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1

Severinova, Oleksandra. "LEGAL RESPONSIBILITY OF MILITARY SERVANTS: HISTORICAL LAW ASPECTS." Ukrainian polyceistics: theory, legislation, practice 1, no. 1 (April 2021): 116–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32366/2709-9261-2021-1-1-116-122.

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Анотація:
The article analyzes the historical law bases of legal responsibility of servicemen during armed conflicts. The typification of armed conflicts is classified and carried out on various grounds, including on the basis of evolutionary nature (four generations of wars). It is concluded that in the XXI century armed conflicts have a number of fundamentally new features (unconventionality, nonlinearity, irregularity, asymmetry and non-military nature), which distinguishes them from the armed confrontations of previous epochs and refers to the fourth generation wars. The analysis described the following similar terms: «war», «military conflict», «armed conflict», and identified similarities, identities or substantive differences between them, which is important for the correct legal classification of war crimes. The relevance of the research topic is due to the fact that today the aggressor states in armed conflicts use the so-called «hybrid means of warfare», which include, in addition to confrontation on the battlefield in the classical sense, confrontation on economic, informational, political and cultural fronts. The emergence of these new weapons requires the study of the essence of «hybrid» confrontation: the means, methods and tactics used, the purpose of defeat by one means or another to deter the aggressor states, as well as to counter them. The urgency of the topic is also due to the fact that Ukraine today, unfortunately, found itself in a state of armed confrontation, fell victim to a «hybrid conflict» on the part of the Russian Federation. As practice shows, the nature of the discussion of this problem and the process of developing and approving specific measures aimed at counteracting and deterring the aggressor state proves the inability of most international organizations responsible for international peace and security to address such issues in practice. From this point of view, a historical and legal analysis of the formation of the institution of legal responsibility of servicemen during armed conflicts, given the crucial importance of bringing to justice those guilty of war crimes.
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2

Panasenko, Nataliya, Ľuboš Greguš, and Inna Zabuzhanska. "Conflict, Confrontation, and War Reflected in Mass Media: Semantic Wars, their Victors and Victims." Lege Artis 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 132–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/lart-2018-0017.

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Abstract War presented in mass media as a piece of hard news has three spaces: military, economic, and informational. From a linguistic point of view, conflict has two constituents: CONFLICT-STATE and CONFLICT-ACTION. The variety of conflict is confrontation, which includes physical collision, armed opposition, verbal collision, collision of outlooks and interests. Each conflict or confrontation has a cognitive script, on which confrontational substrategies are being built.
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3

I.P. CHURKIN. "Simulation Modeling of Armed Confrontation in Aerospace." Military Thought 27, no. 003 (September 30, 2018): 65–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/mth.52543384.

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4

FITSULIAK, Myroslav. "NOVEMBER DAYS OF 1918 IN PRZEMYSL." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-163-176.

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Анотація:
This paper intends to analyze events of the beginning of the Polish-Ukrainian War 1918–1919, which are controversial in Ukrainian and foreign historiography. The formation of the Ukrainian authorities in Przemysl, the activities of the county Ukrainian National Council (UNRada), and its measures to establish the coexistence of Ukrainian, Jewish, and Polish peoples are revealed. The loss of Ukrainian positions in Przemysl because of aggression by the numerical superiority of Polish forces is shown. These events played a significant role in the course of events in the future Polish-Ukrainian armed confrontation. The opposing forces had different approaches to an agreement during the unfolding of the armed conflict. The mention of the events of the November Uprising in the western outpost of Ukraine – Przemysl, will restore the historical memory of Ukrainians. It is very relevant during the current situation in the East of Ukraine. Keywords ZUNR, Przemysl, UNRada, armed confrontation, Polish aggression.
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5

Pion-Berlin, David. "Between Confrontation and Accommodation: Military and Government Policy in Democratic Argentina." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1991): 543–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015844.

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After a prolonged period of authoritarian rule, the rebirth of democracy in Latin America has prompted a resurgent interest in civilian control of the armed forces. Few disagree that political leaders will be unable to consolidate their democratic gains without resolving ‘la cuestión militar’. Given the history of military political intervention in the region, scholars have long expressed scepticism over whether governments can ever fully subject the armed forces to their political will. Recently, the terms on which power has been transferred from military to civilian hands and developments subsequent to the transfer have prompted an even greater anxiety about the future of some of these new and fragile democracies.
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6

Ghais, Suzanne. "Consequences of Excluding Armed Groups from Peace Negotiations: Chad and the Philippines." International Negotiation 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24011163.

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Abstract This article examines the relationship between inclusion/exclusion of armed groups and the achievement of durable peace, using process tracing in two case studies: the peace process between the government of Chad and the rebel group Movement for Democracy and Justice in Chad, and the one between the government of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front. The cases support theoretical arguments that excluded armed actors are more likely to renew armed confrontation after the peace accord. The study further elaborates the causal link: included armed rebels tend to negotiate for private benefits such as government posts and amnesty but also moderate their stances and emerge committed to the agreement; excluded armed actors lack any such commitment and still have unresolved grievances. They are thus more likely to renew armed action against the government.
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7

Batiuk, Vladimir. "New ''Cold War''." Diplomatic Service, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2001-04.

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In this article, the ''Cold War'' is understood as a situation where the relationship between the leading States is determined by ideological confrontation and, at the same time, the presence of nuclear weapons precludes the development of this confrontation into a large-scale armed conflict. Such a situation has developed in the years 1945–1989, during the first Cold War. We see that something similar is repeated in our time-with all the new nuances in the ideological struggle and in the nuclear arms race.
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8

Dorosh, Lesia, Olha Ivasechko, and Jaryna Turchyn. "Comparative Analysis of the Hybrid Tactics Application by the Russian Federation in Conflicts with Georgia and Ukraine." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no. 2 (June 26, 2019): 48–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130202.

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The essence and main characteristics of the hybrid war are reviewed as a means of destroying the enemy country from inside due to the effective combination of conventional armed forces, subversion, propaganda, and dissemination of misinformation. The hybrid tactics used by the Russian Federation in Ukraine and Georgia are investigated. A comparativeanalysisof the military component in the confrontation between Russia, Ukraine and Georgia is conducted, the peculiarities of informational and psychological confrontation and factors that led to the significant achievements of the Russian side in the hybrid warfare are revealed, economic aspect of the hybrid confrontation are clarified (especially regarding the factors of financial, energy and raw material dependence) and, finally, the key conditions for the widespread use of hybrid methods of confrontation during modern armed conflicts are identified. Thedifference is proved between conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine, mainly in the use of military means. It is established that the conditions for the conflict in Crimea were unique, or at least extremely rare, and they can hardly be reproduced in any other place. It is noted that in the future, hybrid war will become rather a situational phenomenon, because the implementation of aggressive actions against another state without the necessary conditions for it will lead either to a quick defeat of the aggressor state, or will force such a state to move toconventional warfare, which requires significant financial costs and inevitably will cause decline in the prestige of such a state within the international community.
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9

Aleschenko, V. "THE INFORMATIONAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL INFLUENCE DURING THE ARMED STRUGGLE." Visnyk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Military-Special Sciences, no. 1 (2018): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2217.2018.38.6-10.

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Анотація:
The article highlights the essence of the concept and general trends in the implementation of the information-psychological influence in the course of armed struggle. Informational and psychological component in military affairs that dominates in countries such as the United States, Germany , Great Britain, France, China, Russia and the main tasks assigned to the special forces information (force) are considered. Some priority areas to counter the information-psychological influence in the course of armed struggle are proposed. Keywords: the information-psychological influence, informational and psychological confrontation, information and psychological operations, informational-psychological action, informational-psychological activities.
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10

Kolodinskaya, V. I., and V. Yu Nefyodova. "THE EXPERIENCE OF TEACHING THE THEME “MODELLING” BASED ON SOLVING APPLIED MILITARY CASES." Informatics in school, no. 9 (December 18, 2019): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32517/2221-1993-2019-18-9-7-15.

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Анотація:
The article is dealing with the theme “Modeling” basing it on applied military case studies. The universal educational actions were formulated, as well as educational outcomes. Math modeling tasks are reviewed using the available aerial photographs, and the modelling task for armed military confrontation is given.
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11

Jonev, Katarina, Ivan Rancic, and Hatidza Berisha. "CONTEMPORARY WARS AND ARMED CONFLICTS." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (March 18, 2019): 1827–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061827j.

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Анотація:
The characteristics of contemporary trends suggest that, in parallel with the changes that globalization has caused in most aspects of human life, the changes have taken place in the reasons for the emergence of conflicts in the new environment, in the ways of solving the newly emerging problems, but also in the view of the growing confrontation in the world. Each of these associations contains asymmetry as the basic characteristic, and we declare such types of conflict as asymmetric armed conflicts or wars, or the use of armed force in response to asymmetric security threats. In most cases, security threats are based on threats to larger regions and even reach a global dimension.The paper will try to capture a thread that has led to the fact that modern conflicts are no longer viewed with the mandatory sign "military", and that the result does not have to be mandatory use of military effects. Through the processing of the characteristics of modern conflicts, the processes that lead to a shift in thinking about the search for solutions to conflicts from predominantly military to some other ways of solving will be pointed out.
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12

Madueke, Kingsley L. "Routing ethnic violence in a divided city: walking in the footsteps of armed mobs in Jos, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 3 (August 6, 2018): 443–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x18000320.

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AbstractScholars of ethnic riots disagree on which are more susceptible to collective violence between ethnically segregated and diverse socio-spatial settings. Studies of riot-prone cities have produced contradictory conclusions. This article proposes that the ambivalence stems in part from disregarding the mobile nature of armed mobs and conflating their origins with their locations of violence. Drawing upon extensive ethnographic fieldwork involving mobile interviews, in-depth discussions and visual documentation, the article maps the footsteps of armed mobs from their origins to sites of confrontation during the 2008 Christian–Muslim riots in Jos, Nigeria. Findings suggest both segregated and mixed settlements contributed to violence. While armed mobs were likelier to originate from segregated neighbourhoods, mixed settlements, especially those sandwiched between segregated ones, served as frontiers for fighting; armed mobs preferred narrow alleys inaccessible to security forces. These findings' implications can advance the understanding and management of ethnic riots in urban areas.
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13

Huneeus, Alexandra, and René Urueña. "Introduction to Symposium on the Colombian Peace Talks and International Law." AJIL Unbound 110 (2016): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300003007.

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In September and October of 2016, Colombians witnessed a series of political events that defied their belief. First, the Colombian Government and theFuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—Ejército del Pueblo(FARC—EP), signed to great fanfare a historic peace agreement finalizing Colombia’s armed conflict. The Un Secretary-General, the U.S. Secretary of State, and dozens other top diplomats and heads of states gathered in Cartagena for an emotional signing ceremony, symbolically ending a fifty-year armed confrontation that, according to the Colombian Center for Historic Memory, killed more than two hundred thousand people, 80 percent of which were noncombatants.
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14

Pritchin, S. "The Second Karabakh War and the Situation in the South Caucasus." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2021): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-3-153-164.

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The 44-day armed confrontation around Nagorno-Karabakh in September–November 2020 between Armenia and Azerbaijan was called the Second Karabakh War. A new full-fledged confrontation has radically changed the geopolitical situation around the region and, for the first time since the beginning of the conflict in the 90s of the last century, created prerequisites for the normalization of relations between the warring parties. The trilateral truce statement signed on November 10, 2020 by the heads of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia lays down the conditions for opening the borders blocked due to the confrontation, launching transport links in the region and gradually restoring relations between neighbors. At the same time, the contradictions accumulated during the conflict, distrust and negative mutual perception of Armenians and Azerbaijanis are still a serious obstacle to the full-fledged normalization of relations in the South Caucasus.
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15

Crampton, Anne E. "A Literacy of Armed Love: Confrontation and Desire in Aesthetic and Critical Projects." Studies in Social Justice 13, no. 1 (March 21, 2019): 94–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v13i1.1914.

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The article argues that creative confrontations with damaging discourses as part of a critical literacy curriculum can be viewed as acts of love, for self and community. Using data from a multi-sited critical ethnography, the study considers the literacy productions of two focal students in diverse schools, a charter middle school and a large urban high school. Mediated discourse analysis of their work explores their aesthetic and critical literacy productions as refusals of oppressive discourses pressing against marginalized identities, and as expressions of desire for imagined, better realities. This research views such performances of multimodal creative resistance as an audacious literacy of desire, valuable as standards-meeting persuasive compositions, but also immeasurably valuable because of the emotional experience of the student producers, who were powerfully affected through the twin pleasures of resisting and imagining. This study illustrates how literacy projects might both inhabit and move forward Freire’s concept of armed love.
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16

Torbosh, Amr, Mohammed Abdulla Al Amad, Abdulwahed Al Serouri, and Yousef Khader. "The Impact of War in Yemen on Immunization Coverage of Children Under One Year of Age: Descriptive Study." JMIR Public Health and Surveillance 5, no. 4 (October 23, 2019): e14461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/14461.

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Background After 2 years of war that crippled the capacity of the Yemeni National Health System and left only 45% of health facilities functioning, Yemen faced increasing vaccine-preventable disease (VPD) outbreaks and may be at high risk of polio importation. Objective The aim of this study was to determine the impact of the 2015 war on the immunization coverage of children under 1 year. Methods Data on vaccination coverage for 2012-2015 were obtained from the national Expanded Program on Immunization (EPI). The vaccination coverage was calculated at the national and governorate levels by dividing the number of actually vaccinated children by the estimated population of children under 1 year. Results Although there was an increase from 2012 to 2014 in the national coverage for penta-3 vaccine (82% in 2012 vs 88% in 2014) and measles vaccine (70% in 2012 vs 75% in 2014), the coverage was still below the national target (≥95%). Furthermore, the year 2015 witnessed a marked drop in the national coverage compared with 2014 for the measles vaccine (66% in 2015 vs 75% in 2014), but a slight drop in penta-3 vaccine coverage (84% in 2015 vs 88% in 2014). Bacillus Calmette–Guérin vaccine also showed a marked drop from 73% in 2014 to 49% in 2015. These reductions were more marked in governorates that witnessed armed confrontations (eg, Taiz, Lahj, and Sa’dah governorates). On the other hand, governorates that did not witness armed confrontations showed an increase in coverage (eg, Raymah and Ibb), owing to an increase in their population because of displacement from less secure and confrontation-prone governorates. Conclusions This analysis demonstrated the marked negative impact of the 2015 war on immunization coverage, especially in the governorates that witnessed armed confrontations. This could put Yemen at more risk of VPD outbreaks and polio importation. Besides the ongoing efforts to stop the Yemeni war, strategies for more innovative vaccine delivery or provision and fulfilling the increasing demands are needed, especially in governorates with confrontations. Enhancing EPI performance through supportable investments in infrastructure that was destroyed by the war and providing decentralized funds are a prerequisite.
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Khudoley, K. "Korean Crisis and Russia’s Policies." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2014): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-1-63-71.

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The main reason for tensions on the Korean peninsula is the competition and confrontation between the two development models, one of which is struggling to survive with such methods that create a threat to international security. It is in Russia's interests to prevent armed conflict or prolonged tension near its borders. The settlement of the Korean problem is possible in the medium term in the course of Korean unification.
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Tikhanychev, Oleg Vasilyevich. "Theory and practice of “hybrid” confrontation: an overview of conflicts since the XV century to the present." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.2.35598.

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The subject of this research is the indirect forms of confrontation in intergovernmental conflicts conflicts. The object of this research is the “hybrid warfare” as a form of indirect confrontation. It is established that currently the methods of military and nonmilitary intergovernmental confrontation are being extensively used. One of the actively implemented concepts is the so called “hybrid war”. The author examines the key components of “hybrid” actions; and leaning on the analysis of historical experience, concludes that these approaches have deep historical roots. The article reviews not the classical mercenarism, but namely “hybrid” actions, when the hirer and the purpose of involving mercenaries are hidden, while military actions are accompanied by economic confrontation and massive information attacks. The examples of such actions can be seen in wars back in the XV–XVII centuries. The analysis of warfare and armed conflicts experience allows concluding the threat of “hybrid” actions is extremely relevant now and in the foreseeable future. It is also worth noting that in the future, other “hybrid” approaches towards intergovernmental confrontation that have previously been used in the past can be modified to the new conditions of civilizational development.  The author concludes that Russia should be ready to counter such threats, and outlines possible aspects of such counteraction.
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Goncharov, S. V. "ASSESSMENT AND REGISTRATION OF INFORMATION AND PSYCHOLOGICAL SITUATION IN THE AREA OF ARMED CONFLICT." Innovatics and Expert Examination, no. 1(26) (March 15, 2019): 230–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35264/1996-2274-2019-1-230-236.

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The article presents a version of the methodology for assessing the information and psychological situation in the area of armed conflict in a new type of confrontation. A brief description of the factors that make up this situation, with the calculation of their weight coefficients. The order of an assessment of information and psychological situation and the mechanism of analyzing of the received conclusions in the decision of the military unit (compound) commander for tactical actions are revealed.
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Verkhovod, Liliia. "War and economy: legal and illegal practices of income generation." Grani 23, no. 8 (October 20, 2020): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172071.

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The article emphasizes that the armed conflict has become a part of modern Ukraine and caused changes in all spheres of public life. This updated the scientific discourse about the nature of today's wars and their characteristics. The article emphasizes that at the present stage, the war between powerful powers is unlikely, given the potential for the use of nuclear weapons. However, the conflicts of low intensity periodically arise and continue in various parts of the world. Not only do they become constituent elements of public life, but reform the economy both at global and local level.The components of modern capitalist system are the industries that serve military needs. The income of defense corporations show high demand for their products. It is used not only by the countries that are involved in an armed confrontation, but also by other states that can be at war any moment. Locally armed confrontation is destructive for the economy of the country, focused on functioning in peacetime. Being involved into a protracted conflict entails changes in all the aspects of social life. Economic system adapts and generates new practices. Some paradoxical situations arise, so that there some opportunities to "earn" on the conflict, and therefore people who are interested in its preservation.The armed conflict in Ukraine is often called a hybrid war. Besides, in scientific discourse there are other names – the conflict in the «grey zone», «grey war», unlimited conflict, a non-conventional war as «War on behalf of». The war in Donbass is a new type of conflict. Taking into consideration its duration, it has led to the emergence of various kinds of economic practices – both legal (for example, the increase in military orders, scope services for permanently migrating displaced people, etc.), and illegal (for example, smuggling of goods across the line of demarcation). They have become a part of everyday life not only in the frontline areas of Donbass, but also of the entire country.
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Poplavskyy, Oleh, Volodymyr Sarychev, and Oleh Levin. "Socio-economic and informationcommunication aspects of the military confrontation between Azerbaijan and Armenia in the "Second Karabakh War"." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 1, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2021-1-61-71.

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In the article the author examines the features of the information confrontation between Azerbaijan and Armenia during the "second Karabakh war", identifies the correlation between the socioeconomic potential of countries and the possibilities of application of information and communication technologies as a strategic resource for each of the parties to the military conflict. For comparison, we also used facts about Ukraine, Belarus and the Russian Federation, as countries of Eastern Europe region, which are in a similar state of military-political and socio-economic instability. The content and forms of information confrontation as a rivalry between countries in the information and communication sphere due to the desire to influence the formation of public opinion of the population, the level of national identity, the nature of social relations in the adjacent territory are revealed. Against the backdrop of the dynamics of the armed confrontation between the countries, specific forms of using information and communication technologies as one of the most effective means of warfare were analyzed, and the effectiveness of information and psychological operations in solving and escalating a military conflict was determined. The features of information war with using communication technologies as the aim of strenothening morale of their army and consolidation the moral and political potential of the people are characterized. Based on the analysis of the armed confrontation, we made conclusions that, in modern conditions, each of the countries, which are in a state of military, political and social instability must develop their own strategies for preventing military conflicts. Such strategies should take into consideration external threats, the existing economic potential, the possibilities of storing and disseminating of official information in peacetime, as well as the experience of effective government regulation of the practice of using the media and network technologies during an aggravation of the military situation. Based on the results of our research, a number of practical recommendations were formulated regarding the directions of the formation and development of information and communication technologies, which are used to protect the information space of the country and counteraction the unwanted influence of the enemy. The importance of the results obtained is substantiated for understanding the nature, tools and methods of modern information and psychological wars, as well as for the implementation of an effective state policy of countering the negative propaganda influence of the enemy in situation of active and large-scale information confrontation.
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Pinchuk, Lyudmyla. "Confrontation Between the OUN and the UPA with the Soviet Administration in Volyn in 1944–1945s (Based on Materials from the Kamin-Kashyrskyi District)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-37-44.

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Анотація:
The purpose of the article is to investigate the armed and ideological struggle of the OUN and UPA against the Soviet administration in the Kamin-Kashyrskyi district in the period from 1944 to 1945. The research methodology is based on the use of general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis and generalization) in combination with the principles of historicism, objectivity and systematics. The work uses source analysis, methods of classification and critique of sources and their identification. The scientific novelty of the work is that for the first time in historiography the question of generalization and systematization of scientific facts on the confrontation between the OUN and the UPA in the Kamin-Kashyrskyi district is raised. Eyewitness accounts and scientific materials that shed light on the confrontation between the nationalist underground and the local Soviet administration during this period are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Conclusions. Based on the available scientific information, the author concludes that the confrontation between the OUN and the UPA and the Soviet administration in the Kamin-Kashyrskyi district was an important stage in the underground struggle in the future. The confrontation in 1944–1945 had important military results for the nationalist underground. However, during the research the author concluded that the aspect of the ideological struggle of the OUN and UPA against the Soviet administration needs more detailed analysis and research.
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Chmielewski, Maciej. "Slovenian Territorial Defense in the Ten-Day War." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 201, no. 3 (September 15, 2021): 585–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.3411.

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In 1991, the process of disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia began. The former Socialist Republics of Croatia and Slovenia were the first to announce their secession from the Federation in the last days of June. To restore the constitutional order, units of the Armed Forces of the SFR of Yugoslavia were sent to Slovenia, which faced the armed resistance of the Slovenian Territorial Defense (TO RS or TOS). In the Ten-Day War, the Federal troops, despite their numerical and technical advantage, suffered a defeat in the confrontation with the TOS subunits. Decisive for the success of Slovenian actions turned out to be the right choice of method of operation, knowledge of the combat environment, as well as high morale and support provided by the civilian population. The example of the Ten-Day War, an analysis of its course, shows that with the appropriate use of the TOS forces, they can conduct an effective fight against operational troops and be a fully-fledged component of the Armed Forces.
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Пахоменкова, О. М. "TYPOLOGY OF SOCIAL CONFRONTATION IN THE IDIOMATIC IMAGE OF MILITARY LIFE." НАУЧНЫЙ ЖУРНАЛ СОВРЕМЕННЫЕ ЛИНГВИСТИЧЕСКИЕ И МЕТОДИКО-ДИДАКТИЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ, no. 3(51) (October 21, 2021): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36622/vstu.2021.28.97.006.

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Анотація:
Постановка задачи. В статье рассматриваются способы организации плана выражения фразеологизмов на материале военного жаргона, используемого в вооруженных силах США. Отнесение социолексем к разряду фразеологических сочетаний языка автор объясняет с опорой на общеизвестные признаки фразеологизма - устойчивость, образность, идиоматичность, воспроизводимость. Автор говорит о возможности классификации фразеологизмов указанной группы в социокультурном ключе, а именно: выделение темы скрытого противоборства представителей военного ремесла и связанной с ней закономерности в построении образа фразеологизма. Результаты. Установлено, что фразеологизмы военной тематики транслируют тему межличностного противоборства между представителями армейской профессии. Доказано, что образ фразеологизмов, созданный на основе военного жаргона, содержит символико-социальную референцию к фактам армейского бытия и формирует карикатурное представление о тех или иных представителях рода войск. Выводы. Исследование показало возможность более детально рассмотреть социальную составлявшую плана выражения фразеологизма военной тематики, отметить важную роль представителей узкопрофессиональной сферы в иерархизации свойственных им коммуникативно-поведенческих стратегий. Statement of the problem. The article discusses the ways of organizing the figurative basis of phraseological units based on the material of military jargon used in the US armed forces. The author explains the attribution of sociolexemes to the category of phraseological combinations of language based on the constitutional features of phraseology - stability, imagery, idiomaticity, reproducibility (in this case, the military environment). The author speaks about the possibility of classifying the phraseological units of this group in a socio-cultural way, namely: highlighting the topic of latent (to a greater extent, imaginary) confrontation between representatives of the military craft and the associated regularity in the construction of the image of phraseology. Results. It is established that the phraseological units of military subjects clearly convey the theme of interpersonal confrontation between representatives of the army profession. It is proved that the image of phraseological units, created on the basis of military jargon, contains a symbolic, mythological, social reference to the facts of life and forms a caricature representation of certain representatives of the armed forces. Conclusions. The study showed an opportunity to examine in more detail the social component of the figurative basis of idiom-jargon, to note the important role of representatives of the narrow professional sphere in the hierarchy of their characteristic communicative and behavioral strategies.
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Tinjacá Gómez, David Fernando, and Wilmer Alexander Usaquén Cobos. "Memorias del conflicto armado en el corregimiento sur-oriental de Fusagasugá (1990-2003)." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 213 (December 27, 2019): 297–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi213.1183.

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Colombia ha sufrido por más de cinco décadas un conflicto armado interno que ha generado profundos impactos en la población civil, en particular para los campesinos. Históricamente la región del Sumapaz ha sido uno de los epicentros de esta confrontación que, durante el periodo comprendido entre 1990-2003, adquirió características particulares debido a la expansión de los actores armados enfrentados. En este artículo se analiza cómo se desarrolló ese enfrentamiento en el corregimiento suroriental de Fusagasugá; con este objetivo, se hace énfasis en los relatos de las personas que vivieron los hechos, para así proyectar el problema de la memoria histórica en la región campesina del Sumapaz. Lo anterior permite observar las experiencias de los sujetos frente al fenómeno de la violencia y cómo son recordados estos, de cara a un periodo de posacuerdo, momento en el que se hace necesario conocer y dar sentido a las memorias de quienes sufrieron los mayores impactos de nuestra guerra. Abstract: Colombia has suffered an armed conflict for more than five decades with deep impacts on civilians, particularly the peasantry. Historically, the Sumapaz region has been one of the epicenters of this confrontation, with very particular features from 1990 to 2003, due to the expansion of armed actors. This paper analyzes how the confrontation took place in the southeastern corregimiento of Fusagasugá, from the perspective of the people who experienced it firsthand, in order to contribute to the historical memory of the peasant region of Sumapaz. This exercise allows to observe the divergent interpretations that exist about the same phenomenon of violence, which is useful facing the current period of post agreement, where it is necessary to know and make sense of the memories of those who suffered the greatest impacts of our war. Keywords: Armed conflict, FARC, memories, Sumapaz.
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Rabush, Taisiya V. "Evolution of the ideological component in Soviet-American confrontation in regional armed conflict (1970–1980s)." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 10, no. 1 (2017): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu06.2017.108.

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Reid, Piers. "From Emergency to Confrontation: The New Zealand Armed Forces in Malaya and Borneo 1949–1966." History: Reviews of New Books 32, no. 2 (January 2004): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10528621.

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Roberts, Cynthia. "German and Soviet Military Doctrinal Innovation before World War II." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 4 (October 2004): 140–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1520397042350946.

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In the lead-up to World War II, both Germany and the Soviet Union pursued important changes in military doctrine that proved crucial during the armed confrontation between the two countries in 1941–1945. Using a new book by the military historian Mary Habeck as a point of departure, this essay explains how the German and Soviet armed forces by the late 1930s had developed almost identical doctrines without extensively borrowing from each other. Although the doctrinal innovations that informed the German Blitzkrieg and the Soviet conception of “deep battle” have long attracted attention, Habeck's book is the first detailed comparison of the development of armored warfare in these two countries. Although the book does not provide a comprehensive explanation of the sources of innovation in military doctrine, it sheds a great deal of light on the revolutionary changes in German and Soviet military doctrines during the interwar years.
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Mulukwat, Kuyang Harriet Logo. "Challenges of Regulating Non-International Armed Conflicts – an Examination of Ongoing Trends in South Sudan’s Civil War." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 6, no. 2 (August 27, 2015): 414–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-00602006.

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The conflict in South Sudan became the only viable violent way of expressing underlying discontentment with the style of governance adopted by the incumbent government and unresolved issues from the 1991 split which occurred when Dr. Riak Machar, one of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army (splm/a) leaders at the time, now turned rebel leader, fell out with Dr. John Garang, the chairman of the splm/a. The split, notably referred to as the “Nassir split”, led communities from both the Dinka and Nuer tribes to turn against each other. The referendum, a consequence of a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (cpa) between the government in Khartoum, Sudan, and the splm/a, led to an overwhelming vote for secession, later paving way for the subsequent independence of South Sudan in 2011. The existing tension took on a violent expression. The article analyses occurrences the splm/a command pursued on a secessionist agenda in the 21 years of armed struggle and the attainment of independence on the 9 July 2011. It further denotes the insurgents’ pursuit of armed confrontation and the government’s response to the belligerents’ actions, while providing a genesis of the belligerence and laws governing non–international armed conflicts.
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Butler, Matthew. "Catholic Mobilizations in Twentieth-Century Mexico: From Pious Lynchings and Fascist Salutes to a “Catholic 1968,” Maoist Priests, and the Post-Cristero Apocalypse." Americas 79, no. 2 (March 17, 2022): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.150.

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This special issue, fruit of an American Historical Association panel on the entanglements of Catholicism and nationhood after Mexico's Cristero War (1926-29), offers five new histories that cumulatively give the lie to anything so monolithic as a twentieth-century “Catholic history.” As is well known, the Cristero War was a major armed confrontation between the Church and the postrevolutionary state and their respective bases, followed, as the story goes, by an uneasy truce and an enduring coexistence lasting for decades, to the 1950s and perhaps to the 1970s.
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31

Averianova, Nina. "FEATURES OF THE ARMED CONFLICT IN UKRAINE." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 25 (2019): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.25.1.

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Conflicts may arise within countries as well as between different countries. Conflict is an integral component of human existence. Conflicts occur in the economic, political, social, ideological, military, managerial and other spheres of public life. Accordingly, the methods and ways of their settlement vary significantly. It is dangerous that both internal (intrastate) and external (interstate) conflicts reduce the country's ability to defend its own interests in the world. Under certain circumstances, such conflicts can be used by external and internal players as an instrument of pressure on the state leadership and encourage it to adopt decisions and agreements that are unfavorable for the country. The solution to any conflicts requires a deep understanding of both the nature of their occurrence and the dynamics of the flow. Today the most dangerous for Ukraine is the armed conflict in the Donbass. This conflict was provoked by the Russian Federation, which sees our country as a “buffer zone” against international military threats. The level of conflict in the zone of armed confrontation is very high. Negotiations at the international level and the efforts to resolve the conflict in Donbass did not bring the desired success. The citizens of Ukraine have no confidence in the successful completion of this conflict. It provokes a social apathy and aggression in Ukrainian society. The cessation of the armed conflict in Donbass is extremely important both for Ukraine and the entire world community. Now Ukraine is forced to develop a strategy of national self-preservation in the difficult and uncertain conditions of international security. Finding optimal answers to hybrid threats is a necessary precondition for maintaining the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our state.
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Tatarkov, Dmitriy B. "Comparative Analysis of the Use of the Naval Forces of India and Pakistan During the 1971 War." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 1(2021) (March 25, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-1-28-35.

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The destructive processes that are observed in the modern world, the crisis of the world order determine a new round of power confrontation both in the line of global and regional actors of world politics. There is an increase in armed confrontation, the desire to solve old, including territorial, problems by force. The study of the historical experience of the armed confrontation between India and Pakistan actualizes the problem of this paper. The purpose of the article is to analyze and summarize the experience of the use of naval forces during military operations at sea in the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971, to identify the main factors that influenced the planning of naval operations, the course and results of combat operations at sea. The author used a narrative approach and a historical-comparative method to identify the evolution of ideas about the use of naval forces in the Indo-Pakistani conflict of 1971. The article highlights and examines the main factors and their impact on the training and use of naval forces during military operations at sea in the Indo-Pakistani conflict of 1971. Special attention is paid to the assessment of the impact of the political nature of the war, its goals and scale, the views of the military-political and military leadership of India and Pakistan on the training and use of naval forces; the tasks that were solved by the fleets of the parties; the role and place of individual types of forces in solving certain tasks in the theater of operations. To determine factors that directly affect the use of the naval forces of India and Pakistan in the 1971 conflict, the author analyzes the conditions in the Maritime theaters of war, the factors that have characterized the theater, and the impact of conditions in the theater on the planning and implementation of operations. The main sources are archival and analytical materials of the Ministry of Defense of India and the Ministry of Defense of Pakistan, memoirs of war participants.
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Baskakova, A. S. "The occupation of the Crimean peninsula and the Russian-Ukrainian armed confrontation in the eastern Ukraine." Politicus, no. 2 (2021): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24195/2414-9616.2021-2.3.

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34

Maxwell, Neville. "Why the Sino–Indian Border Dispute is Still Unresolved after 50 Years: A Recapitulation." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700202.

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In its dying days the British Empire in India launched an aggressive annexation of what it recognised to be legally Chinese territory. The government of independent India inherited that border dispute and intensified it, completing the annexation and ignoring China’s protests. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) government, acquiescing in the loss of territory, offered diplomatic legalisation of the new boundary India had imposed in its North-East but the Nehru government refused to negotiate. It then developed and advanced a claim to Chinese territory in the north-west, again refusing to submit the claim to negotiation. Persistent Indian attempts to implement its territorial claims by armed force led to the 1962 border war. The Indian defeat did not lead to any change of policy; both the claims and the refusal to negotiate were maintained. The dead-locked Sino–Indian dispute and armed confrontation are thus the consequence of Indian expansionism and intransigence.
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35

Cano-Holguín, Nelson, and Javier Jiménez-Osorio. "The escalation of an armed conflict: a look at the antecedents of the confrontation between the Colombian state and the FARC." Revista científica anfibios 3, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.37979/afb.2020v3n2.78.

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With one of the longest-running conflicts in the Western Hemisphere, the Colombian state has been facing an internal armed conflict against the FARC since the 1950s. Four milestones set the framework for the most important background in this conflict. The first one, with the murder of leader Jorge Eliecer Gaitan, unleashed acts of severe violence between liberals and conservatives; then, the second milestone was due to the creation of the “national front” that ended the disputes by rotating power between these political parties; however, other minority groups were not taken into account, giving rise to the third milestone, where the FARC guerrillas emerged by claiming a communist model, and the fourth milestone corresponds to heavy military strikes against this guerrilla group that forced the FARC to a negotiate peace accord. Considering the theory of escalation and stagnation of the armed conflict, this article aims at summarizing the background that has led to this conflict, which had its beginnings in political disputes but gradually escalated to become a serious problem that the country has been suffering.
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36

Vlasova, Ksenia. "Greek-Turkish Confrontation and Its Influence on the Eastern Mediterranean." Contemporary Europe 103, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope320212737.

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The Eastern Mediterranean can rightly be considered as one of the most conflict regions in the world, as it has accumulated numerous security problems. Such problems are driven by the attempts of several regional players to revise the existing status quo and their own position in the region (Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Iran), the increasing influence of some traditional actors (Russia, the USA, the EU, China), longstanding and current international conflicts, the problem of international terrorism, extremism, uncontrolled migration, etc. The article analyzes the most important contradiction in the Eastern Mediterranean, which can be attributed to the confrontation between the two neighbors, Greece and Turkey. The origins of their conflict go far back in history, and Greek-Turkish rivalry is still ongoing. Relations between Greece and Turkey have gone through many phases from armed conflict in 1974 to a period of neutrality and synergy in the 2000s. The study focuses on the events of 2020, when there was a sharp aggravation of the Greek-Turkish conflict in three areas: migration, religious and cultural action of the Turkish government upon the return of the status of a functioning mosque to the Hagia Sophia Museum in Istanbul, and the escalation around the complex ―Aegean problem‖ related to the delimitation of maritime borders. The new phase of the conflict could lead to the deterioration of bilateral relations between Greece and Turkey, but also to a security system in the Eastern Mediterranean with the support of regional players and great powers.
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37

ZAYTSEV, I. O. "THE RUSSIAN INFORMATION CAMPAIGN DURING THE ARMED CONFRONTATION IN THE SOUTH-EAST OF UKRAINE IN 2014–2015." RUSSIA AND THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD, no. 3 (2018): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rsm/2018.03.15.

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38

Unruh, Jon D. "Changing conflict resolution institutions in the Ethiopian pastoral commons: the role of armed confrontation in rule-making." GeoJournal 64, no. 3 (November 2005): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10708-005-5650-2.

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39

Pardabaev, Abdukarim Ergashevich. "Impact of the Afghan Conflict on the Geopolitical Situation in Central Asia at the End of the 20th Century." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 9, no. 2 (February 3, 2022): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v9i2.3523.

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The fall of the pro-Soviet regime of Najibullah led to a confrontation between armed groups and the division of the country into spheres of influence. Obviously, the uncontrolled conflict on the territory of Afghanistan aroused concern in the international community and directly threatened the security of neighboring states that have a common border with warring Afghanistan (Pakistan, Iran, China, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan). Considering the geopolitical situation that has developed in the Central Asian region and is directly related to ensuring the security of the borders of the sovereign states of Central Asia, political scientists do not have a common opinion about the role of Russia in this geopolitical process.
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40

Ganiev, R. T. "THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE TURKS AND THE SUI DYNASTY IN 609 – 617." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 2 (June 29, 2017): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-2-24-29.

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The article studies the events of the military confrontation between the Shibi Qaghan and Sui Dynasty in 609 – 615 AD. It shows the political situation in China whose deterioration led to the political upheaval in 617 AD and the young Tang Dynasty came to power. By the end of the Sui Dynasty period there were more than 200 organized armed gangs that were tearing the empire apart and often found support from the Turks. In 615 AD the Turks also surrounded Emperor Sui Yangdi in the fortress of Yanmen and thereby put an end to his political career. At the beginning of VII century the Eastern Turk Empire had a great military and political influence in Central Asia and posed a threat to its neighbors. Along with the separatists who opposed the Sui Dynasty, the military governor Taiyuan Li Yuan sought the assistance of the Turks. He formed an alliance with them, and the Turks supported his nomination as the new ruler of China. Thus, in the events of 609 – 617 AD the Eastern Turks played a key role, and contributed to the deterioration of the situation at the end of the Sui Dynasty as well as to the ascent to power of the future first emperor of the new Tang Dynasty, Li Yuan.
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41

Tikhanychev, Oleg Vasilyevich. "Hybrid warfare: a new word in military art or the well forgotten new?" Вопросы безопасности, no. 1 (January 2020): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7543.2020.1.30256.

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The author examines the aspect of one of the military strategies – the so-called “hybrid warfare”. Analysis is conducted on the key components of “hybrid” actions. Examination of historical allows concluding that these approaches have deep historical roots. This refers not to the classical mercenary, but namely to “hybrid” actions, when the contractor and purpose of mercenaries are hidden, and military actions are accompanied by economic confrontation and mass cyber-attacks. The author carries out component-wise analysis for understanding the nature of emergence and waging of “hybrid” warfare at different historical stages. Based on the experience of conducting warfare and armed conflicts, the conclusion is made that the threat of “hybrid” actions is extremely relevant currently and in the foreseeable future. Moreover, the author determines that other previously existing but modified with consideration of new factors of civilizational development “hybrid” approaches towards organization of inter-state confrontation may be implemented. The need to ensure readiness of the Russian Federation to parrying such threats is underlined.
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42

Chistyakov, Alexey. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE ISLAMIC FACTOR ON THE STATE OF THE ARMED FORCES OF FRANCE." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62021165173.

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Nowadays France is a home to the largest Muslim community in Europe. Therefore, the issues of the relationship between government structures and adherents of Islam are of great importance for the country and they become a field for political confrontation especially because of the existing separation of spiritual and secular life. This means that Islamization of the armed forces of the Republic is also important. It is necessary to discover the level of army Islamization and spiritual needs satisfaction of soldiers, as well as the role of Muslim chaplains in army structures. Based on analysis of French laws, press and publications in scientific journals, the author discovers the changes that occurred in the Nation attitude to the issue of Muslims integration to the military system of the country and explains the reasons and content of some evolution stages of Muslim military chaplains institute in the French army since 2006.
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43

Dobrzyński, Paweł, Stanisław Lipski, Bogdan Machowski, Rafał Miętkiewicz, and Sławomir Tamberg. "Capabilities to combat helicopters by warships of Polish Navy in the light of the development of active systems to counteract sets manpads." Zeszyty Naukowe Akademii Marynarki Wojennej 214, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sjpna-2018-0022.

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Abstract The article presents the analysis of the threats to ships of the Polish Navy resulting from the implementation systems of active neutralization for missiles of MANPADS (e.g. Grom, Igla, Mistral) to the armed forces of the Russian Federation. The paper describes the most popular sea anti-aircraft missile sets based on MANPADS missiles and the capabilities of Russian multi-sensor systems for protection of Vitebsk class helicopters and aircraft (President-S). The article contains conclusions from the analysis of the capabilities of weapon systems and active disruption systems in the confrontation of a present ship with a modern combat helicopter and proposals for solving this problem by means of the diversification of missile of anti-aircraft systems.
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44

Kouloglou, Nikolas. "Militarization of the State in Mexico: Perspectives from the Administrations of Felipe Calderón (2006-2012) and Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018)." Estudios en Seguridad y Defensa 15, no. 29 (June 30, 2020): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25062/1900-8325.290.

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This article points out the concept of militarized security policies –i.e. the direct involvement of the military in homeland security tasks and the armed confrontation of the cartels- in contemporary Mexico. In this context, the administrations of ex-Presidents Felipe Calderón (2006-2012) and Enrique Peña Νieto (2012-2018) are being evaluated based on a number of criteria: the repercussions of their policies in terms of the rise of a war economy, a further weakness of the rule of law and the victimization of the civil population. The concept of «gray areas» controlled by the Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations is also highlighted as a new threat undermining the sovereignty of the Mexican state.
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Bader, Anton. "Essential Fundamentals of Armed Violence through the Prism of the Phenomenon of Social Violence." Grani 23, no. 1-2 (March 16, 2020): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172018.

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The article comprehensively examines the social sources of armed violence, as one of the important phenomena in the development of humanity. Based on the analysis of works by leading Ukrainian and foreign scientists, the author considers the essence of the phenomenon of armed violence in the context of the development of social violence. In particular, a significant number of scientific papers have been analyzed, in which certain aspects of the topic chosen for research are disclosed, the main approaches and concepts that have developed in the process of studying this issue are identified and characterized.The complex characteristic of the basic concepts that studied in the article is presented. The term "social violence" the author understands as the application by one class or another of a social group of various forms of coercion, up to armed influence, against other classes and social groups in order to obtain or maintain economic and political dominance, to gain these or those rights or privileges. Accordingly, armed violence is interpreted as a way to achieve the goals using weapons. The author agrees with the opinion of a significant number of scientists regarding the definition of armed violence as a radical form of the use of social violence.As a result of the research, the author has come to the conclusion that violence has been characteristic of the human environment since its occurrence. As most scholars have noted, since the emergence of social relations, violence, including armed violence, has been one of the most important ways to achieve the goals of controlling and asserting dominance in other members of social communities. Armed violence is the most radical form of achievement of the aforementioned goal. As a form of social interaction, as noted by psychologists, armed violence is the result of the transformation of animal instincts that, in the course of social evolution, have evolved into one of the specific forms of struggle for domination within complex human communities. This is the main scientific value of the articles analyzed in the article.At the same time, as the analysis of the researched works has shown, the further classification of the types of armed violence according to the spheres of its application in social life and its varieties, according to the tasks, which are realized in the process of its use, needs further consideration. The article assumes that the most important criterion for the classification of violence is the use of weapons in this process. It is noted that no one can doubt that armed violence is violence. It is suggested to consider the main goal of most unarmed forms of social violence − the prevention of armed forms of confrontation. These aspects will be addressed in future scientific publications
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46

PAHIRIA, Oleksandr. "FROM COOPERATION TO ENMITY: CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE CARPATHIAN SICH AND THE CZECHOSLOVAK SECURITY AGENCIES (1938 – 1939)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-90-110.

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The article studies the evolution of relationships between the Carpathian Sich paramilitary organization and the Czechoslovak security agencies on the territory of Podkarpatska Rus' (Capratho-Ukraine) at the turn of 1938 – 1939 as they escalated towards mutual hostility. Drawing on the vast archival sources the article traces three conflict lines between the sides: 1) interference by Sich members into the area of public order and security; 2) anti-Czech demonstrations sparked by the controversial decision of Prague to nominate the Czech army general Lev Prchala to the post of the third minister in the Carpatho-Ukraine autonomous government; 3) attempts by Sich members to steal weapons and ammunition from the depots of the Czechoslovak gendarmerie. Though frictions between the sides were visible even before, it was the mid-January 1939 decision of the Prague government to appoint general Prchala that stirred up Carpatho-Ukrainian society, led to the escalation of Czech-Ukrainian relations, and increased inter-ethnic tensions in Carpatho-Ukraine. It fostered the radicalization of the Carpathian Sich and boosted its aggression against the Czech presence in the region. These events put high on the Carpathian Sich agenda the necessity to replace the Czechoslovak security corps on the territory of Carpatho-Ukraine. They resulted in several armed clashes with the Czechs and attempts by Sich members to seize weapons from the gendarmerie deposits. As a rule, the autonomous government took the Sich side in these conflicts while pursuing its plans to increase the influence on the law enforcement agencies in the region. Amid heightened tensions, the armed conflict, which broke out between the Carpathian-Sich and Czechoslovak troops in Khust and its vicinities before the dissolution of the Czecho-Slovak Republic, was not a coincidence, but the logical outcome of the exponential escalation of their relations in the previous months. The studied antagonism reflected certain tendencies in the whole Second Czecho-Slovak republic, where the autonomous region of Slovakia and Podkarpatska Rus' had been striving for more powers in security and sought to get rid of excessive Prague patronage. In this regard, Carpathian Sich's actions against the Czechoslovak gendarmerie had many similarities with the Hlinka Guard's anti-Czech campaign in Slovakia. Keywords Czech-Slovakia, Capratho-Ukraine, Carpathian Sich, Lev Prchala, gendarmerie
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47

Tym, Juliusz S. "Local conflicts during the Cold Was as an Expression of Armed Confrontation of the Superpowers without Declaring Wars." Studia Maritima 29 (2016): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18276/sm.2016.29-13.

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48

Bin, Li. "The Revival of Nuclear Competition in an Altered Geopolitical Context: A Chinese Perspective." Daedalus 149, no. 2 (April 2020): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01789.

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The U.S. government considers “power competition” to be the nature of the relations among big powers, and that it will have an impact on the evolving nuclear order in the near future. When big powers worry about power challenges from their rivals, they may use the influence of nuclear weapons to defend their own power and therefore intensify the danger of nuclear confrontation. We need to manage the nuclear relations among nuclear-weapon states and nuclear-armed states to avoid the risk of nuclear escalation. The fact is that big powers including the United States have neither the interest nor the capability to expand their power, and understanding this might cause big powers to lose their interest in power competition. If we promote dialogue among nuclear-weapon states and nuclear-armed states on their strategic objectives, it is possible to reduce the power competition that results from misperceptions and overreactions. Some other factors, for example, non- nuclear technologies and multinuclear players, could complicate the future nuclear order. We therefore need to manage these factors as well and develop international cooperation to mitigate nuclear competition.
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49

Loshkariov, I. D. "Diasporas and Armed Conflicts: beyond Being “Third Party”." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 3 (June 27, 2021): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-3-78-39-56.

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The article discusses an essential dimension of modern diaspora research related to the functional status of diasporas in contemporary armed conflicts. The conventional point of view is that diasporas can only act as the “third party” of the conflict by either contributing to the deepening of the contradictions between the opposing parties or acting as an intermediary between them. In theoretical terms, the author relies on the concept of “new” or network wars (netwars) and tries to demonstrate that there are the prerequisites for more active involvement of diasporas in armed conflicts at the structural level of modern world political processes. To identify the structural requirements for such participation, the author turns to the analysis of two cases. The first case is the emergence and functioning of the 1st Polish Corps in 1917-1918 in Russia, which was formed when the Polish population of Russia was separated from their territory of origin as a result of the First World War. An analysis of the documents shows that the leadership of the corps quite clearly evaded political subordination to the Russian authorities and retained only military subordination, implying that the task of this unit was to participate in the restoration of Polish statehood. The second case is the genesis and evolution of the “Secret Army” of General Wang Pao in Laos in 1960-1974. This unit played an essential role in the Civil War in Laos, as it managed to restrain the onslaught of the superior forces of the Patet Lao Front and troops from North Vietnam. Such long-term participation in hostilities was made possible thanks to US special services' logistical and technical support. The two case studies allow us to conclude that there were armed units in previous historical periods with a clear diaspora component: they made a significant contribution to the overall dynamics of the confrontation between major parties to the conflict. This experience helps analyze contemporary conflicts with the diaspora component, especially in the context of the gradual erosion of power resources in world politics. The participation of diasporas in armed conflicts outside the “third party” framework is associated with the achievement of several conditions, both internal and external ones.
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50

Ngam, Confidence Chia. "Their Spirits are High and Willing but That is Not Enough: Profiling the Cameroon Separatist Anglophone Radical Militia (Amba Boys)." Youth and Globalization 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 210–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895745-02020005.

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Abstract If spiritual and determined engagements plus commitment were sufficient to ensure victory in any War adventure, the present armed conflict (war) between the Cameroon government and the Separatist Radical Militia (Amba Boys) could have long secured the independence of the country yearned for by separatist Anglophone Militita. Indeed, for close to four years running the armed Separatist militia of the English speaking regions of Cameroon known as Amba boys have been passionately engaged in an armed confrontation replete with varied forms of violence and extremism which constitute a serious impediment to peace and development within this area. The Amba boys in context are constituted by groups of brainwashed and radicalized boys and to some limited extent girls men and women. This scheme of constant radicalization has pushed them to believe that war and violence remains the only option left to erect, create or resurrect a state corresponding specifically to the Southern British-administered Cameroon passionately referred to as Ambazonia. This article premises its discourse on evidence gathered on the narratives in praise of war as a solution to the Anglophone problem in Cameroon from primary and secondary sources to weigh the ‘invincibility’ of Amba Boys and all those on their support network. It examines the relevance or sustainability of engaging a majority of ill-prepared, ill-equipped, ill-trained, poorly fed and brainwashed youths in a war with hope of quick victory against an organized and well-equipped army. By profiling the different set of people involved in the militia plus the war strategies and radicalization schemes by those in the leadership of armed groups, this paper asserts that high spirits and determination like that of the Amba Boys are necessary war ingredients but not enough to guarantee success and the separation in focus.
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