Nexus between U.S. Foreign Policy and Conflict Resolution or Protraction| The case of North Korea." Thesis, George Mason University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3720906.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study analyzes the connection between U.S. foreign policy and its mechanisms for either the resolution or protraction of conflict using the case of North Korea. This case is particularly ripe for resolution with regard to the United States’ recent “Pivot to Asia.” Moreover, now that North Korea is under the new leadership of the young, relatively unknown leader Kim Jong-un, this may be an essential the time to explore and implement alternative methods for ending this conflict. The purpose of this study is to enquire whether combining conflict analysis and resolution (CAR) tools and practices with alternative and dynamic soft foreign policy efforts might play a positive role in resolving this conflict. This study was conducted by analyzing current and historical documents on U.S. foreign policy, studying its desired or stated effects and comparing them to the known actual effects on the North Korean regime and its people. To help understand these effects, this study also sought the unique foreign policy perspectives, opinions, needs and desires of former North Korea refugees. The significance of this is in understanding and evaluating where CAR opportunities surface by promoting the participation of stakeholders as catalysts for change from the group of people directly affected by foreign policy: North Koreans themselves. The findings show that the U.S. foreign policy approach towards North Korea has not significantly evolved over the past 60 years. Moreover, even those North Koreans interviewed who steadfastly support a continued U.S. hard policy approach toward their former homeland conceded that positive change would also require alternative approaches that promote direct and indirect high quality contact. The findings also show even in a controlled interview environment, North Korean Refugees can change how they think, interact, and receive information, based on direct HQC and the positive repositioning of self and other. Many also had sustained contact with their loved ones still living in the North, and provide them with aid. Most North Koreans interviewed had received indirect and or direct information about the outside world when they had lived in North Korea including such things as listening to radio, watching movies or drama and receiving aid, which had a positive effect on them. While most North Koreans (still in the north) do not believe in religion, it can be an effective tool for change. The regime has continued for so long due to the structural violence and deprivation it has over society. Finally, local markets in North Korea play a key role in changing the lives of North Koreans and that North Korean diaspora can help change North Korea. The analysis provides innovative conflict resolution methods and offers potential tools and recommendations for a multi-dimensional foreign policy approach, which may affect and alter foreign policy discussions and decisions. This study, the results and recommendations are intended to be an initial step toward rethinking U.S. foreign policy for purposes of “provention.”
2
Lee, Soohyun. "The transformation of East Asian welfare states : the politics of welfare reform in South Korea." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6975fb9b-3ea0-4d9e-b437-552d21a74572.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
East Asian welfare states have experienced major reforms in the last two decades, raising the question as to whether these welfare reforms signify a fundamental departure from the East Asian welfare model, or merely an adaptation of the model to socioeconomic changes. Overshadowed by the state-driven policy-making model with a strong functionalist bias focusing on socio-economic drivers, the existing East Asian welfare state literature has overlooked the fundamental political change brought by the dual transition (i.e., democratisation and economic liberalisation), which have led to the emergence of pluralistic societies. In order to fill this gap in the literature, this thesis investigates the political underpinnings of welfare reforms in Korea with special attention to societal actors, (notably trade unions, employers’ associations, and political parties) whose role feature prominently in the comparative welfare state literature, are still largely neglected in East Asian welfare state research. Bringing these actors into the analysis, the thesis examines how the rise of societal actors has changed Korean welfare politics by constraining policy autonomy of the state in the domains of employment protection, unemployment protection, and work/family reconciliation policies. To this end, the thesis engages in analysing policy documents and in-depth elite interviews with senior government officials as well as high-profile representatives of employers associations, trade unions and parties. The thesis argues that the politics of the Korean welfare state has undergone a three step transformation process in the post-transition period. The developmental alliance could no longer function as the sole driving force of welfare state development during the first civilian government (1993-1998), when organised labour exercised its newly acquired status of a veto player. Furthermore, the old driving force of social policy-making, the developmental alliance, was replaced by the new alliance between the centre-left party and organised labour during the first left government (1998-2003) Lastly, parties moved to centre stage of social policy-making during the second left government (2003-2008) and the current conservative government (2008-presnet). Drawing on competing theories of the welfare state –in particular, the Power Resource approach, the employer-centred varieties of capitalism perspective, and the state-centred theorem, and the parties-matter thesis – the thesis contributes to developing a comprehensive political account on welfare state transformation in East Asia and to the better embedding of the East Asian welfare state literature into the comparative welfare state literature.
3
Tivayanond, Prapaporn. "Developmental welfare in Thailand after the 1997 Asian financial crisis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:031d2eb3-84ba-4687-9e9f-a0fc7bbb985a.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explores continuity and change in the developmental welfare approach in Thailand following the 1997 Asian financial crisis. It examines both the exogenous and endogenous forces that generated change as well as both the ‘process’ and the ‘content’ of transformation or responses to the crisis. It uses the One Tambon One Product (OTOP) policy as a case study to explore these changes. The principle research question is: To what extent did the post 1997 crisis policy on social protection in Thailand represent a shift from its existing institutional path of developmental welfarism? Extending from this overarching question are subsidiary questions, which guided the thesis. They include: To what extent did the OTOP policy address the social protection gaps that became apparent in the Asian financial crisis? To what extent did the OTOP policy benefit its target population? The thesis uses historical institutionalism (HI) and the role of ideas as the analytic frameworks in analyzing change. The thesis argues that the exogenous shock of the 1997 financial crisis contributed to some departure from the institutional path of developmental welfarism in Thailand. However, the change did not follow the conventional punctuated equilibrium (PE) model under the HI framework in the sense of moving from one equilibrium to another after an exogenous shock. Rather, the radical change that took place after the exogenous shock was gradual. The new set of institutional arrangement prompted significant ideational and institutional transformations. They involved both intended and unintended consequences of incremental shifts in the forms of ‘layering’ ‘drift’ and ‘conversion’ (Streeck and Thelen, 2005). In addition, the thesis argues that the transformation in Thailand after the 1997 financial crisis lies in an intermediate order of change that is found between shifts in policy instrument and a wholesale ‘paradigm shift’ (Hall, 1993). Here, apart from having introduced a new policy such as OTOP, the Thai government engaged in a broader rethinking of Thailand’s developmental welfare path. Moreover, the study finds that the structure of economic development in a developing country context can both promote and impede social protection, rather than only subordinate the latter. The claim is based on the finding that the expansion of economic policy goals in Thailand supported local development and increasing inclusiveness of the informal sector after the 1997 financial crisis. Finally, the thesis argues that social protection delivery or lack thereof reflects contestation of ideas as well as material interests. Both the state and the policy beneficiaries in the OTOP context pushed for their interests when there were gaps between policy formulation and implementation. As a result, changes occurred both in the policy goals and in who benefited from OTOP.
4
Sahai, Shambhavi, and Shambhavi Sahai. "The Relevance of Caste in Contemporary India: Reexamining the Affirmative Action Debate." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1854.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
With the changing significance of caste and caste identity, this thesis explores the role of affirmative action or "reservations" in Indian higher education. Specifically, it aims to reopen the debate on the dominance of a "creamy layer" among the OBCs in an increasingly nationalist India. Viewing caste through the lens of ethnic identity, this thesis draws comparisons between the identity of OBCs and Scheduled Castes and Tribes, OBCs of the "Hindi Belt" and OBCs of the South, followed by an analysis of the politicization of caste identity today. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of affirmative action today and possible policy avenues that the State must prioritize.
5
Luo, Yi. "Chinese Medicine's Commercialization and its Social and Environmental Impact." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1214.
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6
Danish, Farhan. "FOOD INSECURITY AMONG SOUTH ASIAN IMMIGRANT COMMUNITIES IN THE INLAND EMPIRE OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/891.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Background: Food insecurity amongst South Asian Americans is a major public health issue. The South Asian American (SAA) community is the third largest Asian community in the United States. Despite this fact, very few specific studies have been conducted to investigate the food needs and barriers that exist within the SAA community so as to successfully help them improve dietary habits.
Methods: This study utilized a mixed methods convergent parallel design, where both qualitative and quantitative methods were conducted and analyzed separately and compared and contrasted at the end.
Results: The results of this study demonstrate that ethnic grocery stores were limited and scattered for the population to access them. Also, some ingredients used by the population were not available in general grocery stores and the pricing was considerably higher. Results of the focus group show that what was considered healthy in their home country would be expensive in the United States and thus switching to cheaper options in the new country was norm. Furthermore, cultural/religious appropriate food items were limited due to cost and often impacted participants’ dietary behavior. In addition to expense, the availability of ethnic-specific food ingredients was limited and/or would require significant travel to obtain them, and thus further contributed to change their dietary habits.
Conclusion: The results of the study highlight the need for more interventions focusing on the food habits of the SAA population, in terms of availability of ingredients and accessibility to the ethnic grocery stores in the Inland Empire of Southern California.
7
Jung, Wongie. "Korean middle school students’ reflections on the Free Semester policy : How young adolescents in Korea exercise agency in the context of East Asian education reform." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Barn, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-148615.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis aims to explore how Korean middle school students exercise agency in the Free Semester policy setting. The Free Semester is an education reform policy in Korea which has been implemented to change traditional East Asian learning environment to be more student-centered and creative one since 2013. This qualitative research is motivated by what kinds of difference the Free Semester policy have brought in regards to Korean young adolescents’ perception on schooling, learning and autonomy. Data for this study was mainly consisted of semi-structured interviews with seven Korean public middle school students; three second-grade girls (age of 13), one second-grade boy (age of 13), one third-grade girl (age of 14) and two third-grade boys (age of 14) who experienced the Free Semester one or two years ago. To analyze the interview data, thematic analysis was used and, as a result, three main themes were found as follows: Theme 1. Experiencing autonomy, Theme 2. Hope for more autonomous actions 3. Appreciation of social and cultural values. Korean middle school students experienced a widened range of agency in a newly given school setting under the Free Semester policy. However, their agency was still far limited by East Asian education culture. The students were stuck in ambivalent situations; while the students are encouraged for student-centered and creative learning by the Free Semester policy, they were still pressured to value traditional passive learning attitude since it is regarded as a winning strategy to earn a higher test score.
8
Koh, Youngaah. "Community-based Culturally Relevant Art Education for Korean-American Elementary Students: Impact and Policy Implications." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1563209394172921.
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Boczar, Amanda C. "FOREIGN AFFAIRS: POLICY, CULTURE, AND THE MAKING OF LOVE AND WAR IN VIETNAM." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/27.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Foreign Affairs: Policy, Culture, and the Making of Love and War in Vietnam investigates the interplay between war and society leading to and during the Vietnam War. This project intertwines histories of foreign relations, popular culture, and gender and sexuality as lenses for understanding international power relations during the global Cold War more broadly. By examining sexual encounters between American service members and Vietnamese civilian women, this dissertation argues that relationships ranging from prostitution to dating, marriage, and rape played a significant role in the diplomacy, logistics, and international reception of the war. American disregard for South Vietnamese morality laws in favor of bolstering GI morale in the early war years contributed to the instability of the alliance and led to a rise in anti-American activities, health concerns, and military security threats.
The length of the war in addition to the difficulty for service members to definitively identify enemy forces placed stress on soldiers. Publicized cases of rape and disagreements over responsibility for orphans or children born outside marriage to U.S. servicemen in the later war years further deteriorated relations. Negotiating these relationships resulted in implicit assignments of power between the United States and their allies in South Vietnam. In addition to the bi-lateral relations between the U.S. and South Vietnam, North Vietnamese and National Liberation Front propaganda citing the GI-civilian relationships sparked security concerns and further threatened the alliance. This dissertation further contends that encounters provided propaganda material for opposition forces, strained the overall war effort at home, and shaped how Americans remember the war.
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Kirana, Glenys. "A Conflict-Sensitive Approach to Conditional Cash Transfers in Indonesia: Can CCTs Reduce Conflict?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1439.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Given that conditional cash transfers (CCTs) can be a very effective social welfare program to reduce poverty and improve education and health outcomes, but may exacerbate conflict, this thesis addresses strategies for conflict-sensitive formulation and implementation of CCTs in Indonesia. This thesis raises the immediate need to address poverty in Indonesia and seeks to learn from the successes and challenges of other CCTs, such as those enacted in Mexico, Brazil, Turkey, and the Philippines. This thesis also looks into existing literature comparing the effectiveness of CCTs to other social protection programs (SPPs) and finds that CCT is one of the most effective (SPPs). Moreover, this thesis also explores the reasoning and conditioning factors as to how CCTs may reduce or exacerbate conflict, and finds that it can reduce conflict through the education channel (e.g. positive peer effect, reduction of time to spend doing other activities), employment channel (e.g. education leading to higher chances of getting employed), and the income substitution channel (cash benefits received would reduce incentives to engage in financially-motivated crimes). Nonetheless, this thesis also seeks to enhance the targeting mechanisms of CCTs to ensure that it does not exacerbate conflict. More specifically, this thesis concludes that Program Keluarga Harapan (PKH), the CCT program in Indonesia, should employ a more centralized targeting to reduce opportunities for local elite capture in its 7,000 districts. Furthermore, this thesis proposes the creation of a more competitive system in electing which districts it works with by asking district heads to submit proposals outlining why and how PKH will work in their respective areas, which will hopefully motivate them to be more accountable and to reduce administrative costs.
11
Rai, Pronoy. "The Indian State and the Micropolitics of Food Entitlements." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1368004369.
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Southard, Nicole. "The Socio-Political and Economic Causes of Natural Disasters." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1720.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
To effectively prevent and mitigate the outbreak of natural disasters is a more pressing issue in the twenty-first century than ever before. The frequency and cost of natural disasters is rising globally, most especially in developing countries where the most severe effects of climate change are felt. However, while climate change is indeed a strong force impacting the severity of contemporary catastrophes, it is not directly responsible for the exorbitant cost of the damage and suffering incurred from natural disasters -- both financially and in terms of human life. Rather, the true root causes of natural disasters lie within the power systems at play in any given society when these regions come into contact with a hazard event. Historic processes of isolation, oppression, and exploitation, combined with contemporary international power systems, interact in complex ways to affect different socioeconomic classes distinctly. The result is to create vulnerability and scarcity among the most defenseless communities. These processes affect a society’s ideological orientation and their cultural norms, empowering some while isolating others. When the resulting dynamic socio-political pressures and root causes come into contact with a natural hazard, a disaster is likely to follow due to the high vulnerability of certain groups and their inability to adapt as conditions change. In this light, the following discussion exposes the anthropogenic roots of natural disasters by conducting a detailed case analysis of natural disasters in Haiti, Ethiopia, and Nepal.
13
Tischenko, Igor. "Rural Industrialization: Integrated and Sustainable Solutions for Poverty Reduction in Rural China." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/583.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
China has achieved unprecedented economic growth and consequent successes in poverty alleviation over the past three decades of economic liberalization and market-oriented reforms. Yet, in order to continue its progress in poverty reduction, while addressing pressing environmental and sociopolitical concerns, it is crucial for China’s leaders to achieve and sustain green, equitable, and robust economic performance in all parts of China. This thesis argues that a reconceptualized and strengthened rural industrialization program would enable China to maintain economic growth and assist with the transition to a domestically driven consumer economy. Moreover, rural industrialization, coupled with targeted administrative and institutional policy modifications, will enable the Chinese government to provide support to millions of its rural poor, thus avoiding social instability and potentially severe internal conflicts. Such a program would also lessen pollution and its associated costs on China’s densely populated cities, by shifting heavy urban industries to relatively less contaminated areas while adopting cleaner, environmentally sustainable technologies, introduced in a participatory manner in consultation with local communities. This approach would concurrently address regional, rural-to-urban, and intra-communal disparities, provide opportunity for “green growth” initiatives, and better equip rural populations to address growing vulnerabilities as a result of climate change.
14
Spiegel, Rachel Hannah. "Drowning in Rising Seas: Navigating Multiple Knowledge Systems and Responding to Climate Change in the Maldives." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/76.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The threat of global climate change increasingly influences the actions of human society. As world leaders have negotiated adaptation strategies over the past couple of decades, a certain discourse has emerged that privileges Western conceptions of environmental degradation. I argue that this framing of climate change inhibits the successful implementation of adaptation strategies. This thesis focuses on a case study of the Maldives, an island nation deemed one of the most vulnerable locations to the impacts of rising sea levels. I apply a postcolonial theoretical framework to examine how differing knowledge systems can both complement and contradict one another. By analyzing government-enforced relocation policies in the Maldives, I find that points of contradiction between Western and indigenous environmental epistemologies can create opportunities to bridge the gap between isolated viewpoints and serve as moments to resist the dominant climate change discourse.
15
Mahoney, Smith Melissa. "Civic Dignity and Meaningful Political Participation." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/111.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation looks at how enhanced political participation opportunities can increase individual liberty and improve public-sector reform efforts. It blends political theory with contemporary concerns for individual well-being and government accountability. To do this, several research methodologies are used, including normative, qualitative process-tracing, and quantitative analysis.
First, the dissertation draws insights from ancient and modern political philosophy and the political thought and example of Jane Addams in 19th Century Chicago. It begins with Josiah Ober’s work on civic dignity, which he defines as “equal high standing” among citizens, marked by “non-infantilization and non-humiliation.” This definition is a useful starting point but somehow seems thin for a concept of such import. In exploring the wisdom of Tocqueville’s “schools” of democracy and Jane Addams’ notion of fellowship, I expand the definition of civic dignity to include “having a sense of ownership.” In other words, being dignified as a citizen in a self-governing political community should include having a seat at the proverbial table where one can speak and be heard. This means that political participation opportunities would ideally carry low transaction costs while maximizing the substance that can be contributed. Through Addams’ experience at Hull House, the settlement house she co-founded, I highlight how these opportunities for
meaningful political participation are indispensable to individual civic dignity, and by extension, individual liberty and well-being.
Second, civic dignity is viewed through a different lens, namely the role it can play when incorporated successfully into policy design and implementation. Arguably, a self- governing political community’s greatest asset is the collective knowledge and lived experience of its citizens. But current political participation mechanisms and policy designs do not do a good job leveraging that resource, and many individuals may find themselves unofficially shut out. Using process-tracing methodology, a case study explores resettlement projects targeting the urban poor in Mandaue City, the Philippines. The case study results demonstrate that deepening democracy (by incorporating civic dignity into the policy design and implementation) not only benefits individual liberty, but can also produce better outcomes and contribute to anti-corruption efforts. Taking civic dignity into account during policy design and implementation is not merely a “feel good” option; it is a strategic option that allows the political community to leverage local knowledge by enlisting the participation of those individuals or groups closest to the problem or challenge at hand. While this finding is not entirely novel, it is far from standard practice. Domestically and internationally, the coercive force of government and/or the “tyranny of experts” is too often the default approach for policy design and implementation.
Third, the theoretical and practical explorations of civic dignity are used to construct a measure for civic dignity. In a data driven world, reliable and valid measurement is key, and if the concept of civic dignity is going to gain currency, then validating a scale to capture it is essential. Through Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA), survey items are examined to determine which items map onto the latent factors that
comprise civic dignity. A 22-item four-factor solution that maps onto the four components of civic dignity is presented. The newly minted Civic Dignity Scale is then compared against measures from political science and psychology literature that are theoretically related but distinct from civic dignity, such as political efficacy and self-determination, to test for construct validity. Spearman correlations yield reassuring results, showing statistically significant strong positive correlations as hypothesized. Finally, the relationship between the Civic Dignity Scale and political participation is analyzed for further construct validity. A Poisson regression model shows that for every one unit increase in an individual’s civic dignity, the likelihood that one would participate in political activities also increases. While a confirmation factor analysis is needed for further scale validation, the EFA and subsequent analyses do codify and deepen our understanding of civic dignity. In the future, a fully validated Civic Dignity Scale would enable reformers like Addams and those in Mandaue City to legitimize and track their efforts empirically.
16
Samanchina, Jarkyn B. "U.s. Foreign Policy Toward Central Asia: 1991-2003." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605108/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis analyzes the U.S. foreign policy in Central Asia from 1991 until 2003. The U.S. has been involved in the process of democratization and economic reforms in the Central Asian countries since the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, prior to September 11, 2001 events, the U.S. policies toward the five newly independent states, had not been as assertive as in the aftermath of the tragic events. The thesis will argue that the U.S. foreign policy toward Central Asia has steadily developed over time due to geopolitical and geo-economic factors. The U.S. policy culminated in the new strategic cooperation between the U.S. and the Central Asian states on the issue of terrorism. The thesis will demonstrate how the U.S. moved away from being almost a benign observer in the mid-1990s, to an assertive state interested in exercising its influence in the region after 2000.
17
Joshi, Shangrila 1981. "Justice, Development and India’s Climate Politics: A Postcolonial Political Ecology of the Atmospheric Commons." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12030.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
xvi, 203 p. : ill. (some col.)Global climate negotiations have been at a standstill for over a decade now over the issue of distributing the responsibility of mitigating climate change among countries. During the past few years, countries such as India and China - the so-called emerging economies that were under no obligation to mitigate under the Kyoto Protocol - have increasingly come under pressure to accept limits comparable to those for industrialized countries. These countries, in turn, have strongly resisted these pressures. My dissertation examines India's participation in these ongoing climate negotiations. Based on qualitative interviews with relevant Indian officials, textual analysis and participant observation, I tell the story of why and how this so-called emerging economy has been resisting a cap on its emissions despite being one of the most vulnerable countries to the consequences of climate change. I draw upon the literatures of environmental justice, international relations, postcolonialism and political ecology to develop my dissertation and adopt a self-reflexive approach in my analysis. The need for global cooperation to address global environmental issues has arguably provided greater bargaining power to countries formerly marginalized in the global political economy. Following the dynamics of North-South environmental politics, India's climate politics consists of utilizing this power to increase its access to global resources as well as to hold hegemonic industrialized countries accountable for their historical and continuing exploitation of the environmental commons. A key aspect of India's climate politics consists of self-identification as a developing country. Developed countries with higher cumulative and per capita emissions are seen to have the primary responsibility to mitigate climate change and to provide financial and technological support to developing countries to mitigate and adapt to climate change. Developing countries are seen to have a right to pursue development defined as economic growth. The climate crisis is thus seen by my respondents as an opportunity to address the unequal status quo between developed and developing countries. I suggest that this crisis also creates opportunities to redefine development beyond a narrow focus on economic growth. This may be enabled if the demand for justice in an international context is extended to the domestic sphere.
Committee in charge: Shaul Cohen, Chairperson; Alec Murphy, Member; Ted Toadvine, Member; Peter Walker, Member; Anita Weiss, Outside Member
18
Takano, Kaori. "Corporate Japan Goes to School: Case Studies Examining Corporate Involvement in Public Schools in Japan." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1311782967.
Повний текст джерела
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Du, Sen. "A social evolutionary perspective on understanding Chinese climate policy : state elites, ideas and national interests." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5176/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
China has been the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases in the absolute terms since 2008. Yet the pivotal drivers and key factors in its climate policymaking are still much under‐researched. In particular, little attention has been given to developing theoretical models to account for and to explain the evolution of Chinese climate change policy. This study directly addresses this gap in the climate change literature. Firstly, the study identifies the key domestic drivers and factors in Chinese climate policies using social evolution theory, which incorporates facets of institutionalism and elite theory in order to explain the evolution of Chinese climate change policy by direct reference to its highly dynamic socio‐economic circumstances. Secondly, this study uses these social evolutionary insights to inform interviews with 11 key climate policymakers situated at the highest levels within the Chinese Communist Party and the climate policymaking organisations. Respondents’ verbatim comments are analysed using NVivo software to critically assess the validity of social evolutionary analysis conducted in the first part of the thesis. Not only does this provide a vital means of empirical confirmation, it also directly contributes to the very scarce body of academic work on Chinese political elite interviewing. Thirdly, the analysis builds on this domestic level analysis to examine the extent to which social evolutionary theory might be used to understand and explain Chinese climate policies. Implications are discussed to inform future domestic and international climate policymaking and global cooperation on addressing climate change.
20
Mahmood, Haniza. "Civics and citizenship education in Malaysia : the voice of micro policy enactors." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2014. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/69576/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The main objective of this study is to provide an understanding of the way Civic and Citizenship Education, as intended at the macro level is translated, implemented and enacted at the micro level. Moreover, it also seeks to understand the contestation and challenges of secondary school teachers as policy implementers at the micro level in transferring the new curriculum policy into teaching and learning practice. Adopting a qualitative research approach, empirical evidence and in-depth information were gathered through document analysis, interviews, questionnaire, lesson observation and field notes. The document analysis showed that there were similarities between Western and Malaysian concepts of citizenship education in that Malaysia’s Civic and Citizenship Education was concerned with developing good personal and patriotic citizens. This differed from England’s citizenship education that promoted political literacy and active participation in democratic society. Despite in the official document, Civic and Citizenship Education seems to be strongly classified and strongly framed (Bernstein, 1975; 1971), at the school level, this subject is weakly classified and weakly framed. Indeed, a closer examination in each school visited showed that the ‘battle’ (Goodson, 1998 : 45) between this subject and other academic subjects continue. The analysis also illustrated that the enactment of Civic and Citizenship Education was mediated, not only by school students’ ethnic population, but also by school contexts that existed in each school. This also led to the gap between teachers’ perception of citizenship and citizenship education with their teaching practices. Thus, this study demonstrated that the process of translating, implementing and enacting policy at the school level is not a direct process (Ball, 2006) as there are various factors that could mediate the way a policy is implemented and enacted at the micro level (Ball et al., 2012; Braun et al. 2011a).
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Wiley, Ronald Brooks. "“To Gallop Together to War is Simple-- To Make Peace is Complex” Indigenous Informal Restorative Conflict Resolution Practices Among Kazakhs: An Ethnographic Case Study." Diss., NSUWorks, 2019. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/119.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Advocates of restorative and transitional justice practice have long drawn from practices of indigenous peoples to form the basis for more sustainable, relational, participatory, community-based approaches to conflict resolution. With the resurgence in Kazakh nationalism since the Republic of Kazakhstan independence, repatriated diasporic Kazakhs, who through cultural survival in diaspora retain more of their ethno-cultural characteristics, influence a revival of Kazakh language and culture. The purpose of this study was to understand the indigenous informal restorative conflict resolution practices of the Kazakh people. The questions that drove this study were: What indigenous informal forms of dispute resolution have been in use among Kazakhs, as reflected in their folklore and proverbs; which have continued in use among diasporic semi-nomadic Kazakh populations; and, which, if any, are restorative in nature? This ethnographic multi-case study incorporates participant observation and semi-structured interviews of participants selected through snowball sampling from among diasporic Kazakhs in, or repatriated from, China. Kazakh folklore and proverb collections were examined for conflict resolution practices and values at the family and kinship levels. Key theories used to explore the topic include Post-Colonial Theory of Sub-Altern Agency, Essentialism Theory, Soviet Ethnos Theory, and Restoration of Trust Theory. This study expands the knowledge base regarding indigenous systems of conflict resolution and contributes to the ethnography of the Kazakh people. The existence of indigenous informal restorative Kazakh systems of conflict resolution can inform reassessment and reform of public policy as to alternatives to punitive criminal justice practices.
22
Cheng, Chi-ho Howard, and 鄭之灝. "A study of social welfare policies for youth in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31236650.
Повний текст джерела
23
Kucuk, Zeki Furkan. "Shanghai Cooperation Organization And Its Role In Chinese Foreign Policy Towards Central Asia." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610991/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as a regional organization and its role on the policies of People&rsquos Republic of China towards Central Asia. Central Asia region is important for Beijing because of plenty of reasons like energy, commercial ties, balancing weight of United States and security of Xinjiang Autonomous Region. In this respect, relations of China with this important region constitute great importance in order to understand current situation and future of China. SCO, as mainly a security organization, has been transformed to a multi purpose organization and it has begun to occupy important place in policies of China towards Central Asia. SCO is a very effective instrument for China in order to implement her policies, increase her influence and solve her problems in the region. This thesis consists of five chapters
explanation of conceptual framework and introduction of the study will be made in Chapter 1 and then broad definition of SCO will be made in Chapter 2. In the 3rd chapter, sources and aims of Chinese foreign policy, Central Asia policy and effects of SCO to these elements will be explained. In chapter 4, attitude of other important powers to SCO will be examined and at the last Chapter thesis will be concluded.
24
Dumm, Elena. "Show No Weakness: An Ideological Analysis of China Daily News Coverage of the 2019 Hong Kong Protests." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617884910805174.
Повний текст джерела
25
Ahsan, Mohammad Kamrul. "Sustainable development and environmentalism : an ethical framework for policy and decision making in developing countries with special reference to Bangladesh." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2012. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/41969/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There is a growing consensus that the currently dominant economic practices, which excessively rely on incessant profitability‘, fails appropriately to value ethical components of environmental problems: valuation of bearers of intrinsic value (e.g. all creatures), or again bearers of inherent and instrumental value (e.g. species and ecosystems). This has led to a systematic defect in relevant decision-making with diverse associated economic, social and environmental disbenefits. Although the UN formulation of sustainable development (as opposed to the currently dominant development paradigm) provides us with guidance on formulating an alternative framework for sustainable development, it involves some serious problems. Some of these problems suggest the need for revisions, while others seem fatal to the definitions as they stand. This study argues that a different revision, suggested by the basic needs approach, can surmount the various problems, and present and defend a revised definition accordingly. The revised account recognises economic inequality and social injustice as the underlying causes for environmental injustice and thus appropriately focuses on the principles of environmental justice. This conveys a framework for corresponding systemically the interconnectedness between the seemingly competing aspects of sustainable development, the dynamic flux between development needs and environmental limits. I defend Attfield‘s version of biocentric consequentialism, which supplies a strong theoretical basis for such an ethically informed and comprehensive policy framework for sustainable development. Furthermore, I tackle different approaches to security and argue that it is hardly possible to attain a sustainable future,while disregarding the human security view in its wider sense. The study examines in close detail the applicability of the proposed policy framework for sustainable development to developing countries, with special reference to Bangladesh. It offers a list of recommendations for Bangladesh and concludes that a sustainable future for Bangladesh (and developing countries at large) is for the most part reliant on the successful implementation of recommendations of the broad general kind made in this study.
26
Blanes, Ramona. "Smart policy for public value : strategic management in public sector reform." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2017. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/8311/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explored the public value (PV) concept as strategic management to (re)introduce the concept of social responsibility and ethics within the public sector. Public sector governance relied on the assumption that the specific attributes of the various public sector governance approaches influenced public managers’ actions and decisions. The attributes of the management approach became more aligned with the PV concept as it moved along a public sector reform (PSR) continuum. To compare and contrast the PV concept in the various cultures and institutional settings through the lens of Intelligent Transportation Systems (ITS)-related policies and programmes, three countries at the different stages of PSR were chosen. The results showed there were varying degrees of PSR acceptance and compliance at the various government levels. Thus, more than one dominant PSR model existed simultaneously in a country. The extent to which the changes were accepted and complied with depended on several dynamics. Additionally, the results discovered that the PV concept influenced public managers’ practices despite the governance traditions. This discovery validated the fact that a country did not have to be at the most sophisticated PSR stage to strategise using the PV concept. Finally, the results supported the view that ITS enabled easy and continuous data collection for the public managers. This ease of data collection advanced the process of knowledge exchange to co-create/co-produce or share PV with the public. The knowledge collaboration and sharing could lead to innovation, sustainability and the perception of value by the public.
27
Nguyen, Van ha. "Stratégie d'industrialisation et compétitivité de l'économie vietnamienne." Phd thesis, Université d'Orléans, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00747149.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
L'objet de cette thèse est d'étudier la stratégie d'industrialisation du Vietnam, d'en déterminer les points communs et les spécificités, et d'en déduire des propositions normatives. Le premier chapitre met les stratégies d'industrialisation des pays asiatiques dans la perspective générale des modèles de rattrapage technologique, en insistant en particulier sur les cas du Japon et de la Corée,qui ont combiné une forte ouverture internationale, et un interventionnisme étatique important. Le deuxième chapitre présente la situation actuelle et l'évolution récente de l'économie vietnamienne. Il discute de son insertion dans le schéma de division du travail qui s'institue en Asie de l'Est, à partir du changement de la structure de son commerce extérieur. Les faiblesses de la politique industrielle vietnamienne et sa position défavorable dans le processus de rattrapage y sont aussi discutées. Le troisième chapitre porte sur les facteurs de compétitivité de l'économie vietnamienne, à partir d'un examen des indicateurs traditionnels de mesure de la compétitivité, et d'une enquête menée auprès d'entreprises vietnamiennes. Le quatrième chapitre évalue l'impact des Investissement directs étrangers (IDE) sur l'économie vietnamienne, en utilisant les statistiques disponibles et les résultats d'une enquête menée sur des entreprises ayant accueilli des IDE. Enfin le dernier chapitre discute de la possibilité de mise en œuvre d'une stratégie alternative de rattrapage, qui reposerait sur une participation à un modèle de production intégré, et non modulaire, et qui aboutirait à un meilleur partage des compétences et tâches avec un ou des pays à niveau technologique plus élevé.
28
Smuthkalin, Worawut. "Political regimes and welfare state development in East Asia how state leaders matter to social policy expansion in Taiwan, Thailand, and China /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3235349.
Повний текст джерела
29
Santalova, Antonina. "Exploring school autonomy frontiers in the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia – Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cb308da1-1314-43a0-aed5-d546feb08608.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study provides an empirical picture of the ways in which the New Public Management doctrine has been implemented in the context of post-Soviet states in Central Asia. Specifically, the data present evidence on the extent of school autonomy along six dimensions in the three states. The implications of the shift towards education decentralisation have been studied and explained. Based on a mixed method this evidence is drawn from three sources: surveys, interviews, and legislative analysis. With the research limitations in mind, based on the analysis undertaken, it is possible to identify some important messages regarding academic theory and education management practice. The first message is that neo-institutional theory, particularly historical institutionalism, has been supported by the evidence from the post-Soviet states. Despite quite diverse trajectories of the countries' political, economic and public sectors development over the last two decades, the policies promoted in education appear to be converging in both outputs and outcomes across the region. The three countries demonstrated persistent path-dependency through their inability to overcome institutional inertia, so that operational policy and structure dimensions have not been decentralized, combined with the effect of declining fiscal and bureaucratic capacity at the centre, so that managerial matters have been delegated to a school level. This trend was regional. The second message is that, the patterns observed in the three post-Soviet states displayed similarities to the patterns observed in education systems of the developed western democracies. Hence, the view that the structure of the post-communist welfare states is problematic, and that the particularities of their transition with budget cuts on top of the communist legacy and a hodge-podge of different approaches do not allow these states to be classified (cf. Orenstein 2008), has not been supported by the evidence. Education institutions in the three post-Soviet countries investigated conformed to a general West European pattern, although for different reasons.
30
Elizarni, FNU. "Gender, Conflict, Peace: The Roles of Feminist Popular Education During and After the Conflict in Aceh, Indonesia." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1605018870170842.
Повний текст джерела
31
Yen, Wei-Ting Yen. "Unstable Income and the Welfare State in Asia." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1533388469470047.
Повний текст джерела
32
Ilbiz, Ethem. "The impact of the European Union on Turkish counter-terrorism policy towards the Kurdistan Workers Party." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14280/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study seeks to examine the impact of the EU on Turkish counter-terrorism policies towards the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). It analyses what impact it has had within three distinct periods: the pre-Helsinki European Council (1984-1999) period, the post-Helsinki European Council (1999-2004) period, and the post-Brussels European Council (2004-2013) period. It conceptualizes and empirically investigates the EU’s norm diffusion role by relying on the concept of “Rule Adoption”, and by utilising two norm diffusion mechanisms: the “Conditionality” and the “Socialization” mechanism, and their domestic and EU-level determinants. The thesis argues that when the EU has promoted democratisation in Turkey, it has also implicitly impacted on Turkey’s counter-terrorism policies. It argues for this thesis by generalizing from the following empirical findings: When the EU has provided a credible membership prospect to Turkey, and when the PKK attacks have been at a low-level, then the EU conditionality mechanism has been influential on Turkey’s adoption of EU promoted norms. However, when there has been no membership prospect and high levels of PKK violence, it has been the openness of Turkish political actors that has resulted in rule adoption, in which the social learning of the Turkish political actors has led to the adoption of EU promoted norms as an appropriate way to solve existing terrorism problems.
33
Nguyen, Van ha. "Stratégie d'industrialisation et compétitivité de l'économie vietnamienne." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Orléans, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011ORLE0511.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
L’objet de cette thèse est d’étudier la stratégie d’industrialisation du Vietnam, d’en déterminer les points communs et les spécificités, et d’en déduire des propositions normatives. Le premier chapitre met les stratégies d’industrialisation des pays asiatiques dans la perspective générale des modèles de rattrapage technologique, en insistant en particulier sur les cas du Japon et de la Corée,qui ont combiné une forte ouverture internationale, et un interventionnisme étatique important. Le deuxième chapitre présente la situation actuelle et l’évolution récente de l’économie vietnamienne. Il discute de son insertion dans le schéma de division du travail qui s’institue en Asie de l’Est, à partir du changement de la structure de son commerce extérieur. Les faiblesses de la politique industrielle vietnamienne et sa position défavorable dans le processus de rattrapage y sont aussi discutées. Le troisième chapitre porte sur les facteurs de compétitivité de l’économie vietnamienne, à partir d’un examen des indicateurs traditionnels de mesure de la compétitivité, et d’une enquête menée auprès d’entreprises vietnamiennes. Le quatrième chapitre évalue l’impact des Investissement directs étrangers (IDE) sur l’économie vietnamienne, en utilisant les statistiques disponibles et les résultats d’une enquête menée sur des entreprises ayant accueilli des IDE. Enfin le dernier chapitre discute de la possibilité de mise en œuvre d’une stratégie alternative de rattrapage, qui reposerait sur une participation à un modèle de production intégré, et non modulaire, et qui aboutirait à un meilleur partage des compétences et tâches avec un ou des pays à niveau technologique plus élevéThe theme of this thesis is to study the strategy of industrialization of Vietnam, to determine its common points and specificities and to deduct normative propositions. The first chapter puts the strategies of industrialization of the Asian countries in the general prospect of technological catching up, by insisting on the cases of Japan and Korea in particular, which realize a mix of a international openness and an important state interventionism. The second chapter presents the current situation and the recent evolution of the Vietnamese economy. It discusses Vietnam’s insertion in the network ofEast Asian division of labour by studying the change in its foreign trade structure. The weaknesses of the Vietnamese industrial policy and its unfavourable position in the process of catching up are also controversial. The third chapter studies the factors of competitiveness of the Vietnamese economy from an examination of the traditional indicators of measure of the competitiveness and a survey about Vietnamese companies. The fourth chapter estimates the impact of the foreign direct investment (FDI)on the Vietnamese economy by using the available statistics and the results of a survey on companies having welcomed the FDI. Finally the last chapter discusses the possibility of implementation of analternative strategy of catching up, which would base on a participation in an integrated model of production, not modular and would end in a better division of the skills and the tasks with one orseveral countries at higher technological level
34
May, Farid. "Positive sum reciprocal engagement between China's grassroots NGOs and the local state." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d086ba14-6db3-47cb-a506-0730a467e851.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explores state-society relations in China by focusing on the interactions between grassroots NGOs and local government departments. It presents the notion of positive-sum reciprocal engagement as one form of relationship that can emerge between the state and social organizations. Such engagement can be characterized as a dynamic and interactive process implying proximity, communication, joint action, mutual influence, mutual benefit and mutual empowerment, resulting in added value for society. Drawing on fieldwork carried out in six rural or semi-rural Chinese localities, including interviews and questionnaires with local government departments and indigenous grassroots NGOs, this study seeks to identify the conditions under which positive-sum reciprocal engagement is likely to emerge. It finds that the presence of reformist officials, the strengthening of NGO capacity in framing issues to open social spaces and to engage in effective action while communicating the results of such action are particularly important to establishment of reciprocal engagement. Significant structural or contextual factors include positive associational experience and openness in the locality. This study also explores the extent to which grassroots NGOs are able to affect the formulation and implementation of policy at the local level, and finds policy influence to be one of the significant outcomes of positive-sum reciprocal engagement. One mechanism through which policy influence occurs is in the context of a mass-line model of communication, in which NGOs participate in discourses on social issues and act as channels for the conveyance of policy information and suggestions. Grassroots NGOs are also able to model innovations and contribute to policy formulation and reform in carrying out concrete programs, which is made possible by an environment characterized by policy flexibility and amenable to experimental points.
35
Halliru, Samir. "An investigation of lifelong learning : the policy context and the stories, pedagogies and transformational experience of young adults (a case study) in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30961/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Nigeria is beset with many educational, economic and social challenges, including poverty, unemployment, gender inequality, lack of skills and poor access to education, especially among young people. Lifelong learning is widely recognised as a means of addressing social injustices and economic instability in the 21st century. Although there has been much public discourse on lifelong learning (LLL) in Nigeria, the subject is under-researched. This study examines LLL policies and the practices that influence young adult engagement in lifelong learning, the pedagogies that influence the development of LLL skills, as well as the impact of lifelong learning on the transformation of young adults, and their communities in Nigeria. This study adopted a quasi-longitudinal case study that involved two methods of data collection: document analysis and semi-structured interviews, underpinned by a social constructivist perspective. The study involved analysis of three national policy documents in Nigeria: The National Policy on Education (2013); Nigeria-UNESCO: Revitalizing Adult and Youth Literacy (RAYL) (2012); and the National Universities Commission (NUC) Benchmark Minimum Academic Standards (BMAS) (2011). Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 40 participants: national level policymakers (n=4); students (n=16), graduates (n=12), instructors (n=5), and management level officials (n=3) drawn from one institute (YCV) in Katsina State, Nigeria. The YCV is an LLL initiative that attempts to address social injustices and develop individuals’ lifelong learning skills for personal and economic growth. The YCV is a successful adult education initiative that empowers distressed young adults in Nigeria. While in Nigeria the predominant goal of LLL are social justice and economic growth this research shows that lifelong learning is difficult to implement in Nigeria. The triggers for participation in LLL are life transitions such as divorce, examination failures and few opportunities to find employment which demoralise young adults, as well as a need to update knowledge and provide community services. The findings suggest that pedagogy of practice informed by critical pedagogy promotes lifelong learning skills, and that the principles of critical pedagogy can transform graduates into becoming economically and socially active individuals within a very challenging economic, political and social context. The study contributes to the existing literature about the potential of LLL based on critical pedagogy to offer transformational experiences to young adults/adults. These include economic and social transformation beyond self-transformation to promotion of peace building, societal cohesion, social security and community wellbeing; a transition from ‘learning to earning; and a way to rebuild lives after divorce, particularly for women. The study concluded that the challenges to implementing lifelong learning in Nigeria are not only cultural or peoples’ attitude to learning but structural and institutional. The study recommends that the implementation of LLL should take into account local knowledge and structures based on critical pedagogy to address internal challenges rather than being guided by internationally agreed development targets.
36
Lee, Sophia Seung-Yoon. "Labour market risks and institutional determinants : an international comparative study of institutions and non-standard employment with a focus on East Asia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:25328c2c-1db6-4ccb-ade3-78f2e05d7cad.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Korea and Japan stand out in the group of OECD countries for their rapid increase in, and high levels of, non-standard employment. The empirical evidence leads us to a two-part puzzle: Why are there so many precarious workers in Korea and Japan? And what are the institutional determinants of such labour market risks? This thesis commences by introducing the concept of 'risk shift', and the fuzzy-set ideal type approach is employed to conduct a comparative study of 18 countries. The labour market risks in Korea and Japan are then compared in an international context with 16 selected OECD countries. Fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis is employed to investigate the institutional determinants of labour market risks. It then focuses on the increase in non-standard employement in Korea and Japan. Taiwan is also included as a contrasting case, the study taking an institutional approach employing Comparative Historical Analysis. Chapters employing CHA examine how the different welfare production regimes evolved and how they matter in explaining the high rate of non-standard employment in East Asia. The new risk discussion, the argument on the definition and impact of deindustrialization and lastly theories on East Asian welfare states are revisited in the conclusion of this thesis. Finally, I critically discuss the notion of precarious workers and highlight the centrality of social policy that their organizational configuration affects political culture, the formation of the production system, the structure of the labour market and the kind of risk a country could experience.
37
Lall, Priya. "Susceptibility and vulnerability of Indian women to the impact of HIV/AIDS." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4da0b05-58f3-4e81-9ae1-80dc89beed87.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The objective of this thesis is to examine which socio-economic, structural and cultural factors may influence Indian women’s propensity to contract HIV and later their ability to access the relevant healthcare services for their condition. The research draws on two theoretical frameworks, the first being Barnett and Whiteside’s (2002) concept of social structural factors of disease transmission. Second, Anderson and Aday’s (1981) model of access examines how a variety of structural and resource-based factors, e.g. area of residence, can influence usage of healthcare facilities. Two stages of data analysis were undertaken, the first being secondary statistical analysis of the National Family Health Survey III. The survey provided state level estimates on the HIV sero-status of the general population in India and data on demographic and socio-economic determinants for family planning, nutrition, utilization of healthcare and emerging health issues. The second stage of analysis consisted of a set of qualitative interviews conducted in Andhra Pradesh, India. Thirty-three interviews were conducted with female sero-positive patients and ten with HIV-infected women who were providing social services to others with the same condition. Statistical results on social structural determinants of HIV transmission illustrated that Indian women who were formerly married (OR=5.27, CI=3.07-9.04), lived in higher prevalence states (OR=3.48, CI=2.19-5.54), had a low level of education (OR=2.27, CI=1.40-3.68) and were employed (OR=1.45, CI=0.96-2.18) had significantly (<.05) higher odds of being HIV-positive in comparison to those who were not. Findings in the qualitative phase of analysis were similar but participants’ narratives illustrated that their risk of contracting HIV begun before they even had the opportunity to seek a match as they seemed to live in communities with a high level of HIV prevalence. Many of the participants commented that there were factors outside of their sphere of control, e.g. lack of education, which resulted in them having a narrow choice of potential partners. Additionally, statistical results on female participants’ access to healthcare services indicated the vast majority of HIV-positive respondents were almost certainly not aware of their sero-status as they had not undertaken an HIV test prior to the survey. As the sample of female HIV infected respondents was relatively small, it was difficult to ascertain which social factors had an impact on these participants utilisation of HIV testing services. On the other hand, respondents’ narratives from the qualitative stage of research highlighted on social structural factors which could potentially influence WLHA’s continual utilisation of HIV-related healthcare services. It was found that participants experienced the most barriers to accessing healthcare facilities in the initial phases of their treatment. These barriers were mediated by the structure of healthcare services, culturally sanctioned medical practices (e.g. physicians refusal to inform the patient of their sero-status) and quality of services.
38
Oliveira, Júnior Márcio José de. "Entre as pegadas do dragão e os mapas do Sudeste Asiático: as relações entre Beijing e ASEAN no campo da segurança regional." Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, 2017. https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/18646.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Este trabalho tem como objetivo tentar explicar se e como as dinâmicas regionais impactariam nas decisões de política externa de Estados. Para isso, primeiramente tomaremos a Agenda de Regionalismo de Amitav Acharya como base para trabalharmos essa questão, tendo em vista suas possibilidades para que nossa hipótese e tema escolhidos sejam abordados de uma maneira mais completa. Em segundo lugar, avançaremos para o entendimento da ASEAN tendo em vista as disputas no Mar do Sul da China, sendo que em primeiro lugar focaremos na compreensão do processo de formação da ASEAN e, depois, da sua Agenda Regional de Segurança que permeia o pensamento dessa instituição sobre esses conflitos. Por último, analisaremos a relação da China com a ASEAN, tentando entender a maneira pela qual Beijing se insere nessa questão do Mar do Sul da China e como a mesma altera a sua visão sobre esse conflito após os anos 1990 utilizando a base metodológica fornecida pela Agenda de Regionalismo de Amitav Acharya.This dissertation has as objective to explain if and how the regional dynamics would impact the foreign policy decisions of States. To do this, we will first take Amitav Acharya's Regionalism Agenda as a basis for working on this issue, given its possibilities for our chosen hypothesis and theme to be addressed in a more complete way. Secondly, we will move forward to ASEAN's understanding of the disputes in the South China Sea, focusing first on understanding the ASEAN formation process and then on its Regional Security Agenda that permeates the thinking about these conflicts. Finally, we will look at China's relationship with ASEAN, trying to understand how Beijing addresses this issue of the South China Sea and how it alters its view on this conflict after the 1990s using the methodological basis provided by Regionalism Agenda constructed by Amitav Acharya.
Dissertação (Mestrado)
39
Robertson, Stephen Dixon. "Shobodan : an ethnographic history of Japan's community fire brigades." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1e7d92e5-97f5-4fe4-a6d3-2953c44b62ed.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis describes Japan's modern system of community fire brigades, a federated civilian paramilitary organization dedicated to localized fire prevention and response with a current active membership of over 800,000 men and women. Auxiliary firefighting institutions in Japan have had comparatively high rates of participation vis-à-vis those of other nations, but are now facing acute recruitment difficulties in the face of increased competition from alternative venues for civic engagement since the mid-1990s. This suggests both the tractability of civil society as an extra-statal sphere of institutionalized social organization as well as the inherent pluralism of its vernacular expression. I demonstrate that the nationalization of the fire brigade system in 1894 was predicated on the existence of an autonomous and normative sphere of age-graded practices of inter-household mutual aid in the villages of Tokugawa Japan. The gradual absorption and redirection of these practices into the nation-building projects of the Meiji state and its successors realized the creation of a functional emergency service organ with universal penetration at minimal expense. Nevertheless, drawing on Maurice Bloch's theory of rebounding violence, I argue that the secular rituals and state symbolism used to achieve this encompassment have conferred a legacy of structural ambivalence between civility and uncivility that continues to inform perceptions and representations of the brigade in public discourse. It follows that the phenomenon of organizational aging and questions of recruitment and succession should be seen as ideological in nature, rather than as simple indices of wider demographics or social transformation. This thesis is based on data collected during twenty months of research in Japan between 2008 and 2010, including eleven months of continuous participant observation with a brigade in Suwa District, Nagano Prefecture. Extensive ethnographic interviews with local firefighters, community members, and town officials are supplemented with data from primary and secondary historical sources, including online discussion forums. This thesis contributes to the literature on local voluntarism in Japan, as well as to the wider anthropological project of documenting non-western models of civil society.
40
Sharma, Reetu. "Coordination of frontline workers for improving the health of children in Rajasthan (India) : a case study." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:04fb82a2-5291-4233-9b52-e9b2656b5170.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
All governments aim to ensure better health and nutrition to children. The Rajasthan state (India) has implemented a unique frontline coordination model where Accredited Health Social Activist (ASHA) Sahyoginis are expected to support two other frontline workers (FLWs) i.e. the Anganwadi Workers from the Integrated Child Development Services and the Auxiliary Nurse Midwives from the Health department to improve child health. This thesis focuses on examining the existing coordination between the three groups of FLWs in Rajasthan by exploring FLWs' participation in child immunisation and Vitamin A supplementation (two common activities), service coverage and beneficiary's' knowledge (expected outcomes), and the challenges faced and areas that need improvement for better frontline coordination. A mixed methods design was used. Sixteen villages from two blocks (tribal and non-tribal) of Udaipur district (Rajasthan) were selected using multistage purposive sampling. The formative stage included 12 FLWs' in-depth interviews (IDIs) as well as a review of FLWs' job descriptions to understand the process and government expectations on their participation in routine childhood immunisation, polio camps, routine Vitamin A supplementation and Vitamin A campaigns. The next stage included data collection from the 16 selected villages i.e. structured questionnaire survey of FLWs (46), observations of Maternal and Child Health and Nutrition Day (16), review of FLWs' immunisation and Vitamin A registers (32) and a structured questionnaire survey of registered infants' mothers (321)-all to ascertain the actual participation of FLWs in these four activities and the outcomes. IDIs with FLWs (46) and FLWs' line managers (17) were conducted to understand their experience, issues and solutions for better frontline coordination. The participation of FLWs in three of the four activities (except Polio Camps) was found to be limited. The FLWs and their line managers were also dissatisfied with coordination between FLWs. Poor outcomes also indicated unsatisfactory coordination. Overall, frontline participation and outcomes were better in tribal than non-tribal villages. A variety of factors (i.e. personal, professional, organisational, and geo-socio-cultural) appeared to affect coordination between FLWs. Appropriate recruitment, training, monitoring and supervision and rewards to the FLWs along with greater political commitment for coordinated approached and addressing intra-departmental challenges are proposed to improve frontline coordination and child health in Rajasthan.
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Mai, Dan T. "Sustaining family life in rural China : reinterpreting filial piety in migrant Chinese families." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e679650-a857-4f3c-a5c1-770a1bff848e.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study explores the changing nature of filial piety in contemporary society in rural China. With the economic, social and political upheavals that followed the Revolution, can 'great peace under heaven' still be found for the rural Chinese family as in the traditional Confucian proverb,"make yourself useful, look after your family, look after your country, and all is peaceful under heaven"? This study explores this question, in terms not so much of financial prosperity, but of non-tangible cultural values of filial piety, changing familial and gender roles, and economic migration. In particular, it examines how macro level changes in economic, social and demographic policies have affected family life in rural China. The primary policies examined were collectivisation, the hukou registration system, marketization, and the One-Child policy. Ethnographic interviews reveal how migration has affected rural family structures beyond the usual quantifiable economic measures. Using the village of Meijia, Sichuan province, as a paradigmatic sample of family, where members have moved to work in the cities, leaving their children behind with the grandparents, the study demonstrates how migration and modernization are reshaping familial roles, changing filial expectations, reshuffling notions of care-taking, and transforming traditional views on the value of daughters and daughters-in-law. The study concludes that the choices families make around migration, child-rearing and elder-care cannot be fully explained by either an income diversification model or a survival model, but rather through notions of filial piety. Yet the concept of filial piety itself is changing, particularly in relation to gender and perceptions about the worth of daughters and the mother/ daughter-in-law relationship. Understanding these new family dynamics will be important for both policy planners and economic analysts.
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Mann, Philip A. G. "Achieving a mass-scale transition to clean cooking in India to improve public health." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:41ca7cfc-c3e2-43af-93ae-aab09f4e3178.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This research provides policy-relevant insights into how a mass-scale, equitable transition to the use of Advanced Biomass (cook) Stoves (ABSs) can be achieved in India, with the aim of improving public health, especially for women and children. The research uses socio-technical systems to provide a characterisation of transition processes, and governance to explain issues of power influencing transition. A review of previous government cook-stove programmes in India and China highlights governance shortcomings in the former, in particular a lack of functional links between layers of administration and poor engagement with community institutions and cooks. Primary data from West Bengal and Karnataka highlighted sophisticated, skilful, flexible and culturally context specific cooking practices. Reasons for apparent low demand for improved stoves, characterised as lock-in, are found to include a combination of risk aversion and habits, lack of affordability, low awareness of the health consequences, as well as a mis-match between the normative priorities of policy makers – currently health- and those of cooks. It is found that the majority of polluting emissions within households - as well as greenhouse gases - from cooking derive from poorer households. A sectoral carbon offset strategy is proposed as a means of funding subsidies for ABSs and programme support measures. Several large corporations have invested significant sums in technology development, community outreach and dissemination, resulting in sales of over 600,000 ABSs. Reasons for their involvement appear mixed. Their market-based activities have generally not reached poor households and there are questions about their ability to build viable businesses in this highly dispersed and heterogeneous sector. A fundamental dichotomy is highlighted between large, centralised cooking programmes and the diverse, complex and changing reality of cooking activities, beliefs and behaviours on the ground. The research concludes that functional multi-level and multi-actor governance structures would be required to achieve a mass-scale transition to clean cooking using ABSs, with a lead role for the public sector. A key component of future success will involve building structures that ensure the agency of cooks and account for their socio-cultural cooking practices in the processes of technology and programme design and implementation.
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Love, Kaleen E. "The politics of gender in a time of change : gender discourses, institutions, and identities in contemporary Indonesia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e7aea965-c1aa-43b0-bc76-3bc743e90879.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation fundamentally explores the nature of change, and the development interventions that aim to bring this change into a particular society. What emerges is the notion of a ‘spiral’: imagining the dynamic relationship between paradigms and discourses, the institutions and programmes operating in a place, and the way individual identities are constructed in intricate and contradictory ways. Within this spiral, discourse has power – ‘words matter’ – but equally significant is how these words interact dialogically with concrete social structures and institutions – ‘it takes more than changing words to change the world’. Furthermore, these changes are reacted to, and expressed in, the physical, sexed body. In essence, change is ideational, institutional, and embodied. To investigate the politics of change, this dissertation analyses the spiral relationships between gender discourses, institutions, and identities in contemporary Indonesia, focusing on their transmission across Java. It does so by exploring the Indonesian state’s gender policies in the context of globalisation, democratisation, and decentralisation. In this way, the lens of gender allows us to analyse the dynamic interactions between state and society, between ideas and institutions, which impact on everything from cultural structures to physical bodies. Research focuses on the gender policies of the Indonesian Ministry of Women’s Empowerment, substantiated with case study material from United Nations Population Fund reproductive health programmes in West Java. Employing a multi-level, multi-vocal theoretical framework, the thesis analyses gender discourses and relational structures (how discourses circulate to construct the Indonesian woman), gender institutions and social structures (how discourses are translated into programmes), and gender identities and embodied structures (how discourses enter the home and the body). Critically, studying gender requires analysing the human body as the site of both structural and symbolic power. This dissertation thus argues for renewed emphasis on a ‘politics of the body’, recognising that bodies are the material foundations from which gender discourses derive their naturalising power and hence ability to structure social relations. The danger of forgetting this politics of the body is that it allows for slippage between ‘gender’ and ‘women’; policy objectives cannot be disentangled from the reality of physical bodies and their social construction. This thesis therefore argues that there are distinct and even inverse impacts of gender policies in Indonesia. As the ‘liberal’ and ‘modern’ assumptions of gender equality are overlaid onto the patriarchal culture of a society undergoing transformation, women’s bodies and women’s sexuality are always and ever the focus of the social gaze. The gender policies and interventions affecting change on discursive and institutional levels may thus provoke reaction at the level of individual identities that are contrary to explicit intentions. In effect, projects that purport to work on ‘gender’ are often so deeply rooted in underlying gender normativity that their net effect is to reinscribe these gender hierarchies. By exposing the contradictions in these underlying paradigms we gain insight into the politics of a transforming society. Furthermore, engaging with the politics of the body allows us to analyse the spiral processes between discourse and practice, the question of power, and the way men and women embody social structures and experience social transformation.
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Motýlová, Ivana. "Bezpečnostní dimenze zahraniční politiky Jižní Koreje." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-149854.
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This diploma thesis analyses the security dimension of South Korea's foreign policy. This analysis is lead by the tools of realism theory: security dilemma, arms races and definition of the state as the main security actor. These tools are considered to be more suitable for the explication of this topic than the tools of social constructivism represented by the so called Copenhagen school and above all its security complex theory. The aim of this thesis is to prove that in the security area of South Korea's foreign policy, security is still viewed in the traditional realistic sense of a one-dimensional military-political security rather than the multi dimensional view of security prevailing in the international relations area since the Cold War end. In this thesis, South Korea's role in the international system is depicted with the emphasis on the security field from the beginning of the 20th century to the contemporary era. Furthermore, the close security area (East Asian region) and direct security area (North Korea) of South Korea are examined. The last chapter consists of an analysis of official government documents concerning the security dimension of current South Korea's foreign policy.
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Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.
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Haile, Yohannes. "Sustainable Value And Eco-Communal Management: Systemic Measures For The Outcome Of Renewable Energy Businesses In Developing, Emerging, And Developed Economies." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1459369970.
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Etmannski, Tamara R. "Accounting for sustainability in Bengal : examining arsenic mitigation technologies using Process Analysis Method." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:349d4c46-1259-49c1-be2b-46f2cb394894.
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This thesis shows how the Process Analysis Method (PAM) can be applied to assess technologies used to mitigate arsenic from drinking water in rural India, using a set of sustainability indicators. Stakeholder perspectives, gathered from a fieldwork survey of 933 households in West Bengal in 2012, played a significant role in this assessment. This research found that the ‘Most Important’ issues as specified by the technology users are cost, trust, distance from their home to the clean water source (an indicator of convenience), and understanding the health effects of arsenic. It was also found that none of the ten technologies evaluated are economically viable, as many do not charge user-fees, which creates reliance upon donations to meet recurring costs. Utilisation of a technology is strongly related to sociocultural capital, but in many cases, features that contribute to sociocultural value, like regular testing of the treated water, are not included in the financial budget. It is suggested that increased awareness might change attitudes to arsenic-rich waste and its disposal protocols. This waste is often currently discarded in an uncontrolled manner in the local environment, giving rise to the possibility of point-source recontamination. All technologies proved to have difficulties in dealing with waste, except the Tipot and Dug wells which produce no waste. Of the methods considered, the BESU technology scored highest, but still only with 47-62% of the maximum scores achievable within each domain. This explains the widespread failure of mitigation projects across the region. The indicators and metrics show where improvements can be made. A model scheme based on these findings is outlined which could be applied with the objective of increasing utilisation and improving sustainability. It can be concluded that a product stewardship approach should be taken in regard to design, implementation and operation of the technologies, including the creation of a regulated toxic waste collection and disposal industry.
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Lee, Szu-Hsien, and 李思嫺. "The Effects of Social Constructivism’s Idea Factors in Foreign Policy: A Case Study of China’s “Harmonious World” Policy in Asia-Pacific." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/28365782583815684933.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
碩士國立中正大學
戰略暨國際事務研究所
97
With the promotion of economics and global influence, the phenomenon of the rise of China, not only making identifies of itself in international society, but also affects the foreign policy making of each country in the world. In order to play a more important global actor, Hu Jintao calls for a foreign policy of harmonious world in 2005. The policy emphasizes that peace, cooperation, and development represent the main core value of the century. This thesis considers that China’s “Harmonious World” Policy is fulfilled characters of idea factor and non-material. Because of focusing on the material structure and ignoring the effect of the idea structure, neither the neo-realism which emphasizes the power factor nor the neo-liberalism which emphasizes the interest factor could explain the rise of China. The thesis considers that the social constructivism which emphasizes the force of the idea factor could be a more appropriate approach to analyze the rise of China’s hard power and soft power. The thesis grapples with the social constructivist perspective to explore how the cognitions and ideas of the harmonious created the China’s new national identity and image. It includes six chapters. Chapter one introduces the motives, the purposes of research, and literature reviews. Chapter two manifests the analysis structure and the research methods. In this chapter also demonstrates why the neo-realism and neo-liberalism which emphasizes the materials factors can’t be suitable to explain the “Harmonious World” Policy. Chapter three analyzes the “Harmonious World” Policy with the hypothesis of social constructivism. Moreover, the main purpose of chapter four and chapter five is to explore the practice of the “Harmonious World” Policy in Asia-Pacific area. The last chapter reviews the research findings and suggestions of this thesis.
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Siah, Shoo Lin. "Racing to the bottom or winners all round? : Southeast Asia’s economic development in the 1990s." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/69442.
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This thesis examines and compares economic and social development in developing Southeast Asia - Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, Cambodia, Lao’s People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar and Vietnam - focusing on the 1990s, and finds that in absolute terms there is no race. That is, whilst competing for foreign direct investments with other developing economies, economic development has not led to a downward pressure on income levels and nor has it increased poverty. This thesis shows that in the 1990s and at the turn of the new millennium there is evidence of declining poverty, improved healthcare and education facilities. It therefore concludes that there is no race tot he bottom in developing Southeast Asia, nor is the economic model of development adopted by the respective governments based solely on free-market economics (Neoliberalism) or is it purely protectionist (Keynesian); instead it has components of both. Importantly, the progress in developing Southeast Asia over the last 30 years, particularly in the 1990s, refutes anti-globalist claims that globalisation always leads to greater impoverishment in the developing world.Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2006
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Mclean, Craig. "R.G. Casey and Australian foreign policy engaging with China and Southeast Asia, 1951-1960 /." 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/15200/1/craig_mclean.pdf.
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The thesis is a study of Richard Casey and the Department of External Affairs in the 1950s, and the policies proposed or adopted by the Department in relation to three Asian nations: China, Indochina and Indonesia. This will illuminate the workings of a key government department that was at the front line of the early Cold War. The 1950s was a crucial decade in fostering relationships with Australia’s northern neighbours, many either emerging from, or fighting against, colonial rule. The actions of the Minister for External Affairs and his Department, whether positive or negative, would lay the foundations of Australian foreign policy for future decades. The thesis explores the ways in which Casey approached different regions in Asia in order to provide an analytical framework of how his policies toward Asia developed over time. The thesis examines whether Casey’s ideas about Asia were influenced by the particular circumstances of each country or whether other imperatives determined his approach to Asia. A study of Casey’s tenure in External Affairs will also involve an analysis of the level of support for Casey and his department both within Federal Cabinet and from Prime Minister Menzies.