Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: Aristotle Political and social views.
Дисертації з теми "Aristotle Political and social views"
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся з топ-50 дисертацій для дослідження на тему "Aristotle Political and social views".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Переглядайте дисертації для різних дисциплін та оформлюйте правильно вашу бібліографію.
1
Geragotis, Stratos. "Le rôle de la justice politique dans la formation de la République selon Aristote." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212515.
Повний текст джерела
2
Pike, Jonathan E. "Marx, Aristotle and beyond : aspects of Aristotelianism in Marxist social ontology." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3480/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Marx's debt to Aristotle has been noted, but inadequately. Usually commentators focus on the parallels between discrete ethical theories of both writers. However, for Marx, ethics is not a discrete field, but is founded on a conception of social ontology. This thesis links the two by showing that, precisely because of its Aristotelian roots, Marx's political economy of bourgeois society demands an ethical view arising from alienated labour. Marx conceives of bourgeois society as an organic whole. But this entails that is social matter can only exist potentially, and not fully setting up a tension that points to the eventual supercession of its social form. In this manner, Marx's Aristotelian hylomorphism provides the link between the early and the later Marx, between the critique of alienation and the mature works of political economy. This reading of Marx is facilitated by combining it with recent developments in philosophy. The works of Harré, Kripke and Wiggins, in particular have helped retrospectively to justify Marx's intuitive realism. Their contributions on explanation identity and sortals are applied in order to elucidate and justify his ontology. In the course of this, the problematic boundary between analytical philosophy and social theory is crossed. Marx restates ancient beliefs about the transitory nature of existence and the eternal nature of change. In particular, there are strong parallels between Marx's account of the decline and eventual fall of capitalism, and the Aristotelian message that all sublunary entities come to be and pass away. These parallels are sufficiently striking to allow us to recognise that Marx's account of the crisis ridden and ultimately doomed perspective for capitalism, overlooked by his protagonists, is but a variant of the Aristotelian theory of passing away or phthorá.
3
Abbott, Kenrick. "Contemporary Shiʻism as political ideology : the views of Sharîʻatmadârî, Tâliqânî, and Khumaynî". Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59561.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Islam was drastically altered in Iran as a result of the 1978/79 Revolution. This thesis looks at the political aspects of contemporary Imami Shi'ism by comparing the ideas of three leading mujtahids of the day: Ayatullah Shari 'atmadari, Ayatullah Khumayni, and Ayatullah Taliqani. This study points out the wide divergences of ideas present within the religious class, ranging in the political spectrum, from conservative to radical. A comparison of these three figures highlights the differences between "Traditionalist" Islam, as put forth by Shari 'atmadari, and "Fundamentalist" Islam, as proposed by Khumayni and Taliqani. Further differences within the fundamentalist "camp" are demonstrated through Taliqani 's progressive all-inclusive "Liberation Theology" and Khumayni 's equally all-encompassing "religion of militant individuals".
4
Ahmad, Shagufta. "Dr. Isrār Aḥmad's political thought and activities". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68066.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the political thought of Dr. Israr Ahmad and the organizations founded and led by him, namely, Markazi Anjuman-i Khuddam al-Qur'an, Tanzim-i Islami, and Tahrik-i Khilafat. He is an intellectual and reformer born in the Indian subcontinent who witnessed the struggle for independence and migrated to Pakistan. During his medical studies he was a member of the Jam'iyat-i Talabah, and after becoming a doctor, he joined the Jama'at-i Islami formed by Mawlana Mawdudi but later left it. The objectives of this thesis are to analyze the main influences on him. This study focuses particularly on Dr. Israr Ahmad's contribution to political thought, that is, his derivation of the process of Islamic Revolution from the sirah, and his modification of this process to suit the present times. He has not only articulated and communicated his thought widely but also formed three organizations to implement the process in Pakistan. The aims, modes of operation, and achievements of the Anjuman and Tanzim are discussed and compared with the Jama'at-i Islami at times. Since Tahrik-i Khilafat is a recent addition, it is discussed only briefly.
5
Shelton, Cecil J. "What Rocks the Vote? Citizens' Views of Community Leaders and Political Engagement." UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/cld_etds/1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Political engagement has an established body of research. However, one key area that has not been investigated in the field is the relationship between political engagement and type of community lived in. This study explores this relationship between type of community, past political engagement, perceptions of community leaders, attitude about political engagement, and socieodemographic characteristics. A conceptual model was developed based on existing literature. Utilizing a statewide survey conducted in 2009 that yielded 1,154 respondents with a response rate of 30.2% was used to explore these relationships. Using statistical procedures that test correlation were utilized to investigate the relationship between the key study variables. In addition, a regression model was created to be able to predict an individual’s political engagement. The result concluded that type of community does not significantly play a role in determining an individual’s political engagement. However other insights were revealed that showcase the complexity of political engagement and raise other questions about the role an individual’s attitude towards political engagement, and perception of community leaders affects their political engagement.
6
Moore, Mark. "Kenotic politics : the reconfiguration of power in Jesus' political praxis." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683248.
Повний текст джерела
7
Collins, Rex Anthony. "Private vices, public benefits : Dr. Mandeville and the body politic." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:69c3a8c9-c069-4d21-93d9-5ce5609c50c5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the relationship between Mandeville's medical and non-medical thought, to assess the relevance of the former for an understanding of the latter. By locating his medical text, A Treatise of the Hypochondriack and Hysterick Passions, within the context of an early modern discourse on the nature and treatment of melancholic and nervous disorders, three distinctive features of his medical thought and practice are identified, namely: his commitment to the physiological principles of iatromechanism; his adherence to the precepts of Hippocratic medical practice; and his use of the talking cure in the treatment of hypochondriacal disorders. Those aspects of his medical thought and practice are then taken up and explored in an analysis of his philosophical and polemical performances in The Fable of the Bees. First, it is argued that The Fable of the Bees contains a systematic and coherent theory of man and society, the key elements of which were dictated by Mandeville's reductive and physiological understanding of man as a sentient and passionate machine. It is further argued that the mechanistic and homeostatic principles which informed his model of human functioning also informed his similarly reductive account of both the evolution and the contemporary functioning of the body politic. To distinguish Mandeville's from other reductive social theories, his adherence to the methodological precepts of Hippocratic medicine and his understanding of the development of its rules of diet and regimen are invoked to explain his distinctive and evolutionary account of the social institutions which made civilization and its flourishing possible. Finally, Mandeville's contrasting polemical and rhetorical performances in Parts I and II of The Fable of the Bees are explained by reference to his understanding of the medical art of diagnosis and curing in general and his use of the talking cure in particular.
8
Cathey, Paul Eben. "Understanding propaganda: Noam Chomsky and the institutional analysis of power." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002975.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis argues that Noam Chomsky’s theory of propaganda is a useful way to understand class domination. The strengths and weaknesses of Chomsky’s theory are examined by means of a comparison with Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. Since work that discusses and analyses Chomsky’s theory is sparse, this piece first gives a detailed explanation of his theory. This requires a short clarification of Chomsky’s terminology, focusing on his definitions of indoctrination and class. Thereafter a thorough account of Chomsky’s ideas regarding class structure, the indoctrinating functions of educational and media institutions and the difference between upper and lower class propaganda are discussed. A common criticism of Chomsky’s arguments is that they are conspiratorial. Thus, following the discussion of Chomsky’s theory I present an argument that Chomsky uses an institutional analysis as opposed to conspiracy theory to reach his conclusions. After arguing that Chomsky has a coherent, logical theory of propaganda that is not conspiratorial, this thesis shifts to a comparison of Chomsky and Gramsci’s theory. The elements of Gramsci’s theory that are relevant to Chomsky are discussed, focusing on their overall similarities, in particular, the question of consent. The final chapter consists of a comparison of the two theories, examining each theorist’s ideas on the nature of education, language, consent and the possible ways in which the lower classes can oppose their own oppression.
9
Temelini, Michael. "Seeing things differently : Wittgenstein and social and political philosophy." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35950.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis calls into question a currently orthodox view of Ludwig Wittgenstein's post-Tractarian philosophy. This view is that the social and political implications of Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations are conservative and relativist. That is, Wittgenstein's concepts such as 'forms of life', 'language-games' and 'rule-following' defend and promote: a rule-determined and context-determined rationality; or an incomparable community-determined human understanding; or a neutralist, nonrevisionary, private or uncritical social and political philosophy.In order to challenge and correct this conventional understanding the thesis sets up as 'objects of comparison' a variety of very different examples of the use of Wittgenstein in social and political philosophy. These uses are neither relativist nor conservative and they situate understanding and critical reflection in the practices of comparison and dialogue. The examples of this 'comparative-dialogical' Wittgensteinian approach are found in the works of three contemporary philosophers: Thomas L. Kuhn, Quentin Skinner and Charles Taylor.
This study employs the technique of a survey rather than undertaking a uniquely textual analysis because it is less convincing to suggest that Wittgenstein's concepts might be used in these unfamiliar ways than to show that they have been put to these unfamiliar uses. Therefore I turn not to a Wittgensteinian ideal but to examples of the 'comparative-dialogical' uses of Wittgenstein. In so doing I am following Wittgenstein's insight in section 208 of the Philosophical Investigations: "I shall teach him to use the words by means of examples and by practice. And when I do this, I do not communicate less to him than I know myself." Thus it will be in a survey of various uses and applications of Wittgenstein's concepts and techniques that I will show that I and others understand them.
10
Nitsch, Michael. "Democratic Theory and the Question of Character." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10337.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation uses the history of political thought to shed light on the disconnect between the prominent place of judgments about the character in American democratic life, and the marginalized place of those judgments in contemporary democratic theory. By tracing the origins of that disconnect back into the history of political philosophy, and by locating an alternative approach to questions of character in the political and ethical writings of Aristotle, the dissertation brings out important connections between contemporary democratic theory and key developments in the history of ideas, and it recovers an ancient account of character that turns out still to be relevant to the dynamics of modern citizenship. The dissertation begins by showing how character is key to Aristotle‘s distinction between "correct" and "deviant" regimes in the Politics: not only are correct regimes distinguished by the character of those who rule, but the distinguishing feature of citizen-rulers in more correct regimes turns out to be their ability to appreciate what is excellent in the character of their fellow citizens. I then trace the decline of Aristotle‘s approach in the work of Machiavelli, Hobbes, Rousseau, and Kant, showing how Machiavelli‘s famously unsettling account of the relationship between moral goodness, political leadership, and popular government made its way into the foundations of later democratic theory. Finally, I return to Aristotle, showing how his treatment of philia or "friendship" in his ethical writings provides an important prelude to the ideas from the Politics we will already have considered. By taking into account both the high and often noble aspirations that inform considerations of character but also their potential to derail into disenchantment or dangerous ill-will, Aristotle‘s approach offers a theory capable of engaging directly with both the promise and the pitfalls of character judgments in democratic life.Government
11
Youla, Christian. "The foreign policies of Mandela and Mbeki : a clear case of idealism vs realism?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1592.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.After 1994, South African foreign policymakers faced the challenge of reintegrating a country, isolated for many years as a result of the previous government’s apartheid policies, into the international system. In the process of transforming South Africa's foreign identity from a pariah state to a respected international player, some commentators contend that presidents Mandela and Mbeki were informed by two contrasting theories of International Relations (IR), namely, idealism and realism, respectively. In light of the above-stated popular assumptions and interpretations of the foreign policies of Presidents Mandela and Mbeki, this study is motivated by the primary aim to investigate the classification of their foreign policy within the broader framework of IR theory. This is done by sketching a brief overview of the IR theories of idealism, realism and constructivism, followed by an analysis of the foreign policies of these two statesmen in order to identify some of the principles that underpin them. Two case studies – Mandela's response to the ‘two Chinas’ question and Mbeki's policy of ‘quiet diplomacy’ towards Zimbabwe – are employed to highlight apparent irregularities with the two leaders’ perceived general foreign policy thrusts. It takes the form of a comparative study, and is conducted within the qualitative paradigm, with research based on secondary sources. The findings show that, although the overarching foreign policy principles of these two former presidents can largely be understood on the basis of particular theoretical approaches, they neither acted consistently according to the assumptions of idealism or realism that are ascribed to them. The conclusion drawn is thus that categorising the foreign policies of presidents Mandela and Mbeki as idealist and realist, respectively, results in a simplistic understanding of the perspectives that inform these two statesmen, as well as the complexity of factors involved in foreign policymaking. More significantly, it is unhelpful in developing a better understanding of South Africa's foreign policy in the post-1994 period.
12
Draper, Paul. "Chang Chün-Mai : a moral conservative in an immoral age." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25381.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Chang Chün-mai, known in the West as Carsun Chang, played a prominent role on the political stage of wartime China. As educator, philosopher, and politician, he vainly attempted to alter the course of China's political and cultural development. Although commonly referred to as a liberal-democrat, this study shows Chang to be more of a traditionally-minded conservative. Masked by the heavy use of a liberal-democratic vocabulary, Chang maintained a firm commitment to principles that owed much more to conservative Chinese tradition than to Western liberalism.
The fact that Chang Chün-mai did rely so heavily on liberal-democratic arguments and came to be known by some as the Father of the Constitution tends to cloud his real intent. It is argued here that his efforts to bring a Western-style constitution to China can better be understood by recognizing two major points: first, Chang, as well as many others, used the constitutional issue in an attempt to force Chiang Kai-shek to share political power; and, secondly, the constitutional issue provided Chang with the conceptual and institutional vehicle for rebuilding the socio-political relationships between the various elements of Chinese society which had existed before the Republic. Within the latter goal, Chang also souqht to create a position of influence and prestige for the class of intellectuals of which he was a part.
This study explores one dimension of Chinese conservatism. It shows Chang Chün-mai as a neo-traditionalist whose behaviour was guided and limited by his image of the Chinese cultural tradition--limitations which significantly contributed to his failure. Examining Chang's actions in wartime China sheds more light on the reasons for the failure of the so-called "third force" elements that stood between the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party. Chang held himself aloof from the great mass of his fellow countrymen, he championed a political position which failed to offer a clear alternative to the authoritarian government of Chiang Kai-shek, and his philosophical and conservative viewpoint prevented him from carrying his political opposition to a point which seriously challenged Chiang Kai-shek. Although this study does conclude that Chang's idealized image of the Confucian gentleman (chün-tzu) acted as a handicap in the political milieu of wartime China, it confines that conclusion to a given time and place, and under particular circumstances. It emphatically does not purport to discount the viability or appropriateness of traditional Chinese values in the modern world, or with some form of democratic system.
Far from exhaustive, this study is, at best, partial. It is meant to explore a dimension of the Chinese effort to reconcile themselves and their culture with a changing environment. Source materials are limited and not without inconsistencies. A major drawback is that much of the Chinese-language material concerning Chang Chün-mai is lauditory in nature and biased in his favor. If time permitted, a more thorough study of the personal accounts of other actors involved would no doubt yield a more balanced picture. Further, the circumstances under which much of the wartime materials were written required a good deal of circumspection on the part of the writers, and therefore, requires a good deal of "reading between the lines" by the modern reader. I have tried to keep my conclusions reasonable without imparting my own ideas to a difficult translation.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
13
Beckett, Margaret J. "The political works of John Lesley, Bishop of Ross (1527-96)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2015.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
John Lesley saw himself as a humanist, devoted to the common weal and especially to his Queen; to others he was `a busie man', `seed-man of all treasons'. Educated in the Renaissance Scotland of James V and trained in France for a career in the law and the Church, he was `a great doer' with Queen Mary and, briefly, at the heart of government in Scotland, as Lord of Session, Bishop and trusted Counsellor. In 1568 his priorities were transformed. Charged with defending Mary's innocence at York and her interests at the court of Elizabeth, he failed to secure her rehabilitation in Scotland or her release from England. What he could not do in court by his pleading he attempted to do, covertly, by his pen, in an attempt to convince the English nobility and the Spanish King that Mary was Elizabeth's natural heir, in no way disqualified by her own character and conduct or her gender or by English laws of succession. These three topics and Lesley's handling of them are discussed in Chapters Two to Four. Chapter One uses his own, often mutually contradictory, accounts of these years to indicate the circumstances in which his polemic, and the Histories discussed in Chapter Six, were composed. Chapter Five argues that A Treatise of Treasons should not be ascribed to him. In the past century, Lesley has attracted little notice, usually overshadowed by stronger or more flamboyant characters; from his writings, Mary's `learned and most faithful servant' can appear to have the consistency of a chameleon. This study is concerned with his political works, in Latin, Scots and English; it tries to explain those discrepancies which it cannot reconcile, and to examine Lesley's ideas, and their influence, on political issues which included resistance, union with England and the rights of women.
14
Peterson, Rebecca C. (Rebecca Carol). "Dante, Machiavelli, and Luther: The Evolution of the Modern State." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500496/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The evolution of the State was a process which went through many stages. Analysis of the modern State tends to begin with the Enlightenment; however, Dante Alighieri, Niccolo Machiavelli, and Martin Luther each represented early phases of this evolution. The theories of these men were closely tied to their evaluation of man's nature. Their main objectives were separation of the State from the Church and the definition of the rulers obligations to his subjects. Although humanism influenced all of them to varying degrees, each developed unique views of the State. Elements of these views can be detected in more modern theorists.
15
Tan, Fuji, and 譚福基. "Views of secondary school teachers on curriculum change after the reunion." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3196123X.
Повний текст джерела
16
Tahir, Ahmad. "The social writings of Shaykh ʻUthmān b. Fūdī : a critical and analytical study". Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75991.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This Study shows that the Shehu's social writings are the reflection of his concept and method of implementation of tajdid. The basic goal of the tajdid was to recreate what he considered the ideal Sunni Islamic society. In order to achieve his objective he unfolded a plan of action which aimed at winning the support of the common people and the 'ulama'. For the people, he mounted a mass mobilization to boost religious learning, acquaint them with local beliefs adjudged as bad innovations, and exhort them about the impending End of Time. For the 'ulama', his plan was a reorientation of their attitudes toward moderation in theological and doctrinal matters, and accommodation of legal and religious views other than those of the Maliki School of Law. Further, he expected them to persuade the rulers of Gobir to change their un-Islamic ways and support the new movement. But when the 'ulama' chose not only to adopt a confrontational attitude but to prevail upon the rulers to take hostile measures against his followers, the Shehu took up arms against them and finally established a Caliphate.
17
Vyas, Ashwin G. "Systematic Statement of Mahatma Gandhi's Theory of Social Stratification." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331565/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study presents the major ideas of Mahatma Gandhi on social stratification and social inequality. The methodology consists of systematically reading and analyzing the literature through which the theoretical components of social stratification in Gandhi's writings become more explicit, and evaluating these theoretical components. A systematic statement of Gandhi's theory of social stratification included the following five components. First, social differentiation is inherent in human nature. Gandhi believed in the universality of social differentiations and was convinced that societies were organized into the divisions on the basis of vocations. Second, relations among strata imply that a division of labor is essential for the stability and organization of society. Gandhi also implied that this division of labor is necessary and functional. Third, normative patterns establish traditions of heredity. To Gandhi, the four divisions in society defined a person's "calling" which is essential for social organization. Fourth, the system of stratification is the universal law that everyone is obliged to follow. Gandhi tried to legitimize social stratification through moral and religious values of the society. Fifth, social stratification system defines duties only and does not confer any privileges. To Gandhi, the divisions of people into strata was the best possible adjustment of social stability and progress. While accepting some form of social stratification for the benefit of total funcioning of the society, Gandhi refused to accept that social inequality necessarily grows out of the process of social stratification. To maintain the hereditary law of social stratification and reduce the inequality, Gandhi suggested the abolition of the present caste system and the revival of four orders of social organization, the removal of the concept of untouchability, the regulation of trusteeship, decentralization of power, the increase of women's status, and vocational education for all.
18
Rodríguez, P. Isabel (Rodríguez Pérez). "Influencia de los Estados Unidos en el pensamiento de José Martí." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22386.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this thesis is to engage in an objective study of the influence of the United States on Martis thought during his lengthy stay in that country, enumerating the different social problems that led him to change his preconceived notions of the country before his arrival, and how this influence strengthened his attitude after leaving prison.An attempt will also be made to explain why his determination to struggle for the liberation of Cuba acquired continental dimensions, when he became the spokesman for what he called "the greater fatherland", after having anxiously observed the danger hovering over Latin America due to the growth of United States imperialism that threatened neighbouring countries. The thesis will utilize Jose Martis chronicles and articles which will be used for illustrative purposes. These will not imply any prejudice or bias.
In order to understand Jose Martis attitude towards the United States, it will be necessary to study Martis concept of "Our America". For this purpose, the essential ideas in Martis messages will be analysed, establishing a parallel between Martis action and his thought.
19
Robinson, Charles. "Martin Heidegger's Critique of Freedom." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/655.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis advisor: Susan M. ShellTitle: Martin Heidegger's Critique of Freedom Author: Charles Robinson Advisor: Professor Susan Shell Boston College Political Science Department This is a study of thought and politics of Martin Heidegger. It presents an examination of his understanding of freedom, principally as he expressed it in Being and Time, but also considers some of his subsequent essays and lectures, as well as his Rectorate Address. Ever since Heidegger's public embrace of National Socialism, his defenders and critics have argued about the possible relation between his thinking and his infamous political commitments. While many of his critics have linked his commitments to an alleged lack of understanding of freedom, some of his scholarly defenders have sought to present interpretations of his concept of freedom at odds with his infamous politics, in order to separate his thought from any association with Nazism. The conclusions of these critics and defenders of Heidegger are both mistaken: in Being and Time Heidegger sought the meaning of being in the authentic experience of human self-determination revealed by the conscience, which he worked out as "forward running resolve." It was this militant concept of freedom that grounded his project for a destined community of battle to be championed by a free corps of freedom fighters, and led him to embrace, in the very name of freedom, the tyranny of Hitler's new Reich. The study of Heidegger's concept of authentic freedom reveals that, far from lacking any understanding of freedom, it was rather a central theme and concern of his philosophical efforts, and that his infamous political commitments were indeed its necessary and coherent practical consequence. Heidegger's thought thus poses a more trenchant and pressing challenge to liberal (and leftist) politics than many of his critics and defenders appreciate. There have been comparatively few sustained thematic treatments of Heidegger's understanding of freedom in English. This study accordingly hopes to contribute to an understanding of this central theme of Heidegger's philosophical efforts, which not only reveals their necessary connection to his politics, but also promises to improve our access to the coherent intelligibility of his thought as a whole
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
20
Millett, John R. ""Like decorations in a nigger cemetery" : the poetic and political adjustments of Wallace Stevens /." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2004. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/MillettJR2004.pdf.
Повний текст джерела
21
Daniels, John D. (John David) 1946. "The Political Philosophy of Sam Houston." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501136/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although most Americans view Sam Houston as a military leader and practical politician with little understanding of intellectual issues, he actually possessed a complex moral and political philosophy which he elaborated and demonstrated during a fifty-year public career. He based his philosophy on a mixture of Christian idealism and pragmatic realism, with duty, honor, and strict morality serving to restrain his love of reality, reason, and physical pleasures. The dual nature of his moral beliefs extended into his politics, which mixed Jeffersonian republicanism, individual rights, and limited government, with Jacksonian democracy, the needs of society, and the will of the people. Throughout most of his career he kept those conflicting sets of ideals successfully in balance, with only the turmoil of the 1850s leading him into extreme positions.
22
Nordberg, Thomas G. "The centrality of the cross in Reinhold Niebuhr's Christian theology and ethics /." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75871.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this dissertation it is contended that central to Reinhold Niebuhr's theology and ethics is his understanding of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ as a revelation of the suffering of God. Keeping in mind the theologia crucis of Martin Luther, Part I examines the significance of the Christian symbol of the cross during Niebuhr's formative years and as he later sought to relate the moral and ethical insights of the Christian faith to the more tragic social and political events of his age.Part II begins with a systematic appraisal of Niebuhr's theology of the cross in reference to his understanding of Christian anthropology, theology proper, the atonement, history and eschatology. The theological similarities of Niebuhr's thought to the theologia crucis of Luther are made explicit. A delineation is then made of Niebuhr's social ethic of the cross. It is an ethic which seeks to underscore the true but limited relevance of the norm of sacrificial love to issues of relative justice. This ethic is then contrasted to the ethica crucis of Luther.
The dissertation concludes with an examination of the current debate regarding Niebuhr's ultimate political position. It is suggested that an understanding of Niebuhr's theology and ethic of the cross is essential to any thorough appreciation of the major shifts which occurred within his political thought.
23
Witherow, John S. "The enigmatic founder : liberalism, republicanism and the thought of James Madison." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4113.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the twentieth century the debate over the ideological origins of the founding period and early republic has resulted in a polarization of historical interpretations. Recently, the conflict has centered on historians who use either the liberal or classical republican paradigms to explain these eras. Scholars of the founding period have argued for the dominance of one political ideology or the other in the thought of important figures of this time. Unfortunately, this struggle has led to a narrow interpretation of arguably the greatest thinker in American History, James Madison. To the contrary, I hold Madison's thought was influenced by both liberal and classical republican ideas, and in this thesis I explore that interpretation.
24
Cruz, Richard A. (Richard Alan). "André Malraux: the Anticolonial and Antifascist Years." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277996/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation provides an explanation of how André Malraux, a man of great influence on twentieth century European culture, developed his political ideology, first as an anticolonial social reformer in the 1920s, then as an antifascist militant in the 1930s. Almost all of the previous studies of Malraux have focused on his literary life, and most of them are rife with errors. This dissertation focuses on the facts of his life, rather than on a fanciful recreation from his fiction. The major sources consulted are government documents, such as police reports and dispatches, the newspapers that Malraux founded with Paul Monin, other Indochinese and Parisian newspapers, and Malraux's speeches and interviews. Other sources include the memoirs of Clara Malraux, as well as other memoirs and reminiscences from people who knew Andre Malraux during the 1920s and the 1930s. The dissertation begins with a survey of Malraux's early years, followed by a detailed account of his experiences in Indochina. Then there is a survey of the period from 1926 to 1933, when Malraux won renown as a novelist and as a man with special insight into Asian affairs. The dissertation then focuses on Malraux's career as a militant antifascist during the 1930s, including an analysis of Malraux's organization of an air squadron for the Spanish Republic, and his trip to North America to raise funds. The dissertation concludes with an analysis of Malraux's evolution from an apolitical, virtually unknown writer into a committed anticolonial social reformer and an antifascist militant. The man and his political ideology were intricately interwoven. His brief career as a political journalist in Saigon was crucial in his transformation from an apolitical Parisian dandy into a political activist. Because he regarded fascism as a dire threat to European civilization, Malraux gave his full support to the Soviet Union and the Spanish Republic during the 1930s.
25
Khuluq, Lathiful. "Kyai Haji Hasyim Asyʾari's religious thought and political activities (1871-1947)". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=27946.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis surveys the religious thought and political activities of K. H. (Kyai Haji) Hasyim Asy'ari (1871-1947), founder of both the Pesantren Tebuireng and the Nahdlatul Ulama. Given the extent of his legacy, it will study his life, educational background and pesantren milieu in order to gain an understanding of his career and the events that inspired him. A prolific writer, K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari produced works on theology, sufism, politics and Islamic law. Many of these works will be discussed. His theology was standard Sunni, while his mystical practice and thinking may best be described as sufi/ orthodox. He encouraged Muslims to follow the four Sunni schools (madhahib) in the belief that they contained the most valid teachings. In the political sphere, he called upon Muslims to strengthen the ties of Muslim brotherhood. And although K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari spent most of his life teaching in the pesantren, he also played an important political role, especially as leader of a Muslim unity movement during the late Dutch colonial period, as representative to Muslim organizations active under the Japanese occupation and finally as a supporter of Indonesian independence in the late 1940s. Significantly, K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari was regarded as the preeminent leader of the traditionalist Muslims from the 1920s to the 1940s, but enjoyed the respect of the modernist faction at a time when relations between traditionalists and modernists were strained. In effect, he served as spiritual leader to many 'ulama', soldiers and politicians.
26
Mokhesi, Sebetlela Petrus. "Nation-building in South Africa : Mandela and Mbeki compared." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53513.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and it still is a controversial issue in South Africa. The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively. Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover, Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and empowerment through the market. These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding. This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to nation-building.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk handeloor nasiebou in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994, met die doelom die tendense sedertdien te bepaal. Dit was en is steeds 'n kontroversiële kwessie in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat nuwe instellings, leiers en beleide in die nasie tot stand sal kom. Daar is vervolgens op 'n inklusiewe/liberale nasiebou program besluit. Sedert 1994 was dit uitgevoer onder die leierskap van twee presidente, te wete Mandela (1994-1999) en Mbeki (1999-2002+) respektiewelik. Dié twee leiers onderskryf verskillende filosofieë en het ook verskillende benaderings tot nasiebou. Beide is individualiste, en Mandela die Charteris terwyl Mbeki weer die Afrikanis is. Meer spesifiek, Mandela het nasiebou bevorder deur versoening en korporatisme te bevorder. Mbeki aan die ander kant, plaas weer klem op transformasie en bemagtiging deur die mark. Hierdie benaderings skyn teenstrydig te wees. Daarom is 'n poging aangewend om te bepaal hoe insiggewend die verskille is en wat die tendense is. Moontlik spel dit niks goeds vir die nuwe demokrasie nie. Dit is gedoen deur Mandela en Mbeki sistematies te vergelyk.
27
Appel, Fredrick. "Nietzsche's ethical vision : an examination of the moral and political philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28982.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation argues that a pervasive ethical vision underlies the work of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900): a concern for the possibility of human flourishing, in the modern world. Notwithstanding Nietzsche's celebrated claim to be "beyond good and evil", and against the standard interpretation of his "perspectivism", it is argued that Nietzsche makes qualitative, normative distinctions between higher, admirable modes of human existence and lower, contemptible ones, and that he wishes through his writings to foster the former and discourage the latter. Furthermore, it is argued that Nietzsche believes human excellence to be the property of a small minority of "higher" human beings, and that he identifies the project of encouraging human excellence with a political imperative of cultivating this gifted elite. The dissertation also argues that Nietzsche's picture of the fully flourishing human life suffers from a number of inconsistencies that may be traced back to his vacillation between two incompatible moral discourses: an Aristotelian discourse emphasising the importance of certain "external goods" (e.g. friendship, recognition, community) in a fully flourishing life, and a rival, Stoic-influenced discourse stressing the virtuous individual's total self-sufficiency. An examination is made of Nietzsche's stance towards the following key concepts and questions: truth, morality, virtue, instinct and "bodily" knowledge, nature, creativity, rationality, discipline and self-mastery, freedom, solitude and sociability, friendship, community, pity, breeding and heredity, women and gender relations, and domination.
28
Kuyas, Ahmet. "'The ideology of the revolution' : an inquiry into Șevket Süreyya Aydemir's interpretation of the Turkish Revolution." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39936.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Influenced by national Communists with whom he came in contact in Bolshevik Russia, Sevket Sureyya Aydemir developed in early republican Turkey a theory which he called theory of national emancipation movements. According to this theory, the emancipation of a colonial nation did not consist only of obtaining political sovereignty. A vanguard of revolutionary elite had to monopolize power, and lead the nation to the creation of a classless society. It was understood that the coming of this new society was the prerequisite for the success of socialist revolution in industrialized countries. Yet, although many in the Kemalist regime felt sympathetic to this theory, the regime did ultimately not endorse it. This is a significant turning point in modern Turkish history, for this response, among other indicators, shows that the new Turkish regime was willing to be a part of the European system despite the latter's record as colonizer and imperialist.
29
Nicholl, Gordon. "Wyndham Lewis : critical intelligence." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23345.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis studies the intellectual development of the painter and writer Wyndham Lewis (1882-1957). His career is seen as an unique expression of the creative and critical intelligence within modern society. The liberal, secular, and individualistic aspects of Lewis's thought are stressed.The thesis concentrates on four aspects of Lewis's life and work. First, Lewis's relationship with T. E. Hulme, usually described as one of direct influence, is shown to be adversarial and complicated by basic differences of their worldview. Second, the nature of Lewis's fascism is discussed using a new reading of Hitler (1931). Third, Lewis's view of the position and the role of the artist in society is explained by studying three of his models of culture and society, each drawn from a different period of his career. Finally, the relationship of Lewis and Marshall McLuhan is examined to determine the nature and extent of the ideas passed on.
30
May, Katja 1961. "A German reaction to Native Americans: Karl May's concept of cultural development." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291661.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The "demise" of Native American cultures and the possibility of their "renascence" is the subject of the literary work analyzed in this thesis. The German popular novelist Karl May (1842-1912) aspired to write the epic drama of the American Indians. Using randomly selected anthropological and linguistic information, he described particularly Apache and Comanche Indian cultures with regard to leadership, warfare, women, and intermarriage. May viewed the Indians' assimilation as necessary and arrogantly recommended the "benign" influence brought by Germans to the New World. The Indians would be able to withstand the lure of "Yankee" materialism and pursue the path of righteousness. As this thesis points out, there is a correlation between Karl May's biography and his compassion for a wronged people such as the Native Americans. This study analyzes Karl May's thoughts on the "Indian question" and his emphasis on the role of change.
31
Karlsson, Julia. "Hårdare tag mot brottsligheten? : Tre etablerade politiska partiers syn på kriminalitet och kriminalpolitik." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-2441.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study analyzes the political view of criminality and crime politics in three political parties in the Swedish parliament, Socialdemokraterna, Folkpartiet and Moderaterna. The study seeks to describe which kind of view these parties present on the criminality in our society. The material for this study is the ideologies that the parties descend from which are, socialism, liberalism and conservatism, the political programs of these three parties have also been studied as well as the parties proposals, political documents in the Swedish parliament. The current public debate shows that the crime politics is an attractive question and the parties may seem to have similar proposals on how to lower the criminality in our society. The theory that has been used to describe the results of the study is “actors and structures” and the results are related to this theory as well as the theory has been used as an instrument to explain and sort the material and the results. The results of the study show that the parties are different in their views on criminality as a problem in our society. Socialdemokraterna has a structural view while Folkpartiet and Moderaterna have a actor-centered- view on criminality and crime politics. The results show that the parties have a different view of the source of criminality and this leads to different suggestions on which interventions that are desirable to reduce the criminality.
32
Awad, Nader. "The trumpet's blast : the political theology of John Knox." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79820.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The goal of this research is to show that the Scottish reformer, John Knox, while seen by many as a political figure, was religiously motivated in his thought, writings, and ministry. Knox saw himself as an Old Testament style prophet who sought to blow his Master's trumpet by proclaiming an unpopular message to the realms of both Scotland and England. Knox was deeply rooted in the Old Testament theology of the covenant. He believed that following an idolatrous path, most notably in the continuing practice of the Catholic Mass, meant the breaking of the covenant with God, as with the transgression of the people of Israel in the Old Testament. He proposed that an aristocratic resistance by the lesser magistrates would result in deposing the idolatrous rulers and restore the realms of Scotland and England to a genuinely covenanted relationship with God.
33
Dix, Hywel Rowland. "Raymond Williams, cultural materialism and the break-up of Britain." Thesis, University of South Wales, 2006. https://pure.southwales.ac.uk/en/studentthesis/raymond-williams-cultural-materialism-and-the-breakup-of-britain(14d4e1c2-f350-4d0c-8b55-57345163b9bc).html.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis re-examines the writing of Raymond Williams. It has two goals. Firstly, it explores Williams's concept of cultural materialism, which theorises the role played by cultural forms in the creation and contestation of a national political order. Secondly, it extrapolates Williams's implicit critique of the unitary British state, and his theory of how cultural forms relate to that state. In Chapter One, I argue that Williams developed his theory of culture by combining a theoretical critique of national literary traditions with an interest in the emergent drama of nineteenth-century Scandinavia and twentieth-century Ireland and Wales. This theme is developed in Chapter Two, where I suggest that certain cultural and political experiences in Wales helped Williams to develop a cultural theory that was more generally applicable. Central to Williams's political aspirations was an attempt to expand and democratise the education system. In Chapter Three, I argue that Williams's novels can be understood as university fiction, providing examples of the kind of university he wished to develop. Since universities arose as institutions generating a sense of unified national culture during the imperial period, to re-think the work of the university is also to re-think the political make-up of the nation. This theme is expanded in Chapter Four, where I argue that Williams related the break-up of the British empire to the break-up of the British state, via devolution in Scotland and Wales. Williams theorised the part played by fiction and other cultural forms in enabling those nations to develop their own voices. He also showed that fiction could provide an imaginative critique of the unitary British state from a series of other perspectives, notably feminism and ethnic subcultures. Finally, in Chapter Five I argue that Raymond Williams can be understood as a film theorist, and demonstrate that a similar renegotiation of British identities occurs in contemporary film. An interest in the political make-up of the British state, and an attempt to develop alternative political and cultural formations, spanned Williams's career. This aspect of his work has hitherto received little critical attention. By discussing Williams in relation to the political break-up of Britain, this thesis makes a significant contribution to our understanding of the Williams oeuvre.
34
Sadian, Samuel Dominic. "Arguing from identity: ontology to advocacy in Charles Taylor's political thought." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003039.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this thesis I discuss three normative claims that I take to be central elements of Charles Taylor’s political thought. The first of these is Taylor’s contention that, in contemporary pluralistic societies, justifying socially prevailing norms by appealing to universally binding moral values is unlikely to promote social solidarity. Because this approach tends to downplay the goods that people realise through membership in particular associations, Taylor believes we must adopt a model of justification that does not prioritise universal over particular goods if we are to further social co-operation. A second claim Taylor defends is that commitment to the liberal value of collective self-rule implies treating patriotically motivated public service as a non-instrumental good. We should not, Taylor argues, regard collective association as nothing more than a means to satisfying private goals. Taylor advances a third claim, that is, he maintains that liberal toleration for diverse ways of life may require a perfectionist state that supports particularistic ways of life when they are threatened by decline. I offer a qualified defence of the first two claims, but suggest that the third is less compelling. I attempt to do this by evaluating Taylor’s claims against the standards of lucid argumentation that he himself lays down. In discussing social and political norms, which he describes as “advocacy” issues, Taylor argues that our normative commitments necessarily rely on an underlying social ontology. More specifically, Taylor argues that the political values we defend are those that enable us to secure the interests we have as the bearers of an identity possessing both individual and collective dimensions. In setting out the conditions that favour integrated and free identity formation we may thereby reach a clearer understanding of the political norms that we wish to endorse. I argue that, while Taylor’s ontological reflections might well incline us to accept his model of justification and his account of patriotic social commitment, they do not of themselves dispose us to accept state perfectionism.
35
Berns, Thomas. "Violence de la loi à la Renaissance: l'originalité du politique chez Machiavel et Montaigne." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212106.
Повний текст джерела
36
Le, Roux Selene. "Poetry of revolution : the poetic representation of political conflict and transition in Milton’s Paradise Lost and Marvell’s Cromwell Poems." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2869.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MA (English Literature))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.Seventeenth-century England witnessed a time of radical sociopolitical conflict and transition. This thesis aims to examine how two writers closely associated with this period and its controversies, John Milton and Andrew Marvell, represent events as they unfold. This thesis focuses specifically on Milton’s Paradise Lost and Marvell’s Cromwellian poems in order to show how these poets reinterpret established literary conventions and invoke traditional Puritan practices in order to explain and legitimise the precarious new dispensation of post-Civil War England. At the same time, their work produces ambiguities and tensions that threaten to undermine the very discourse that they attempt to endorse. Both poets’ work indicates an active involvement in the political embroilments of their time while retaining its aesthetic value. Therefore, these texts do not only function on an aesthetic level but also within the historical framework of political ideologies. The focus of this thesis is a discussion of the relationship between politics and poetry, with the emphasis on poetry of conflict and transition in civil society. In other words, it is not only considered how different poetic genres reflect social and political change in different ways but also how these genres in turn contribute to political rhetoric. During the English Revolution Milton and Marvell try to provide solutions for the political disturbance, even while remaining aware of the new conflicts produced in the attempt.
37
Meulder, Marcel. "République VIII-IX, 580 b: une "archéologie" d'un texte platonicien." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213577.
Повний текст джерела
38
Drummond, Nicholas W. "Montesquieu, Diversity, and the American Constitutional Debate." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822814/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
It has become something of a cliché for contemporary scholars to assert that Madison turned Montesquieu on his head and thereafter give little thought to the Frenchman’s theory that republics must remain limited in territorial size. Madison did indeed present a formidable challenge to Montesquieu’s theory, but I will demonstrate in this dissertation that the authors of the Federalist Papers arrived at the extended sphere by following a theoretical pathway already cemented by the French philosopher. I will also show that Madison’s “practical sphere” ultimately concedes to Montesquieu that excessive territorial size and high levels of heterogeneity will overwhelm the citizens of a republic and enable the few to oppress the many. The importance of this dissertation is its finding that the principal mechanism devised by the Federalists for dealing with factions—the enlargement of the sphere—was crafted specifically for the purpose of moderating interests, classes, and sects within an otherwise relatively homogeneous nation. Consequently, the diverse republic that is America today may be exposed to the existential threat anticipated by Montesquieu’s theory of size—the plutocratic oppression of society by an elite class that employs the strategy of divide et impera.
39
DeRuff, Henry. "Learning to Live and Love Virtuously." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1880.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
John Stuart Mill and Immanuel Kant authored two of the most famous pieces of work in ethical theory (Utilitarianism and Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, respectively), yet both fail for various reasons to give us direction by way of living good lives. This thesis begins by outlining those shortcomings, before offering Aristotelian virtue ethics as the solution. Virtue ethics, as conceived by Aristotle, Alasdair MacIntyre, and Julia Annas, delineates a process – grounded in our real lives – by which we may improve as people and therefore flourish, or live good, moral lives: the habituation of the virtues. Importantly, virtue ethics is a process, (not a set of outcomes) and is teachable, which distinguishes it from the other two theories. In developing the virtues, we are able to discover goods internal to the practices that define our lives, whether those are our work, our school, our relationships, or something else entirely. Furthermore, the virtue-ethical approach helps us learn from and grow in our emotional lives, as opposed to casting emotions aside as a skewing force contrary to morality. Virtue, as I will show, lays the groundwork for love, and therefore for flourishing relationships across our lives. In the final chapter, I examine a place where virtue and virtuous love are effectively taught and embraced: Camp Lanakila, in Fairlee, VT. I conclude by offering some takeaways from Lanakila that we may incorporate in our schools, our places of work and worship, our families, and our lives.
40
Ohlmann, Georg. "El fracaso de Mariano José de Larra como escritor politico." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=68128.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this study of Mariano Jose de Larra's Articulos, it will be shown why Larra was not able to achieve his goal of improving the general lack of culture in Spain, which was, according to him, the biggest obstacle to progress. Larra, a liberal writer, wanted to help Spain become a liberal country, if necessary by revolution, which was to be brought about by his writings. He chose to write newspaper articles, a then still very new medium. Although celebrated for his biting satire, Larra's advice was not heeded.The reasons for this are to be found in the special circumstances of the liberalization of Spain as well as personal circumstances of Larra, which will be addressed in the paper.
41
Kabisa, Bular Pawen Jean-Baptiste. "L'idée weilienne de l'état mondial: un procès de légitimation d'un ordre social supranational." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212123.
Повний текст джерела
42
Soares, Larissa Barbosa Nicolosi. "Igualdade política e desigualdade econômico-social na Política de Aristóteles." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/107/107131/tde-01092017-110937/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo estudar os fundamentos da comunidade política (polis), em especial, de que modo fundamentos, como a liberdade e a igualdade, contribuem para perturbação e conservação da comunidade política, a partir do livro I e II da Política de Aristóteles. A pesquisa busca mostrar o papel relevante da crítica que Aristóteles lança à aquisição ilimitada de bens e da crítica à propriedade comum dos bens, proposta por Sócrates, na República - i.e. tal como Aristóteles compreende Sócrates - para sua visão de unidade política.This thesis aims to study, based on Books I and II of Aristotle\'s Politics, the foundations of the political community (polis), in particular, how core principles such as freedom and equality contribute to the disturbance or to the conservation of the political community. This research intends to present the important role of both Aristotle\'s critique addressed to the limitless accumulation of wealth, and his critique of the common ownership of properties--proposed by Socrates in the Republic - i.e. as Aristotle understands Socrates--to constitute his vision of political unity.
43
Schneider, Maridien. "Cicero : 'haruspex' vicissitudinum mutationisque rei publicae : a study of Cicero's merit as political analyst." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51653.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to explore Marcus Tullius Cicero's awareness and interpretation of contemporary political events as reflected in his private correspondence during the last years of both the Roman republic and his own life. Cicero's correspondence gives a detailed view of current political events in Rome and constitutes, with Caesar's own narrative, our major contemporary evidence for the circumstances of the civil war of 49 BC. The dissertation takes as Leitmotiv Cicero's own judgement of the state as 'sacrificial victim' to the ambitions of individual politicians, with as metaphor his examination of a 'dying' body politic in the manner of a haruspex inspecting the entrails of a sacrificial animal. It poses the question whether Cicero understood the message of political decline signalled by the 'entrails' of the 'carcass' of the res publica, and whether this ability in its turn enabled him to anticipate future political development in Rome. In what follows, the theoretical input of Cicero's predecessors, their perceptions of constitutional development, and of Roman politics in particular, as well as Cicero's own perception of their political theories will be considered in order to determine the extent of Cicero's awareness of a larger pattern of political events, and how consistent he was in his analyses of such patterns, that is, to what extent Cicero may be considered seriously as a political analyst.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die oogmerk van die verhandeling is om vas te stel of Marcus Tullius Cicero met reg daaop kan aanspraak maak dat hy eietydse politieke gebeure sinvol kon interpreteer as die manifestering van 'n nuwe politieke stroming wat die voorkoms van die toekomstige Romeinse politieke toneel sou bepaal. Cicero se waarneming en begrip van eietydse politieke gebeure in die laaste paar jaar van die Romeinse Republiek en sy eie lewe word tekenend weerspieël in sy persoonlike briefwisseling uit die tydperk 51 tot 43 v.C. As historiese dokument bied hierdie korrespondensie, as primêre bronmateriaal, naas die behoue kontemporêre beriggewing van Julius Caesar, die enigste ander kontemporêre getuienis vir die uitbreek en nadraai van die burgeroorlog van 49 v.C. Die sentrale tema van die verhandeling is Cicero se persepsie van die Romeinse staat as die 'slagoffer' van magsugtige politieke rolspelers. Cicero se rol as waarnemer en politieke analis word uitgebeeld deur die metafoor van 'n haruspex (profeet) wat die 'ingewande' van die 'karkas' van die gestorwe Romeinse Republiek ondersoek. Die kernvraag wat gestel word is, of Cicero inderdaad daartoe in staat was om die boodskap van politieke verandering raak te lees, die implikasies daarvan te begryp en daarvolgens 'n beredeneerde toekomsprojeksie van die Romeinse politieke toneel te maak. Om te bepaal of Cicero meriete verdien as 'n politieke analis, word die volgende kriteria as toetsstene gebruik: die teoretiese insette van Cicero se voorgangers en sy beheersing van sodanige politieke teoretisering, die mate waarin hy konsekwent en objektief kon oordeel, en die mate waarin hy teorie en die praktiese werklikheid van die Romeinse politieke situasie kon integreer.
44
Stine, Anthony Philip. "Citizenship, Duty and Virtue: A Vision of Jefferson's America." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/316.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In contemporary American political life, concepts such as duty to country and society often play a role in political discourse, but are often forgotten in the lives of average Americans. The life of the average citizen is focused on issues of economic survival, familial matters, and the diversions that occupy persons. Devotion to country is made an at best secondary concern for Americans. The purpose of this work is to examine the concepts of civic virtue that historically have dominated American political thought, using the writings of Thomas Jefferson and his influences as the primary source material for this effort, as well as the writings of modern western political theorists. Through this work, a conflict emerges between the values of western liberal thought and classic republicanism; to this end, a secondary purpose of this work is to reconcile those differences in an American context. Finally, a third purpose of this work is to offer a theoretical plan for re-connecting the average citizen with concepts of civic virtue through a proposal for public service.
45
Richardson-Tench, Marilyn 1947. "Unmasked! : the discursive practice of the operating room nurse : a Foucauldian feminist analysis." Monash University, Faculty of Education, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8900.
Повний текст джерела
46
Tavidian, Amy Elizabeth. "Marxist allegory in Jack London's Alaskan Tales." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1990. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/565.
Повний текст джерела
47
Yancy, Lisa Fleck Uhlir. "Pride and sexual friendship: The battle of the sexes in Nietzsche's post-democratic world." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9009/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation addresses an ignored [partly for its controversial nature] aspect of Nietzschean philosophy: that of the role of modern woman in the creation of a future horizon. Details of the effects of the Enlightenment, Christianity and democracy upon society are discussed, as well as effects on the individual, particularly woman. After this forward look at the changes anticipated by Nietzsche, the traditional roles of woman as the eternal feminine, wife and mother are debated. An argument for the necessity of a continuation of the battle of the sexes, and the struggle among men and women in a context of sexual love and friendship is given. This mutual affirmation must occur through the motivation of pride and not vanity. In conclusion, I argue that one possible avenue for change is a Nietzschean call for a modern revaluation of values by noble woman in conjugation with her warrior scholar to bring about the elevation of mankind.
48
Major, Rafael M. "Wisdom and Law: Political Thought in Shakespeare's Comedies." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3277/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this study of A Midsummer Night's Dream, The Merchant of Venice, and Measure for Measure I argue that the surface plots of these comedies point us to a philosophic understanding seldom discussed in either contemporary public discourse or in Shakespearean scholarship. The comedies usually involve questions arising from the conflict between the enforcement of law (whether just or not) and the private longings (whether noble or base) of citizens whose yearnings for happiness tend to be sub- or even supra-political. No regime, it appears, is able to respond to the whole variety of circumstances that it may be called upon to judge. Even the best written laws meet with occasional exceptions and these ulterior instances must be judged by something other than a legal code. When these extra-legal instances do arise, political communities become aware of their reliance on a kind of political judgment that is usually unnoticed in the day-to-day affairs of public life. Further, it is evident that the characters who are able to exercise this political judgment, are the very characters whose presence averts a potentially tragic situation and makes a comedy possible. By presenting examples of how moral and political problems are dealt with by the prudent use of wisdom, Shakespeare is pointing the reader to a standard of judgment that transcends any particular (or actual) political arrangement. Once we see the importance of the prudent use of such a standard, we are in a position to judge what this philosophic wisdom consists of and where it is to be acquired. It is just such an education with which Shakespeare intends to aid his readers.
49
Seale, Wade. "Rawls, the severely cognitively disabled and the person life view." University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5016.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Philosophiae Doctor - PhDA political arrangement is an arrangement for persons. Political arrangements are assessed in terms of the extent to which they manage the affairs of persons, which includes protecting their interests and entitlements. Political arrangements which are unable to protect the interests of its citizens, or a group of citizens, are deemed unacceptable, and where appropriate, alternative arrangements which do protect the interests and entitlements of its citizens are sought. In this thesis I argue that the political arrangement of John Rawls is unable to protect the interests and entitlements of the severely cognitively disabled who are regarded as full citizens by advanced political arrangements in the world today. I argue that it is the contract nature and conception of the person in Rawls’s system which excludes the severely cognitively disabled. This exclusion goes against our widely-held intuitions about the rights and entitlements of the severely cognitively disabled. I look to the Person Life View of Marya Schechtman, a conception of the person that includes the severely cognitively disabled, to see if a conception of the person that includes the severely cognitively disabled is able to solve the gap in Rawls’s system. I argue that it is not able to do so. I then propose a new way of approaching questions of personhood and appeal to the Aristotelian conception of the soul as the basis, arguing that membership of a type of organism typically considered a person is enough to be a complete member of that type and therefore a person.
50
Nicholas, Donna. "Hannah Arendt and the political : the contemporary challenges posed by sovereignty, nationalism and imperialism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7855.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis seeks to show how the reassessment of Arendt's thought for contemporary international political theory must be grounded in her first major published work, The Origins of Totalitarianism, and, more specifically, in the concept of the political she outlines therein. The thesis begins by examining how Arendt interprets the political sui generis. It shows how this concept, which influences much of her scholarship from the 1950s onwards and serves as a critical measure against which she assesses modern-day events, is disclosed for the first time in Part II of Origins through her engagement with particular topics and phenomena related to European colonial imperialism. Using this somewhat neglected text as a point of departure, the main body of the thesis examines Arendt's thoughts on three ‘anti-political' impulses of the contemporary world that have clear international ramifications: sovereignty, nationalism and imperialism. The work is divided into three corresponding sections. Each contains a chapter providing an interpretive study of Arendt's text on the subject, followed by a chapter applying the key themes, insights and dangers previously highlighted to some of the most intractable global situations today such as the international human rights regime, atomic weaponry and war, biopolitical control, genocide studies and neoliberal globalisation. In so doing, the thesis does not aim to ‘find' in Arendt's work determinate answers to the crises of our time, but rather to use her perceptions as critical inspiration to think about them differently.