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1
Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
2
Taranenko, Anna. "BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrainian sources regarding this topic demonstrates the interest of researchers in bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations. One of the important trends in world socio-political development is globalization processes. In this article the author examines the state of bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations at the present stage characterized by dynamic globalization rate. In the results of the conducted study one can note that currently there are certain obstacles to the effective development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and China, however at the same time there is sufficient potential for further intensification of bilateral relations between the indicated countries. On the basis of the analysis, one can conclude that among the successes of Ukraine's foreign policy over the past few years, one can identify the establishment of a fairly fruitful relationship with the People's Republic of China: cooperation in the agricultural and trade sectors, transport sphere, cultural exchanges. At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen the effective use of the foreign policy resource for more effective cooperation with the People's Republic of China — one of the most powerful current leaders of world economic development. It is important to avoid controversial military and political issues. It is vital to establish effective international cooperation with this country, which would allow achieving mutually beneficial goals. This is related to further research prospects concerning further development of Ukraine's relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, in particular with the states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation).
3
Baviera, Aileen S. P. "China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.
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This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the management of the South China Sea disputes. These initiatives are expected to provide a favorable external environment for the attainment of the “Chinese dream” and to pave the way for China to emerge into a position of global power and leadership. The article mainly focuses on what these initiatives may be signaling to China’s neighbors, and the subsequent implications for Southeast Asia and its relations with China. There are, for instance, some doubts as to whether China can be a reliable provider of security and stability as public goods in its own region if China itself is a key party in the territorial contentions and power rivalries that could be likely causes of conflict. The fact that China is still trying to defend primordial territorial and cultural-ideational interests, settle historical scores, and find an effective model for its domestic politics and governance that will serve its increasingly globalized economy, indicates that China may not be ready yet to make the sacrifices and compromises that will be required of regional — let alone global — leadership.
4
Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.
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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.
5
Ziegler, Charles E. "Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy." Asian Survey 53, no. 3 (May 2013): 484–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.3.484.
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This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.
6
Hevia, James L. "Tribute, Asymmetry, and Imperial Formations: Rethinking Relations of Power in East Asia." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 16, no. 1-2 (2009): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656109793645751.
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AbstractIn organizing the conference “History and China's Foreign Relations, ” John Wills set two difficult tasks for the participants. The first was to consider the role of the academy in U.S. policy-making toward China and surmise whether academics were more influential in John Fairbank's day than today. The second involved a consideration of the models or theoretical constructs used for characterizing China's relations with other countries. Although there is much to say about the relation between area studies and the state, my focus will be on the latter topic, models and theories of foreign relations.
7
Panda, Jagannath P. "China in SAARC." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600310.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Crafting interregional cooperation that involves China as a participant has been the hallmark of Chinese foreign policy in recent times. Though the Chinese involvement in South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is a statement of China’s adherence to the theory of multilateral practices; it is Beijing’s orderly contact with the SAARC members and systematic ‘good-neighbourhood’ policy that have fetched adequate space to China in South Asian politics today. Consequently, Beijing institutionalises the China–South Asia network through SAARC. In addition, the rise of China offers greater scope for both South Asia as a region and SAARC as an institution to expand and grow. Given the complexities that rising powers pose in global politics, it goes without mentioning that China in its affiliation to SAARC would aspire for a greater purpose in South Asia and that could shape the regional power politics in coming future.
8
Fernando, Sithara N. "China’s Relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600309.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
China’s contemporary relations with both Sri Lanka and the Maldives have been described as ‘models of good relations between small and big countries’. China has been an important trading partner for Sri Lanka, with a large and growing trade surplus in China’s favour in the last few years. At the same time it has also been a significant source of investment and foreign economic assistance to Sri Lanka. Similarly, while China enjoys a large surplus in its trade with the Maldives as well, it is also a significant source of economic assistance and tourism for the Maldives. Given that India is in many ways the preeminent power in South Asia, China’s relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives in the South Asian regional context have been analysed in terms of two ‘strategic triangles’: China–India–Sri Lanka and China–India–Maldives. What emerges from this analysis is that the sustenance of the cooperative momentum in the China-India relationship is crucial to the improvement of China’s relations with South Asia as a whole.
9
Tanner, Murray Scot. "China in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.19.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Surveying China in 2015, this article focuses on how the Xi leadership dealt with several of the most complex economic and security challenges it faced during the year, in particular: sustaining economic growth; responding to social unrest; confronting environmental problems; managing foreign relations in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea; reforming and modernizing the People’s Liberation Army; and managing cross-Strait relations.
10
Freeman, Carla P. "China’s ‘regionalism foreign policy’ and China-India relations in South Asia." Contemporary Politics 24, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2017.1408168.
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11
Ding, Sheng. "China Among Unequals: Asymmetric Foreign Relations in Asia by Brantly Womack." China Review International 19, no. 1 (2012): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2012.0014.
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Petrunina, Zhanna V. "on china’s foreign POLICY IN SOUTHern ASIA: China-Pakistan relations today." Scholarly Notes of Komsomolsk-na-Amure State Technical University 2, no. 21 (January 30, 2015): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17084/2015.i-2(21).4.
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13
Rogozhina, Natalia G. "The Mask Diplomacy of China in Southeast Asia." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-073-081.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article notes that China's mask diplomacy in Southeast Asia is an integral part of its foreign policy aimed at strengthening its positions in the region by increasing the level of confidence. By providing assistance to Southeast Asian countries in the fight against COVID-19, China hopes to improve its image of a “benevolent” neighbor in the region. At the same time, the priority was given to those countries of Southeast Asia with which the closest relations have developed and which are participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. In the development of the achieved success in mask diplomacy, China is moving to the implementation of the so-called vaccine diplomacy in Southeast Asia. However, despite the currently pronounced humanitarian orientation of China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia, the continuing territorial conflict in the South China Sea plays against its positive image in the region as “generous sponsor”. Time will tell whether mask diplomacy will help China gain an edge in the competition for influence in the region. But one thing is clear – China is acting decisively and does not miss a single chance to provide support for the countries of Southeast Asia in the competition with the United States.
14
Keith, Ronald C. "Review: Asia: The Making of Foreign Policy in China." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 2 (June 1986): 468–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100213.
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15
Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya. "The Two Faces of Russia Foreign Policy toward China and Taiwan." Global Focus 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.5.
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Russia, as one of the key actors in international politics, faces problematic issues in Chinese-Taiwan Relations. As a significant player, Russia reserves a close and stable relationship with China. However, Russia could not avoid Taiwan's significant role in Northeast Asia, especially its role in allying with the West. Taiwan undoubtedly offers a promising prospect for the Russian economy, but political relations with Taiwan could not significantly contribute to Russian FP. In this paper, Russian foreign policy will be examined on both sides, Russian foreign policy toward China and Russian foreign policy toward Taiwan. The purposes of this paper are trying to analyze the Russian foreign policy dilemma toward China-Taiwan relation. The analysis of this paper will focus on President Vladimir Putin as the decision-maker and explore all circumstances that will influence the decision-making process. The level of analysis implemented in this paper is domestic politics that significantly contribute to Russian foreign policy decision-making. This paper will gather secondary data from the news, journal, and book as the primary sources. The paper's outcome is analyzing Russian foreign policy's dilemma and exploring how Russian foreign policy toward current dynamics of China-Taiwan Relations.
16
Ishaque, Waseem, Rizwana Karim Abbasi, and Usha Rehman. "Comparative Analysis of the US and Chinese Foreign Policy Towards South Asia; Implications for Pakistan." Global Regional Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-iv).01.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
South Asia has its geopolitical significance due to its proximity with the oil-rich Middle Eastern States, natural resourcerich Central Asia and economically developed states of South-East Asian States. South Asia has two nuclear states; Pakistan and India. Since the end of 2nd World War, the USA has been present which has provided stability to this region. The USA had extended its investment and aid to Pakistan in during cold war which had maintained a Balance of Power between India and Pakistan. U.S. articulated response against Soviet invasion in 1979 and later entered in Afghanistan in 2001 on the pretext of WoT. Chinese foreign policy has fostered stability in South Asian region. Through its "Win-Win" policy, China has very firm economic relations with all South Asian states. Through BRI, China wants economic prosperity in the South Asian region. In such environments, Pakistan must have to act pragmatically, avoiding zero-sum policy.
17
Kukreja, Veena. "India in the Emergent Multipolar World Order: Dynamics and Strategic Challenges." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 1 (March 2020): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419901187.
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India has a middle power status and a rising power mindset. The emerging multipolar world manifests opportunities as well as challenges to India’s foreign policy. The newness quotient is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘economy first’ approach rooted in his desire to create external conditions necessary to ensure domestic economic progress. He has displayed dynamism while engaging all major powers, promoting and reintegrating India with the global economy, promoting greater cooperation with South Asian neighbours and renewing strategic connections in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa. Pragmatism in India’s foreign policy is seen in Indo–US relations reaching a new level or in cooperation with China on climate change while opposing its territorial claims in the South China Sea and One Belt One Road Project. To counter China, India has sought close strategic partnerships with the USA and its allies and main partners in Asia-Pacific while retaining its strategic autonomy. A major challenge to India’s foreign policy is the downward spiral of relations with Pakistan.
18
Dadparvar, Shabnam, and Hamidreza Azizi. "Confucian Influence: The Place of Soft Power in China’s Strategy Towards Central Asia." China Report 55, no. 4 (November 2019): 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519875233.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
China has traditionally had close relations with Central Asia for quite a long time. The main reasons for this are probably their social, cultural, and demographic bonds, as well as geographical proximity, providing China with a different status in Central Asia from those of the other regions in the world. These bonds have also been strengthened by the ancient Silk Road, beginning in China and passing through Central Asia and Iran towards Europe. Cultural relations, in general, and China’s attempt to expand its means of soft power in the region, in particular, have been a significant aspect of the ties between China and the Central Asian countries. It has drawn attention, especially over the recent decade, and has manifested in various forms. By focussing on the dimension of relations between China and the Central Asian countries, this article addresses the question of what does China try to achieve by expanding its soft power in Central Asia? The article argues that China has focussed on the expansion of its soft power and the consolidation of cultural ties with the Central Asian countries to expand its influence in the region and, eventually, to rise as a new centre of power in the international system. Following a conceptual discussion on the definition of soft power, the article analyses the status of soft power in China’s foreign policy and then, the representations of China’s soft power in Central Asia. Finally, the essay discusses the effects of the soft power factor on the expansion of Chinese influence in the region.
19
Samphantharak, Krislert. "The Rise of China and Foreign Direct Investment from Southeast Asia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000204.
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This paper discusses foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia to China. With the exception of some government-linked companies, most investments from Southeast Asia have been dominated by the region's overseas Chinese businesses. In addition to cheap labour costs, large domestic market and growing economy, China has provided business opportunities to investors from Southeast Asia thanks to their geographic proximity and ethnic connections, at least during the initial investment period. However, the network effects seem to decline soon after. As the Chinese economy becomes more globalised and more competitive, the success of foreign investment in China will increasingly depend on business competency rather than ethnic relations.
20
Khudoliy, Anatoliy. "Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
21
Cai, Penghong. "The South China Sea: Troubled Waters in China-U.S. Relations." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (January 2017): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500130.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Similar to his foreign policy and strategic thinking, President Trump’s South China Sea policy features strong uncertainty. The new president is keen on enhancing U.S. military strength, but often uses “suspense” to achieve better deals on the negotiation table. Whether the practice can be directly linked to the rebalancing strategy is uncertain, but it can be said that the Trump administration is seeking peace through stronger military power, which will exert complex impact on the security situation of the South China Sea as well as the rest of the Asia-Pacific region. President Trump believes that the United States should consolidate its maritime supremacy in the Asia-Pacific, yet seeking confrontation and conflicts is by no means a policy option for the United States to maintain its regional hegemony. In comparison, China’s approach to resolving disputes and the security dilemma with the United States is to seek common ground while shelving disputes. Both countries should try to enhance their mutual understanding on the South China Sea issue for sustainable development of China-U.S. relations.
22
Tingting, F. "Energy Factor in PRC’s Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2011): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-87-90.
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In recent years, China’s fast-growing economy has fuelled the demand for energy. For China energy policy becomes not only a part of foreign policy and diplomacy, but also part of the state development strategy. The article explores the main directions of China's energy policy at the present stage. A detailed analysis of energy factors in Chinese foreign policy at the present stage is undertaken. A particular attention is paid to the main vectors of energy cooperation between China and other countries and regions: Middle East, Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Russia.
23
NELSON, TRAVIS, and MATTHEW CARLSON. "Charmed by China? Popular Perceptions of Chinese Influence in Asia." Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 477–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000230.
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AbstractChinese influence in Asia is complicated by many factors. There are those who argue that China's growing military and economic power make this influence an automatic threat, while others maintain that China's recent attempts at a ‘charm offensive’ mute this threat and have succeeded in creating a positive image for many of its regional neighbors. Drawing on survey data collected across 23 countries, we enter this debate by asking what individuals in and across Asia think about Chinese influence. Do they see this influence as positive or negative? What factors at the individual and national levels most clearly shape their perceptions? Using multilevel statistical analysis, we find that Asian opinions of Chinese influence are on the whole quite positive and are influenced by a range of factors, including foreign policy interest, national identification, foreign contact, and recent military conflict.
24
Ng, Beoy Kui. "The Economic Rise of China: Its Threats and Opportunities from the Perspective of Southeast Asia." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 25 (February 5, 2008): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v25i0.1427.
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Abstract
The purpose of the paper is to examine the economic impact of China on Southeast Asian countries, mainly in terms of trade and investment. The paper attempts to examine whether the rise of China poses a threat to Southeast Asia as a region in the area of international trade, especially competition in third country markets, and asks, can they be friends and allies rather than competitors in international market? Secondly, the paper also questions if the concentration of foreign direct investment (FDI) in China is resulting in a diversion of FDI away from the region. Do FDI in China and Southeast Asia complement one another when it comes to the international division of labour? On the other hand, the increasing role of China as an international trader and global investor provides an opportunity for Southeast Asia countries to integrate with the Chinese economy. The huge domestic market of China also provides vast opportunities for investment, especially through connections with their respective ethnic Chinese businesses in the region. The overall assessment is that the rise of China will benefit Southeast Asian countries, especially in terms of China's role in the Asian production network, destination for investment, its outward investment and more importantly, its huge and growing domestic market. All these turn China into another driver for economic growth in Asia.
Keywords: China, FDI flows, Southeast Asia, trade, investment, Asia production networks.
25
Antonopoulos, Paul. "The Kangaroo, the Bear, and the Dragon: Australia-Russia-China Relations in the “Asian Century”." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 03 (January 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500208.
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With Australia and Russia increasingly seeing their future in the Asia-Pacific, neither can reach its full economic potential except under the guidance of Beijing’s control of ports on its “Maritime Silk Road.” Cold War clichés of the “Yankee lapdog” and the big bad “Russian bear” continue to dominate how Canberra and Moscow view each other. Yet when it comes to the future of Australia-Russia-China relations, one must look beyond Moscow, Beijing, and Canberra, but rather at Vladivostok and Darwin, symbols of an as-yet unrealized goal to shift emphasis onto each country’s sparsely-populated regions bordering the Asia-Pacific. With the dawning of the “Asian Century,” how does the United States change the geopolitical dynamics of the region, and how do China, Russia, and Australia react to “America’s Pacific Century”? Rather than a capitulation to America’s aggressive posture in the Asia-Pacific, China and Russia have consolidated the integration of their economies and militaries to counter such penetration. This emerging rivalry creates a challenge for Australia to balance its military alliance with the United States and its economic reliance on China. The necessity of finetuning this balance should be Canberra’s primary foreign policy issue.
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Wong, Pak Nung, and Wai Kay Ricky Yue. "U.S.-China Containment and Counter-Containment in Southeast Asia." African and Asian Studies 13, no. 1-2 (May 9, 2014): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341284.
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AbstractIn 2011, the United States of America (u.s.) adopted the “pivot to Asia” (also known as “return to Asia”) foreign policy. In order to provide a critique of this apparent policy change, this paper has two aims. First, we will contextualize such policy agenda against the Anglo-American strategic culture of “containment” as a strand of geopolitical realism and a foreign policy practice against communism. Second, by providing a case study on the changing relations between the Union of Myanmar (Burma), the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America, we will characterizeu.s.containment and China’s counter-containment strategies through the lens of Suntzu’sArt of War.
27
Berdiyev, Ahmet, and Nurettin Can. "THE IMPORTANCE OF CENTRAL ASIA IN CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY AND BEIJING’S SOFT POWER INSTRUMENTS." Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, no. 4 (December 17, 2020): 015–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.4.02.
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Throughout history, Central Asia was seen as a vital region by the great powers that struggled for the influence in this region in the past. After the breakdown of the Soviet Union, new independent states have emerged in Central Asia. This article provides an analysis of China’s implementation of foreign policy towards Central Asian states through soft power. China recently implemented the idea of soft power as a crucial foreign policy instrument. The study focuses on the fact that soft diplomacy can be essential in forming an attractive image of China in the international arena. Furthermore, it argues that China’s ambition to become more authoritative in the region is associated with the activation of efforts in its soft power policy. Employment of soft power is entirely determined by China’s national interests. It is in China’s national interests to establish a secure and peaceful climate for its economic advance, to adjust its vast and growing energy needs, and to curtail the domination of other powerful actors. Thus, this article offers an analysis of China’s soft power and its application within the Central Asian region in pursuit of its foreign policy tasks. The paper aims to solve the following problem: What is China’s soft power and how does it use it in the Central Asian states? To address the problem, we compare Chinese soft power to the policy of other regional actors. The goal is to study China’s foreign policy in Central Asia, with the purpose of highlighting Chinese political strategy in the region. The article begins with the discussion of China’s foreign policy chief aims and objectives to understand the meaning of good neighborhood diplomacy, which forms the basis of China’s soft power diplomacy in Central Asia.
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Wang, Dong. "Is China Trying to Push the U.S. out of East Asia?" China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, no. 01 (April 2015): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500049.
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One of the key questions for understanding the future trajectory of regional order is whether or not China is trying to push the United States out of East Asia and build a China-dominated regional order. Some Western analysts accuse China of pursuing the Monroe Doctrine and excluding the United States from the region. This article argues that the Western discourse of China practicing the Monroe Doctrine is a misplaced characterization of China's behavior. Rather than having intention of pushing the United States out of East Asia and build a China-dominated regional order, China is pursuing a hedging strategy that aims at minimizing strategic risks, increasing freedom of action, diversifying strategic options, and shaping the U.S.' preferences and choices. This can be exemplified in five issue areas: China's ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and China's foreign policy activism, China-Russia relations, the Conference on Interactions and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA) and the New Asian Security Concept, as well as China-U.S. relations. Beijing has explicitly acknowledged the U.S. predominance in the international system and reiterated its willingness to participate in and reform the existing system. It concludes by suggesting that, for a more peaceful future to emerge in East Asia, the United States and China, as an incumbent power and a rising power, will have to accommodate each other, and negotiate and renegotiate the boundaries of their relative power, as well as their respective roles in the future regional order where Beijing and Washington would learn to share responsibilities and leadership.
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Chantasasawat, Busakorn, K. C. Fung, Hitomi Iizaka, and Alan Siu. "The Giant Sucking Sound: Is China Diverting Foreign Direct Investment from Other Asian Economies?" Asian Economic Papers 3, no. 3 (September 2004): 122–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1535351054825201.
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This paper attempts to determine empirically whether China is taking foreign direct investment (FDI) away from other Asian economies (the “China effect”). A random-effects simultaneous equation model, controlling for the determinants of inward FDI of eight East and Southeast Asian economies over 1985–2001 and using China's inward FDI as an indicator of the China effect, indicates that China's FDI level is positively related to these economies' FDI levels and negatively related to their shares in FDI in Asia. Moreover, openness, corporate tax rates, and corruption can exert a greater influence on these countries' FDI than China's FDI.
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ZHENG, Yongnian, Liang Fook LYE, and Gang CHEN. "China's Foreign Policy: Coping with Shifting Geopolitics and Maintaining Stable External Relations." East Asian Policy 04, no. 01 (January 2012): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000037.
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China's foremost foreign policy challenge in 2011 was to grapple with an increased American presence in the Asia-Pacific which has affected the dynamics of big power relations in the region. China, nevertheless, did not overreact but sought stable ties with major powers and friendly cooperation with its neighbours. It also tempered expectations of its role in the eurozone debt situation. With an impending leadership succession in 2012, China will place a premium on maintaining a stable external environment.
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Li, He. "China’s economic statecraft toward East Asia." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2020-0010.
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Purpose Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China’s foreign policy and has played a vital role in China’s relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today’s world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study is to re‐examine this picture by studying China’s economic statecraft in the region. Design/methodology/approach This paper will address following research questions: How does the Chinese foreign economic policy serve its political aspirations in East Asia? Why has China increasingly relied on a combination of economic pressures and incentives to achieve its foreign policy objectives? How effective is China’s economic diplomacy as a strategic weapon? What are the limitations of such policy? What challenges does Beijing face in exercising its economic power in East Asia? Findings Beijing has a comprehensive, long-term grand strategy in Asia, and economic statecraft is a major component of it. Economic statecraft is a double-edged sword. It has given the People’s Republic of China more political influence but frictions and disputes between China and its trading partners are growing as well. Even with the slower growth of the Chinese economy, China will continue to be a game changer for the region. The economic diplomacy has long been part of the foreign policy toolkit used by the People’s Republic of China and will play more important role in the years to come. Research limitations/implications Thus far, China’s expanding economic ties with many countries in the world have not generated significant spillover effects. Although China is the dominant economic partner for every country in East Asia, its “soft power” remains to be weak. With the slower growth of the Chinese economy, another looming issue is whether China is going to be able to make a shift away from a trade- and export-led growth model that brought its dramatic economic success. All these could lead China’s economic statecraft less potent. Meanwhile, it should be noted that Asian economies that once relied on the USA are reaching a turning point as China comes to the fore, a trend that may challenge the existing international order. Should this momentum continue, it could alter the balance of power between Washington and Beijing in the region. Practical implications For Beijing, economic statecraft concerns both the economic dimension of foreign policy and the strategic dimension of economic policy. Although there is a growing literature on China’s soft power and military capabilities, the study of the economic dimensions of China’s foreign policy remains underdeveloped. With rising confidence and sophistication, Beijing has deployed economic resources to achieve geopolitical aims. Originality/value Needless to say, China’s economic statecraft has already triggered heated debate in the United States, Asia and elsewhere in the international community. However, the study of the Chinese economic diplomacy has received relatively little scholarly attention in the English-speaking world. This paper will fill a gap in the analysis and literature.
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Fedorovskii, Aleksandr Nikolaevich. "Priorities of the Republic of Korea in Integration Projects." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-144-157.
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The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign partners agreed to open their markets to South Korean export. The paper describes role of bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and regional mega-projects in South Korea’s foreign economic diplomacy. Comparison study of bilateral Free Trade Agreements between the Republic of Korea on the one side, European Union, the USA and China on the other sides. The author characterizes growing role of China and other East Asian countries for South Korean economy the ROK-China Free Trade Agreement, including some obstacles and limitations to upgrade development of bilateral economic exchanges. Special attention paid to positive and negative factors, influenced on economic integrations between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The paper describes Seoul’s interests in economic integration projects in East Asia, including involvement in joint economic projects with ASEAN. The author analyses the Republic of Korea’s attitude to regional mega-projects in Asia-Pacific region such as Trans-Pacific Partnership. Finally the article describes modern stage and possible development of Russia-South Korea economic relations and contains forecast of the main trends of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects in East Asia and in Asia-Pacific region in general.
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Shaikh, Khalil ur Rehman. "FOREIGN POLICY OF JAPAN." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2333.
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In post war era, Japan emerged as a pacifist country. The constitution of Japan restrained from developing armed forces for offensive but permitted only for defensive purpose. Thus, Japan raised Self Defense Force. This posture greatly contributed in its emergence as world economic power. In post-cold war period, Japan appeared with advanced step in its foreign policy and sent its forces abroad as a part of UN Peace Keeping Force abroad. It little questioned the objective of creating SDF. 9/11 incidents changed the global politics. Japanese citizens also fall prey to it. Japan joined coalition on War on Terror and helped to fight against terrorism. In post 9/11, Japan has improved its relations with China despite territorial dispute. However, it plays its role in global political, economic, cultural and strategic areas.
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Kryzhko, E. V., and P. I. Pashkovsky. "Features of the US Foreign Policy Towards the Central Asian States." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 1 (June 12, 2021): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-1-65-81.
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The article examines the features of the US foreign policy towards the Central Asian states in the post-bipolar period. The imperatives and constants, as well as the transformation of Washington’s Central Asian policy, have been characterized. It is shown that five Central Asian states have been in the focus of American foreign policy over the past thirty years. In the process of shaping the US foreign policy in Central Asia, the presence of significant reserves of energy and mineral resources in the region was of great importance. Therefore, rivalry for Caspian energy resources and their transportation routes came to the fore. In addition to diversifying transport and logistics flows and supporting American companies, the US energy policy in Central Asia was aimed at preventing the restoration of Russia’s economic and political influence, as well as countering the penetration of China, which is interested in economic cooperation with the countries of the region. During the period under review, the following transformation of mechanisms and means of Washington’s policy in the Central Asian direction was observed: the policy of “exporting democracy”; attempts to “nurture” the pro-American elite; striving to divide states into separate groups with permanent “appointment” of leaders; involvement in a unified military system to combat terrorism; impact on the consciousness of the population in order to destabilize geopolitical rivals; building cooperation on a pragmatic basis due to internal difficulties and external constraints. Central Asian states sympathized with the American course because of their interest in technology and investment. At the same time, these states in every possible way distanced themselves from the impulses of “democratization” from Washington. Kazakhstan was a permanent regional ally of the United States, to which Uzbekistan was striving to join. The second echelon in relations with the American side was occupied by Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. A feature of the positions of the Central Asian countries is the maximum benefit from cooperation with Washington while building good-neighborly relations with Russia and China, which is in dissonance with the regional imperatives of the United States. In the future, the American strategy in Central Asia will presumably proceed from the expediency of attracting regional allies and stimulating contradictions in order to contain geopolitical rivals in the region.
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Kireeva, A. A. "RUSSIA AND EAST ASIA: NEW OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-9-19.
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The article focuses on major dimensions, achievements, challenges and prospects of relations between Russia and East Asia. Strategic importance of the region is shaped by East Asia's increasing role in world politics and economy as well as by its appeal for Russia's modernization agenda. Russia's great power status rests upon the effectiveness of its East Asian policy and development model of Siberia and the Russian Far East. Russia's positions in East Asia have improved substantially over the 2000s. However, its involvement in regional economic interaction is still insignificant and Russia cannot be regarded as a full-fledged regional player in this domain. Russian-Chinese strategic partnership has been the axis of Russia's East Asian foreign policy, though overdependence on China threatens Russia's independent policy in the region and encourages Russia to search for ways to diversify its ties. Russia's national interests reside in multivector policy, aimed at developing substantive relations not only with China but also with Japan, South Korea, ASEAN (Vietnam in the first place) and India along with Russia's involvement in the resolution of Korean nuclear crisis. The rise of China and the US counter-offensive have resulted in a changing strategic environment in East Asia. A need for balancing between the US and China has brought about ASEAN countries' desire to welcome Russia as a "balancer" or an "honest player" in the region. It corresponds with Russia's course on playing a greater role in regional cooperation and integration. Russia's improving ties in political, economic, energy and security dimensions have the potential to contribute to the stability of the emerging polycentric regional order in East Asia and development of Russia's regions of Siberia and the Far East.
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Zongze, Ruan, and Debasish Chaudhuri. "Contemporary International Situation and China-Russia-India Relations." China Report 41, no. 4 (October 2005): 375–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550504100402.
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The trend of Bush's policy and its impact in international affairs is worth noting during the second presidential term of George Bush. The US, besides persisting in pushing forward its ‘democratisation plan in the greater Middle East’, has been intensifying its attempt to penetrate into Central Asia. For some time now, the main focus of US foreign policy has been Iraq, the Gulf and the Middle East, but it has given equal importance to containing the so-called ‘North Korean nuclear weapon’ and to the ‘Iranian nuclear issue’. There were new developments in China-Russia-India tripartite relations. China and India agreed to establish a strategic partnership, greatly promoting bilateral relations between them. The developmental process in these countries, Russia-China and India, has provided ample scope for strengthening trilateral cooperation among them.
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Malysheva, D. "International Political Competition in the Post-Soviet Central Asian Space." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-106-115.
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The article analyzes the innovations that determine the main directions and specific characteristics of international political competition in Central Asia. Particular attention is paid to political alternatives presented by the leading partners of the Central Asian countries – Russia, China, Turkey and Iran. In the context of the rivalry unfolding in the post-Soviet Central Asian space, the multi-vector policy of the five Central Asian states opens up a “window of opportunity” for various external forces to influence political and economic processes in the region in such a way that its states become objects of multilateral contention. Russia, which has the most powerful economic and military-political resource in the CIS, has a serious potential to promote its interests in Central Asia. They are primarily aiming at maintaining political stability in the Asian part of the post-Soviet space. Russia is also initiating many integration innovations in Central Asia, developing military cooperation with the countries of the region. At the same time, in Central Asia, Russia is confronted by rival forces. In the forefront is China. This great power has significantly expanded its influence in Central Asia, especially within the framework of the One Belt, One Road initiative. Economic, political, and cultural structures operating in Central Asia under the aegis of Turkey act often as alternatives to Russian integration projects. But Turkey, like Iran, has restrictions on its activities in Central Asia. Therefore, the effectiveness of the policy of these large Middle Eastern states is lower than that of Russia and China. China, Russia, and Iran are motivated to limit US influence in Eurasia, which occasionally drives them closer. In a sense, Turkey agrees with the idea of reducing the political presence of non-regional states in Central Asia. But when the US ceases to be a priority in the foreign policy of all four states, the rivalry between them may re-emerge. This will inevitably lead to a clash of interests, an increase in competition of ideas, integration projects, political and military strategies.
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ZHENG, Yongnian, Liang Fook LYE, and Gang CHEN. "China's Foreign Policy: Responding to the US Pivot to Asia and Managing Differences with its Neighbours." East Asian Policy 05, no. 01 (January 2013): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930513000020.
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China devoted much effort to manage its relations with Asia-Pacific countries in 2012 due to the US pivot to the region. China views the military-centric focus of the US pivot as directed at China and as emboldening regional countries to be more assertive in their territorial claims vis-à-vis China. In 2013, the Chinese leadership will likely strike a balance between seeking a stable external environment and standing firm on issues concerning China's national interests.
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Chung, Chien-Peng. "Japan's Involvement in Asia-Centered Regional Forums in the Context of Relations with China and the United States." Asian Survey 51, no. 3 (May 1, 2011): 407–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.3.407.
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Against China's attempts at cultivating multilateral forums to augment and institutionalize its influence in Central, Northeast, and Southeast Asia, Japan's major foreign policy challenge now is how to secure its own interests in these forums while balancing its relations with China and the United States.
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Ngoei, Wen-Qing. "There and back again: What the Cold War for Southeast Asia can teach us about Sino-US competition in the region today." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 2 (June 2019): 301–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019855352.
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This essay examines how the history of the Cold War in Southeast Asia has shaped, and will likely continue to shape, the current Sino-US rivalry in the region. Expert commentary today typically focuses on the agendas and actions of the two big powers, the United States and China, which actually risks missing the bigger picture. During the Cold War, leaders of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) played a critical role in containing Chinese influence, shaping the terms of Sino-US competition and rapprochement, and deepening the US presence in Southeast Asia. The legacy of ASEAN’s foreign relations during and since the Cold War imposes constraints on Chinese regional ambitions today, which militates against the popular notion that Chinese hegemony in East and Southeast Asia is inevitable. This essay underscores that current analyses of the brewing crisis in and around the South China Sea must routinely look beyond the two superpowers to the under-appreciated agency of small- and middle-sized ASEAN actors who, in reality, are the ones who hold the fate of the region in their hands.
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Sutter, Robert. "Myanmar in Contemporary Chinese Foreign Policy – Strengthening Common Ground, Managing Differences." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100103.
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This assessment first briefly examines recent features of China's approach to foreign affairs, and then examines in greater detail features in China's approach to relations with its neighbours, especially in Southeast Asia. It does so in order to discern prevailing patterns in Chinese foreign relations and to determine in the review of salient recent China–Myanmar developments in the concluding section how China's approach to Myanmar compares with Chinese relations with other regional countries and more broadly. The assessment shows that the strengths and weaknesses of China's recent relations with Myanmar are more or less consistent with the strengths and weaknesses of China's broader approach to Southeast Asia and international affairs more generally. On the one hand, China's approach to Myanmar, like its approach to most of the states around its periphery, has witnessed significant advances and growing interdependence in the post-Cold War period. On the other hand, mutual suspicions stemming from negative historical experiences and salient differences require attentive management by Chinese officials and appear unlikely to fade soon.
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Volodin, A. "Evolution of Indian Foreign Policy Strategy." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2013): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2013-2-93-102.
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A comlex of Indian foreign policy problems is analyzed in the article in a broad historical context. The emphasis is made on the fact that the transfer of economic growth centers from the North-Atlantic space to the Asia-Pacific Region resulted in a greater attention to the forming alignment of geopolitical forces in the Region, primarily in the triangle India–China–USA. The author draws two conclusions relevant to the foreign policy of Russia.
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Bao, Barack Lujia. "Trilateral relations among China, Nepal and India: Opportunities, Challenges and Prospects." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 4, no. 7 (July 30, 2021): 05–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.4.7.2.
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Through multiple cases, comparative analysis, and empirical analysis, the purpose of this essay attempts to examine the triangular interaction among China, India and Nepal from the geopolitical and geoeconomic perspectives. It can be observed that the progress over intensive cultural exchanges among China, Nepal and India has been a little bit more noticeable and more substantive than interstate economic engagement. The comparison between the China-initiating Belt and Road Initiative and India’s neighbourhood policy shows that both major economies tend to be strategically vying for constructive partnership in South Asia. Furthermore, Nepal’s proposal of trans-Himalaya connectivity provides a crucial, intermediary trade alternative among these three economies in promotions of mutual economic growth and prosperity. This essay chiefly argues that both Nepal and China, as the two chief emerging powers in Asia, are encouraged to play a much more proactive role in fostering trilateral connectivity, whilst India as a member of BRICS should revamp its foreign policy considerations to fully utilise India’s neighbourhood policy and meanwhile acquaint itself with China’s Belt and Road Initiative to facilitate regional growth at an interstate level that can share beneficial trilateral interests. This essay unveils a more accurate, comprehensive scenario of BRI-generating linchpin of triangular China-Nepal-India ties that is heterogeneous to the neoliberal system.
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Whiting, Allen S. "Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Policy After Deng." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034950.
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As the Deng era approaches its end, concern abroad, particularly in East Asia, focuses on how the People's Republic of China (PRC) will cope with territorial disputes with Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and India, and the continued quest for Taiwan. Meanwhile Chinese military modernization steadily increases the People's Liberation Army (PLA) air and sea power projection. The question arises: might a beleaguered post-Deng leadership seek to strengthen its legitimacy through exploitation of Chinese nationalism and if so, how would this manifest itself in foreign relations?
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Wang, Yuan-kang. "Explaining the Tribute System: Power, Confucianism, and War in Medieval East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 13, no. 2 (August 2013): 207–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s159824080000391x.
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In this article I remedy the popular misconception that the East Asian international system was hierarchical and non-egalitarian in history. I argue that the tribute system is mainly a function of power. Backed by power, Confucian norms and rules became the rules of the game in the system. Power asymmetry gave rise to hierarchy in foreign relations while power symmetry led to diplomatic equality between great powers. East Asia during the tenth to the thirteenth centuries was a multistate system without a regional hegemon. In the Song-Liao international system (960–1125), due to power symmetry, the two great powers conducted their foreign policy on the basis of formal equality. In the Song-Jin international system (1127–1234), the weaker Song China became a Jin vassal state and acknowledged its inferior status in the Jin-derived hierarchy. In studying historical East Asia, Confucian rhetoric needs to be examined against power reality. Only by taking power seriously can we get a better understanding of the East Asian international system.
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Starkin, S., and I. Ryzhov. "The Strategic “Reversal” of the USA in Asia: Evolution of the Approaches." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2014): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-49-56.
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The purpose of current article is to analyze current foreign policy of USA in Asian region, which are widely defined by US politicians as the “reversal” to Asia. The key-elements of this strategy include noticeable military presence, regular military exercises, geopolitical expansion from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean, as well as preservation of American leadership and containment of growing China`s influence inside the region. Later the policy transformed into the so-called Pivot, which means a significant increase in diplomatic, economic and strategic U.S. investment in Asia Pacific. While conducting its new political line Barack Obama`s administration initiated U.S. participation in different geopolitical issues of the Asia-Pacific region, such as the issue of the South China Sea, dispute over Chinese dams on Mekong River and so on. Obama’s initiatives are considered by China as U.S. interference into regional affairs. Moreover, many politicians and experts predict that "Georgian scenario" could repeat in the region. This will lead to deterioration of multilateral relations due to increased presence of USA inside Asia-Pacific. Analyzing the American approaches to formation of the regional security architecture the authors come to the conclusion that US administration aims to contain China in the Indo-Pacific geostrategic area. In mid-term, this policy provokes aggravation of a number of disturbing trends in the region. Basically, it becomes less stable and integrated. Apparently, US policy will lead to further deterioration of relations between USA and China. Under such circumstances, Russia should conduct cautious maneuvering between the two poles of power and stick to a policy of non-interference.
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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013024.
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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.
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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300044508.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.
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Vlasov, N. V. "The Contemporary Chinese Policy in Southeast Asia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-60-67.
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Although the PRC has been gradually turning into a genuinely global power recently, her regional interests particularly in SEA are not shrinking. Developing relations with ASEAN in general and its member states in particular is still among the key priorities of the Chinese foreign policy. This is motivated by the interest to ensure safe and controlled buffer along China's border perimeter - "belt of peace, stability and common prosperity". At present, Chinese standing in SEA is firm. Sino-ASEAN relations are based upon mutual pragmatism. The reason for that to a great extent is a tangible trade and economic and investment cooperation. Bilateral relations in political and security as well as defense spheres have been also steadily expanding. Humanitarian ties are closely interwoven, which may help make future ASEAN elites more pro-Chinese. Nevertheless, it has been all the more evident that Southeast Asian nations are seeking to lower their current overdependence on China. Their concern are rising due to China's growing political and military and economic muscles as well as because of increasing Chinese nationalism. Unresolved territorial disputes in the South China Sea also impede promotion of China's influence there. In this context China turns out to be sandwiched between the necessity to uphold her national interests, on the one hand, and the goal to keep a comfort regional atmosphere for facilitating her relationship with ASEAN, on the other. Moreover, lately there has been another sound factor jeopardizing China's leadership in SEA - Washington's Asia Pacific pivot.
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Farzana, Ashraf, and Khalid Tanweer. "Pakistan China relations in the Emerging Dynamics of Power in South Asia." Revista Amazonia Investiga 10, no. 38 (April 12, 2021): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2021.38.02.1.
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This research paper highlights and review the strategic relationship amongst Pakistan and China as emerging economic states and power balanced countries in South Asia. The region has always been in the news since many decades, starting from “Khyber Pass” which was a route to conquer the “Golden Bird”, to the Union Jack, needs to trade for their economic resilience. The existence of Pakistan changes the dynamics of this region, as Pakistan is known as its strategic location which further helps the world in trade. The routes are key factual economic indicators for many countries, as sea routes for traders are enjoyed by the middle Eastern countries like United Arab Emirates, and Iran they mark accomplishments, not only in trade but in foreign relations also. Their strategic alliance and visionary leadership had made them the strongest country amongst all. Despite, they were dwelled in many tribal fights, which by the time made them learned to have their existence as United Republic of China. The main purpose of this research is to highlight and bring strategically importance geopolitical stance exercised by both the countries. We use qualitative research model to explore the reason of ties and through reviewed papers draft the conclusions to understand the value in this regard. The study found mutual benefit for both the countries and reveals the footprints of Sino-British relations amongst China and East India Company in midst of 1600 – 1640. Mao Zedong and Zhou En-Lai were the brains behind the revolution and strategic routes were devised to bring the economic stability for the Republic of China.