Статті в журналах: "Argentine Political Economy"

1

Cviic, Stephen. "Remaking the Argentine economy." International Affairs 71, no. 4 (October 1995): 925. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625227.

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2

Maxwell, Kenneth, and Felipe A. M. De La Balze. "Remaking the Argentine Economy." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 4 (1995): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047257.

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3

Kuznetsov, A. V., and S. A. Morozov. "Debt sustainability of the Argentine Republic: Problems and prospects." Finance and Credit 26, no. 10 (October 29, 2020): 2346–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24891/fc.26.10.2346.

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Subject. The article reveals the relationship between the increasing cost of servicing the current government debt and ensuring the debt sustainability of default economy, on the case of the Argentine Republic. Objectives. The study aims at conducting a comprehensive analysis of origins and mechanisms for resolving debt crises in the Argentine Republic. Methods. The study rests on methods of analysis, synthesis and extrapolation, using the database of the IMF, the Ministry of Economy, and the Central Bank of Argentina. Results. We discuss the approaches of the administration and the Central Bank of Argentina to the implementation of anti-crisis fiscal and monetary policy, reveal the details of Argentina's interaction with the IMF in providing assistance in the financial stabilization of the economy, show the economic consequences of excessive debt burden, present the data on the repayment of Argentina's public debt in the long run. The paper summarizes the distinctive features of the current debt of Argentina restructuring, including the increasing socio-economic and political risks. Conclusions. The distrust in debt securities and creditworthiness in the Argentine Republic increases the risk of serial default. The lack of the State's ability to provide financial support to the national corporate sector is reflected at the level of poverty, unemployment, and, as a result, it has an impact on the mood of the population, which threatens the intensity of riots that may spread outside the Argentine Republic.

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4

Goodwin, Paul B., and William C. Smith. "Authoritarianism and the Crisis of the Argentine Political Economy." American Historical Review 96, no. 4 (October 1991): 1333. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165266.

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5

Manzetti, Luigi, and William C. Smith. "Authoritarianism and the Crisis of the Argentine Political Economy." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 4 (November 1991): 907. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515809.

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6

Munck, Ronaldo, W. Smith, J. Horowitz, L. Senkman, and R. Gillespie. "Authoritarianism and the Crisis of the Argentine Political Economy." Bulletin of Latin American Research 10, no. 1 (1991): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338587.

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7

Manzetti, Luigi. "Authoritarianism and the Crisis of the Argentine Political Economy." Hispanic American Historical Review 71, no. 4 (November 1, 1991): 907–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-71.4.907.

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8

Gerchunoff, Pablo, and Lucas Llach. "Equality or Growth: A 20th Century Argentine Dilemma." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 27, no. 3 (2009): 397–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900000823.

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ABSTRACTArgentina's long term economic performance between 1880 and 2000 (convergence with the rich followed by divergence) can be understood in terms of the economic and political consequences of its peculiar factor endowments. Skewed endowments meant huge gains from trade during the First Globalization boom; but, conversely, disintegration of world commerce in the Depression was a heavier blow for such a naturally specialized economy. The extreme protectionism, characteristic of the post-war period, was related to the country's peculiar economic structure: comparative advantages in food production and disadvantages in (labor-intensive) manufacturing implied that closing the economy was a political winner, though it eventually hampered growth. The road to openness followed in the last quarter of the 20th century would have meant, correspondingly, an increase in inequality. Attempts to moderate it through debt accumulation and exchange rate appreciation destabilized the economy and contributed further to Argentina's comparative decline.

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9

CRAMER, GISELA. "Argentine Riddle: The Pinedo Plan of 1940 and the Political Economy of the Early War Years." Journal of Latin American Studies 30, no. 3 (October 1998): 519–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x98005148.

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By mid-1940, the Argentine economy seemed to be heading for a major crisis because many of her traditional export markets had suddenly become inaccessible. In response, Finance Minister Federico Pinedo and his team developed a wide range of initiatives. These aimed to overcome the crisis and restructure the Argentine economy in order to accommodate it to a changing and difficult international environment.This article analyses the nature, successes and failures of these policies. It argues that while Pinedo's initiatives certainly entailed visionary elements which anticipated major problems of the Argentine and Latin American development of the post-war era, they should not be regarded as some ‘golden opportunity’ for sound economic modernisation that was missed only because Pinedo and his fellow conservatives failed to win political approval and were later pushed aside by the rising force of populism.

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10

Behrend, Jacqueline, and Matías Bianchi. "ESTRUCTURA ECONÓMICA Y POLÍTICA SUBNACIONAL EN ARGENTINA." Caderno CRH 30, no. 80 (December 5, 2017): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v30i80.21969.

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Este artículo tiene como objetivo general contribuir al debate sobre las relaciones entre el Estado y la sociedad a nivel subnacional y se centra específicamente en el caso de Argentina. Para ello, desarrollamos dos objetivos específicos. En primer lugar, hacemos un planteo teórico y conceptual sobre la importancia de estudiar la diversidad de estructuras económicas que existen a nivel subnacional, para entender el impacto que tienen en las relaciones entre Estado y sociedad. En segundo lugar, proponemos un marco analítico para clasificar a las provincias argentinas según su estructura económica. La clasificación de la estructura económica de las provincias se basa en tres criterios: la fortaleza del sector privado en la economía provincial, el peso relativo del Estado subnacional en la economía, y el tipo de producción que predomina. En base a esto, en las conclusiones hipotetizamos acerca de qué incentivos tienen los actores económicos para vincularse con el Estado provincial de distintas maneras.Palabras-clave: Subnacional; Estado; Estructura económica; Argentina; SociedadESTRUTURA ECONÔMICA E POLÍTICA SUBNACIONAL NA ARGENTINARESUMOO objetivo geral deste artigo é contribuir para o debate sobre as relações entre o Estado e a sociedade no âmbito subnacional. Ele focaliza, especificamente, o caso da Argentina. Para isso, desenvolvemos dois objetivos específicos. Em primeiro lugar, fizemos uma exposição teórica e conceitual sobre a importância de estudar a diversidade de estruturas econômicas que existem no nível subnacional para entender o impacto das relações entre Estado e sociedade. Em segundo lugar, propusemos um marco analítico para classificar as províncias argentinas segundo sua estrutura econômica. A classificação da estrutura econômica das províncias se baseia em três critérios: a força do setor privado na economia provincial, o peso relativo do Estado subnacional na economia e o tipo de produção que predomina. Com base nisso, nas conclusões, levantamos hipóteses acerca dos incentivos aos atores econômicos para se vincularem ao Estado provincial de distintas maneiras.Palavras-Chave: Subnacional; Estado; Estrutura econômica; Argentina; SociedadeECONOMIC STRUCTURE AND SUB-NATIONAL POLICY IN ARGENTINAABSTRACTThis article aims to contribute to the debate on subnational state-society relations, focusing specifically on the Argentine case. To this end, we develop two specific objectives. First, we develop a theoretical and conceptual argument about the importance of studying the diversity of economic structures that exist at the subnational level, in order to understand the impact that they have on state-society relations. Second, we propose an analytic framework to classify the Argentine provinces according to their economic structure. This classification is based on three variables: the strength of the private sector in the provincial economy, the relative weight of the subnational state in the economy, and the type of production that predominates. On the basis of this classification, in the conclusions we hypothesize about the incentives that economic actors have to establish varying types of relations with the provincial state.Key words: Subnational; State; Economic structure; Argentina; SocietySTRUCTURE ÉCONOMIQUE ET POLITIQUE INFRANATIONAL EN ARGENTINEABSTRACTCet article se concentre spécifiquement sur le cas de l’Argentine. Son objectif général est de contribuer au débat sur les relations entre l’État et la société au niveau infranational et nous avons donc développé deux objectifs spécifiques. En premier lieu, nous avons fait une exposition théorique et conceptuelle sur l’importance d’étudier la diversité des structures économiques qui existent au niveau infranational pour comprendre l’impact des relations entre l’État et la société. En deuxième lieu, nous avons proposé un cadre analytique permettant de classer les provinces argentines selon leur structure économique. La classification de la structure économique des provinces repose sur trois critères: la force du secteur privé dans l’économie de la province, le poids relatif de l’état infranational dans l’économie et le type de production qui prédomine. Pour conclure, nous soulevons des hypothèses concernant les incitations faites aux acteurs économiques pour qu’ils se lient de différentes manières à l’État provincial.Key words: Infranational; État; Structure économique; Argentine; Société

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11

Korzeniewicz, Miguel. "Global Commodity Networks and the Leather Footwear Industry: Emerging Forms of Economic Organization in a Postmodern World." Sociological Perspectives 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 313–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389381.

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This paper argues that an examination of global commodity networks (GCNs) is a useful way to capture emerging forms of economic organization in the global economy. GCNs are the transnational chains of economic enterprises involved at different stages in the production and consumption of a single commodity. The utility of examining GCNs is illustrated by investigating the roles of Argentine leather production, Brazilian shoe manufacturing, and American footwear consumption in shaping a leather-footwear GCN. The investigation finds both national and international variables important in the construction and operation of this GCN. The domestic political economy of Argentina and Brazil are important in shaping their respective roles of leather sourcing and shoe manufacturing, while postmodern consumption patterns in the United States are instrumental in driving the GCN.

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12

Manzetti, Luigi, and Marco Dell'aquila. "Economic Stabilisation in Argentina: the Austral Plan." Journal of Latin American Studies 20, no. 1 (May 1988): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00002467.

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The relative prosperity which Argentina enjoyed at the beginning of the century made it a candidate to be a major economic power. Despite its abundant natural resources and skilled manpower, Argentina has consistently failed to live up to its potential. Periods of growth have either been too sporadic or political upheavals too frequent for coherent economic policies to be effective. In recent decades the Argentine economy has been characterised by a deterioration in current account,1 exchange rate,2 gross domestic product (GDP) growth,3 investment,4 and has seen inflation become an endemic phenomenon.5 These factors have exacerbated the economy's inability to tackle its mounting foreign debt.

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13

González, Germán H., and Valentina N. Viego. "The «Argentine failure» from a comparative perspective: the role of total factor productivity." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 29, no. 3 (September 26, 2011): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610911000176.

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AbstractThe paper proposes an interpretation of the «Argentine failure» based on development accounting and econometrical approaches frequently used in the current cross-country income differentials literature. The main results are as follows: the development process of Canada — in term ofper capitaGDP –– moved away from that of Argentina around 1918, but there was a structural change in the determinants of aggregate productivity around 1935 that led Argentina to take a diverging path. Recovery — thanks to improved aggregate productivity –– was not possible after 1940. The results support the idea that Argentina fell into a «staple trap», while Canada embarked on a successful path due to the adjacency and political proximity with a larger and complementary economy.

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14

VILLARROYA, ISABEL SANZ. "Macroeconomic Outcomes and the Relative Position of Argentina's Economy, 1875–2000." Journal of Latin American Studies 41, no. 2 (May 2009): 309–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x09005586.

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AbstractThis paper attempts to investigate the main factors behind Argentina's relative economic decline by comparing its evolution with that of Australia and Canada. For this purpose a ‘reduced index of economic freedom’ has been constructed in order to capture and summarise the principal macroeconomic trends in Argentina compared with the other regions of recent settlement during the period between 1875 and 2000. The results, obtained using cointegration and causality techniques, show how the macroeconomic policies that were implemented are able to explain the relative evolution of Argentina's economy, in terms of GDP per capita, over the long term. The results revise some of the interpretations prevalent in Argentine historiography.

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15

Auyero, Javier. "The Moral Politics of Argentine Crowds." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 3 (October 1, 2004): 311–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.3.9n72h2n818812646.

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Based on archival research and ethnographic fieldwork, this article reconstructs protesters' actions, collective beliefs, and shared self-understandings during two recent contentious episodes in contemporary Argentina, the 1993 Santiagazo and the 1996 pueblada in Cutral-co. Drawing upon E.P. Thompson's and J. Scott's notion of moral economy, the anaysis dissects the crowds' beliefs as to what are right and wrong political practices. The notion of moral politics, it is argued, calls for simultaneous attention to the content of protesters' beliefs, to their origin, and to their impact on the course of the events.

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16

Santarcángelo, Juan E., and Juan Manuel Padín. "Reshaping the Economic Structure in Argentina: The Role of External Debt during the Macri Administration (2015–2019)." Review of Radical Political Economics 53, no. 2 (March 20, 2021): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613420976429.

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Argentina’s right-wing shift in the 2015 presidential election concluded twelve years of center-left rule. The elected president, Mauricio Macri, claimed that the economy would experience normalization of existing imbalances and recover its strength in a “new political era.” However, the new administration quickly restored the dominance of neoliberal economic policies through a comprehensive set of initiatives, which centrally included the return to international financial debt and equity markets and submission to the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) rules. This article analyzes Argentina’s external-debt-growth process and discusses its objectives and long-term effects. This paper posits that the indebtedness process carried out by the Macri administration—and its modality—not only increased the relevance of financial capital in the Argentine economy but also structurally conditioned any future nonorthodox alternative path of development. This outcome cannot be understood without taking into account the deliberate role of the United States, the IMF, and the top companies that operate in Argentina, as well as the complicity of many political sectors. JEL Classification: H63, F34, F63

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17

FIORITO, ALEJANDRO, and MATÍAS VERNENGO. "A note on the political economy of exchange rates in Argentina: new and classical developmentalism re-evaluated." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 42, no. 4 (December 2022): 835–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572022-3437.

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ABSTRACT The paper develops a model in which the relation between the real exchange rate and the real wage, in the context of conflictive income distribution, is made explicit. It is noted that the central bank tries to regulate the distributive relation exchange rate and real wages through the changes in the interest rate. The theoretical point is that, under certain circumstances, a relatively depreciated or high level of the real exchange rate might reduce real wages and have a negative impact on economic growth. The paper also provides some evidence for the Argentine case, and suggests that the Classical Developmentalist elasticity pessimism seems, in the case of Argentina, to be validated. Also, the use of the exchange rate as an instrument to bolster redistribution away from the working class, and to promote investment and growth is also not born in the data.

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18

Remmer, Karen L. "The Political Economy of Patronage: Expenditure Patterns in the Argentine Provinces, 1983–2003." Journal of Politics 69, no. 2 (May 2007): 363–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2508.2007.00537.x.

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19

Collier, Simon. "The Political Economy of Argentina: Power and Class Since 1930The New Argentine Democracy : The Search for a Successful Formula." Hispanic American Historical Review 74, no. 4 (November 1, 1994): 743–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-74.4.743.

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20

Yakovlev, P. "Import Substitution in Argentina: Aims and Results." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 5 (2016): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-5-20-25.

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Import substitution policy replaced the model of export-oriented agricultural economy that existed in Argentina during the period of 1870–1929. Its mechanism was relatively simple: agricultural products, for which the country had optimal natural conditions, were exported to the external markets, while wide range of industrial products, machinery and equipment were imported. Exports generated substantial revenues (providing a lion's share of state income), and the imports quite satisfied domestic demand for capital and consumer goods. The history of import substitution policy in Argentina can be divided into two stages. At the first stage (1930–1952), the government created its basic tools with a stress on development of labor-intensive light industries whose products were intended to meet domestic consumer demand. During the second phase (1953–1976), Argentine political establishment, not satisfied with the results achieved in the previous period, initiated the policy of “super industrialization”, namely, the creation or expansion of basic capital-intensive industries: metallurgy, machinery, chemicals and petrochemicals, energy. In these years domestic production of machinery and equipment for agriculture and light industry, durables, pharmaceuticals increased dramatically, the national military-industrial complex, scientific and technical sectors were created. In other words, Argentine’s policy of import substitution created a new frame of economic relations. It brought both positive and negative results which fully showed up in mid 70s. Since then, the crisis of import substitution policy became especially evident amidst the world process of globalization and dynamic formation of worldwide value-added chains. Argentina found itself largely isolated from these trends and came into clinch with the changing external conditions. So, under the rumbling populist and nationalist rhetoric it proceeded into the prolonged recession.

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21

MERA, LAURA GOMEZ. "Explaining Mercosur's Survival: Strategic Sources of Argentine–Brazilian Convergence." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 1 (February 2005): 109–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x04008570.

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This article aims to address a fundamental question for analysts and students of MERCOSUR: what explains the bloc's survival despite its recurrent crises and frequent pessimistic forecasts predicting its collapse? It argues that the maintenance of co-operation after 1999, when the economic and political economy rationale of the project had almost disappeared, is best understood in terms of the convergent strategic interests of MERCOSUR partners. This convergence of interests in the continuity of the regional regime reflects three types of strategic incentives. First, defensive considerations reflecting external forces and a shared sense of vulnerability vis-à-vis the external environment have provided the main motivation for partners to engage in negotiations and attempt to move the process of integration forward. Secondly, the offensive incentives faced by Brazil, given its relatively stronger position within the region have also worked to foster regional co-operation. But besides these power considerations, the sustainability of co-operation has been at least partially assisted by an emerging process of socialisation among executive officials taking place within regional institutions. These processes of increased interaction and enmeshment have reinforced interests in regional integration, giving way to positive incentives to maintain MERCOSUR.

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22

Arshin, Konstantin. "Migration policy of Argentina: current trends." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 12 (2021): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0017495-3.

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The article examines current trends in the implementation of Argentina's migration policy. Historical, political and legal preconditions for the transformation of the state into a country-recipient of migration flows are traced. The author examines modern normative legal acts regulating the country's migration policy. Their similarity and difference from the normative legal acts that governed migration policy during the XIX—XX centuries are demonstrated. Special attention is paid to the economic foundations of migration policy. The author argues that the current content of migration flows is determined by the structure of the country's export-oriented economy, which, due to its content, requires a low-skilled labor force. This is the reason for the imbalance in the country's migration flows ("brain drain" in exchange for low-skilled labor). However, a significant inflow of low-skilled labor force creates social tension, which, according to the author, can be removed by implementing programs for the adaptation of migrants. However, the Argentine leadership has now decided to finance anti-migration programs.

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23

Rodríguez Miranda, Carla, and Ornela Carboni. "Communications Policies and the Production of Audiovisual Content in Argentina." Latin American Perspectives 45, no. 3 (March 21, 2018): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18766912.

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The introduction of digital terrestrial television and the passage of the Audiovisual Communications Services Act in Argentina in 2009 led to a series of competitions to stimulate the production of new content and help dismantle the prevailing center-periphery logic in Argentine television. An examination from the perspective of the political economy of communications of these efforts in 2011–2013 indicates that they were small steps in the right direction. Further progress will require a stable source of funding, a stronger role for public televisión, and new strategies for capturing viewers. La implementación de la televisión digital terrestre y la sanción de la Ley de Servicios de Comunicación Audiovisual en Argentina en 2009 dio lugar a una serie de concursos para estimular la producción de nuevos contenidos y ayudar a desmantelar la lógica centro-periferia que predomina en la televisión argentina. Un análisis desde la perspectiva de la economía política de la comunicación de estos esfuerzos durante el periodo 2011–2013 da muestra de pequeños pasos en la dirección correcta. Para un mayor progreso se requerirá de una fuente de fondos estable, un papel fortalecido para la televisión pública, y nuevas estrategias para captar televidentes.

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Donadio, Luciano, and Carlos Espósito. "Inter-jurisdictional Co-operation in the MERCOSUR: The First Request for an Advisory Opinion of the MERCOSUR’s Permanent Review Tribunal by Argentina’s Supreme Court of Justice." Law & Practice of International Courts and Tribunals 10, no. 2 (2011): 261–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180311x582152.

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AbstractThis comment discusses the request for an advisory opinion that originated in the case Sancor c/ Dirección General de Aduanas. This case emerged from the resolution of the Argentine Ministry of Economy which set export duties of 5% to certain milk products, without discriminating with regard to the destination of them, i.e. including members as well as non-members of the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR). In this way, and after a long judicial process, in October 2009 Argentina’s Supreme Court of Justice (CSJN) requested an advisory opinion from the Permanent Review Tribunal of the MERCOSUR, ‐ Tribunal Permanente de Revisión ‐ asking the question “Does the Treaty of Asunción require Member States of MERCOSUR the obligation not to impose duties on exports of goods which are originated in one of them and which have another Member State as its final destination?” This article describes the historical circumstances surrounding the Argentine governmental measure, and then analyzes three specific issues related to the request of the advisory opinion by the Supreme Court: 1) the place of international law in the Argentine legal system; 2) the procedural legitimacy of the decision of the Court; and 3) some substantive issues involved in the requested advisory opinion.

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Spanakos, Anthony Peter, and Lucio R. Renno. "Speak Clearly and Carry a Big Stock of Dollar Reserves." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 10 (February 20, 2009): 1292–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009331711.

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Partisan theories of political economy expect that bondholders will panic with the election of a left-wing presidential candidate. The latter seems to be what happened in Brazil in the 2002 presidential elections. However, quantitative analysis of perceptions of sovereign credit risk in Argentine, Brazilian, Mexican, and Venezuelan presidential elections from 1994 until 2007 shows no real evidence of a link between partisanship and perceptions of risk, even if the left-right divide is further broken down into left, center-left, center-right, right. Instead, international and domestic economic fundamentals have a stronger influence on risk evaluations. Qualitative analysis of the individual presidential elections shows the importance of policy uncertainty in explaining why certain electoral periods seemed more critical than others and how bondholders select between multiple equilibria. This research helps shift political analysis away from partisanship and more in the direction of policies and articulation.

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Whigham, Thomas. "Cattle Raising in the Argentine Northeast: Corrientes,c.1750–1870." Journal of Latin American Studies 20, no. 2 (November 1988): 313–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00003011.

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Though Argentina has long been synonymous with trackless pampas and teeming livestock herds, this common image requires some qualification. Before the late nineteenth century, when refrigerated transport made possible a large international market for Argentine beef, cattle played a less important role in the economy of the Río de la Plata than is usually assumed. Except for Buenos Aires province, where stockraising was predominant even in the colonial period, ranchers often had to struggle hard and insistently to find their niche in the overall commerce of the region. Grazing conditions were excellent in many areas of the Río de la Plata, but because the port of Buenos Aires always enjoyed a near-exclusive control over external trade, theporteñoseffectively blunted the development of any stockraising that threatened to compete with their own exports. In the northeastern provinces, this resulted in a cattle industry marked by technological backwardness and erratic growth. The chaotic politics of the post-independence era reinforced these conditions, though reform-minded ranchers and government officials consistently tried to improve provincial standards of stockraising.

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27

Bragagnolo, Julio A., Kurt Taretto, and Christian Navntoft. "Solar Energy in Argentina." Solar 2, no. 2 (March 29, 2022): 120–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/solar2020008.

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There is a large gap between the vast solar resources and the magnitude of solar energy deployment in Argentina. In the case of photovoltaics, the country only reached the 1000 GWh electricity generated yearly landmark in 2020. Solar thermal technology is even less developed, in part due to the low natural gas prices resulting from political strategies that aim to soften the impact of an unstable economy on family budgets. This review describes this gap by summarizing the current state of Argentine solar energy. We summarize the fundamental legal and strategic tools which are available for solar energy deployment, survey the penetration of solar energy into the country’s energy landscape, identify national contributions to the local value chain, and review past and present research and development achievements. Both photovoltaic and solar thermal technologies show a historical fluctuation between local technology development and imported technology and know-how. Finally, a discussion on the main ingredients required to abridge Argentina’s solar gap indicates that stronger, consistent long-term strategies are required in Argentina in order to take advantage of the present window of opportunity, and to play a considerable role in the global energy transition.

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Carboni, Ornela, and Ezequiel Rivero. "A dialogic perspective between the productive structure and the narratives of Argentine television fictions (2011-2020)." Comunicación y Sociedad 2022 (November 9, 2022): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/cys.v2022.8330.

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This article analyzes how the ownership structure and the alliances between the agents producing serialized fiction for television are linked to the themes and narratives addressed by this type of cultural product. From the political economy of communication and cultural studies, the paper examines the predominant themes in the 100 most watched premiere fictions on open television in Argentina during the decade between 2011 and 2020. It is concluded that there is a wide predominance of universal themes with non-structural local references, over purely local ones.

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Pion-Berlin, David. "Authoritarianism and the Crisis of the Argentine Political Economy. By William C. Smith. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989. 395p. $42.50." American Political Science Review 84, no. 4 (December 1990): 1434–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963341.

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30

Gritzner, Karoline. "Between Commodification and Emancipation: The Tango Encounter." Dance Research 35, no. 1 (May 2017): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2017.0182.

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This article offers an examination of the aesthetics and philosophy of Argentine tango, arguing for tango's contradictory power of resistance to the tendency of cultural commodification in contemporary society. The dancing couple achieves a sense of sovereignty and improvisational freedom which is in tension with the increasing commodification and standardisation of art in the age of globalisation. Written partly from an auto-ethnographic, experience-based perspective, the article foregrounds tango's choreography of otherness, relationality, passion and playful improvisation in an attempt to elaborate on tango's significance as a dance of intimate resistance to political economy. What is produced in tango's ‘space of touch’ remains unproductive, unexplainable, and non-commodifiable. It is argued that Argentine tango might be able to resist total codification due to its improvisational nature and the politics of touch, passion and transgression that emerge from the ephemerality of the encounter, the ineffable ‘tango moment’. Tango here is considered as a subversion of the social framing which it nevertheless needs in order to function; it performs the possibility of a transgression, intimately yet publicly.

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31

Heras, Raul Garcia. "World War II and the Frustrated Nationalizaion of the Argentine British-Owened Rail ways, 1939–1943." Journal of Latin American Studies 17, no. 1 (May 1985): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00009226.

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The outbreak of World War II prompted repeated optimistic forecasts about the future of Argentina's economy in Britain. The South American Journal predicted higher prices for wheat, corn and linseed in world markets while The Times noted that after the 1937–8 crisis Argentina's balance of payments and exchange position were improving. Both publications hinted that this presaged better times ahead for the Argentine.

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32

Thompson, Andrew. "Informal Empire? An Exploration in the History of Anglo-Argentine Relations, 1810–1914." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 2 (May 1992): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023440.

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Introduction: the genesis of ‘informal empire’In 1953 John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson published an article entitled ‘The Imperialism of Free Trade’, which has since become a landmark in the study of nineteenth-century British imperialism. Seeking to overturn long-cherished notions of a mid-Victorian ‘indifference’ and a late-Victorian ‘enthusiasm’ for empire, it proposed a basic continuity of policy whereby British industrialisation caused an ever-extending and intensifying development of overseas regions for both strategic and economic purposes. Hence the suggestion of a working definition of imperialism as ‘the sufficient political function of this process of integrating new regions into the expanding economy’. In switching the focus of a definition of imperialism from the way in which Britain was able to assert her superiority over weaker, subordinate nations to the impetus and motivation behind such expansion, traditional conceptions of empire were suddenly shattered. Indeed, as Robinson and Gallagher maintained, ‘The conventional interpretation of the nineteenth century empire continues to rest on the study of formal empire alone, which is rather like judging the size and character of icebergs solely from the parts above the water-line’.2The whole framework of reference for a study of British imperialism was being recast, the revised assumption being that the empire of formal dominion, which can loosely be defined as control through annexation and constitutional subordination, is not comprehensible in isolation. Rather, the assertion of British paramountcy, which for Robinson and Gallagher lies close to the very heart of imperialism, was achieved by informal means if possible, or by formal annexation when this was deemed necessary.

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33

Milanesio, Natalia. "Food Politics and Consumption in Peronist Argentina." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 75–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2009-091.

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Abstract From the beginning of Juan Domingo Perón’s administration, food consumption was both a significant object of state policy and a central component of official propaganda. This essay resists the analytical separation between politics and imaginaries in order to expand our understanding of Peronism in new directions. First, it shows the economic, political, and iconographic centrality of food for state planning, commercial culture, public health, and definitions of social, national, and physical well-being. Second, the essay reinterprets nationalism and social entitlement—concepts that researchers have identified as key in Peronist ideology—through a new focus on food. An increase in per capita beef consumption, beyond serving as a symbol of popular well-being, undermined the images of Argentina as an export economy subservient to foreign capitalism. By favoring internal consumers over external markets, Peronist beef politics created an empowering ideology of economic sovereignty. This ideology reinforced the commitment of the state to benefit the local population in the distribution of national wealth. Between 1946 and 1949, the government popularized the rise in beef intake as the new entitlement of the working classes to what had previously been a “luxury food.” Finally, the analysis demonstrates that Peronism collected and instrumentally continued or redefined key arguments circulating in Argentine popular culture and medical and leftist discourses, including the relation of beef consumption to nationalism, luxury, rights, and health; the intervention of the state in nutritional issues; the dietary education of the masses; and the connection between nationalism, tradition, and culinary culture.

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34

Sahni, Varun. "William C. Smith, Authoritarianism and the Crisis of the Argentine Political Economy (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1989), pp. xv+395, $42.50." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1992): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023245.

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35

Conaghan, Catherine. "William C. Smith. Authoritarianism and the Crisis of the Argentine Political Economy. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1989. Tables, graphs, 395 pp.; $42.50." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 4 (1990): 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166119.

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36

Conde, Roberto Cortés. "Export-Led Growth in Latin America: 1870–1930." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, S1 (March 1992): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023828.

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In 1949 Raúl Prebisch, an Argentine economist, published a study for the United Nations’ Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA), in which he attributed the failure to reach sustained economic growth in Latin America to the international division of labour. Based on research carried out by ECLA on the terms of trade between manufactures and primary goods, he concluded that – contrary to expectations – they moved against primary products. If prices decline as productivity increases (in competitive markets), industrial goods, where the technological improvements had been more significant, should have declined in price more than agricultural goods. The empirical results of the study showed the opposite.1 If the Latin American countries therefore wanted to benefit from technological progress, they should move towards industrialisation. Almost at the same time, based on the same empirical study, Hans Singer not only argued that the gains from trade had not been distributed equally, but also that foreign investments in the export sector were not part of the domestic economy, but represented an enclave belonging to the countries of the centre which received its benefits.2 Singer advanced an argument that became popular later on; he noted the existence in the underdeveloped countries of a dual economy with two sectors each with different productivity and segmented markets: a modern sector linked to the central countries and a traditional sector linked to the rest of the economy. Also, from the critics of the classical theory of trade, another argument was put forward: the different income elasticities of demand for manufactures and agricultural goods (Engels’ law) suggested that expenditure on agricultural goods would decline in relative terms as incomes rose, hurting the terms of trade for primary products.3

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37

Mainwaring, Scott. "The Political Economy of Argentina: Power and Class since 1930. By Monica Peralta-Ramos. Boulder: Westview, 1992. 191p. $45.95. - Argentine Workers: Peronism and Contemporary Class Consciousness. By Peter Ranis. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992. 313p. $49.95." American Political Science Review 88, no. 1 (March 1994): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944922.

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38

Carballo, Marita, and Frederick Turner. "Argentina: Economic Disaster and the Rejection of the Political Class." Comparative Sociology 4, no. 1-2 (2005): 175–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569133054621905.

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AbstractThe Argentine economic crisis of 1999-2003 caused GDP to drop precipitously and levels of poverty and unemployment to rise greatly. Although more profound, this crisis resembled three others since 1966, and it led Argentines overwhelmingly to reject the members of their political class. In 1999, the confidence of Argentine citizens in politicians and political institutions was already very low, reflecting in part the earlier crises and the fact that income distribution in the country had become far more unequal in the 1990s. Causes for the economic crisis include economic policies, political constraints, and the structure of Argentine society and values. Although some economic growth has returned under the presidency of Néstor Kirchner since 2003, the depth of the rejection of the political class is so great that it may lead to some change in Argentine values.

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39

Bambaci, Juliana, Tamara Saront, and Mariano Tommasi. "The Political Economy of Economic Reforms in Argentina." Journal of Policy Reform 5, no. 2 (January 2002): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13841280214092.

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40

Rock, David. "Authoritarianism and the Crisis of the Argentine Political Economy. By William C. Smith. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989. Pp. xv, 395. Tables. Figures. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $42.50.)." Americas 47, no. 2 (October 1990): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007378.

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41

Kuznetsov, Alexey. "The Rise of Transnational Corporations from Developing Countries in the Second Half of the 20th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017589-6.

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The article highlights three stages of the formation of multinationals from developing countries. Although first Argentine TNCs appeared at the turn of the 19th — 20th centuries, in the majority of the Global South countries TNCs appeared in the 1960s — 1980s. With the collapse of the bipolar world order, which in many developing countries was accompanied by significant internal political and economic transformations, the second stage of foreign expansion of TNCs from the Global South began. Indeed, in 1990 they accounted for 6 % of global outward foreign direct investment stock, while the figure was 10 % by the end of 2005. We date the beginning of the third stage to the financial and economic crisis of 2007—2009, since multinationals from developing countries as a whole are more successfully overcoming the period of turbulence in the global economy. By the end of 2020, they accounted for 22 % of global outward foreign direct investment stock, and during the COVID-19 pandemic crisis they generally exported more than 50% of the capital. The modern foreign expansion of such TNCs has many reasons, differs greatly from country to country, and often differs slightly from the specifics of Western multinationals. At the same time, initially, “late internationalization” in developing countries had two main vectors — the use of new opportunities for South — South cooperation and overcoming, through the creation of subsidiaries in highly developed countries, the shortcomings of the business environment of “catching up” countries.

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42

Bower, Stephanie. "Political and Socio-Economic Elites: The Encounter of Provincials with Porteños in Fin-de-Siêcle Buenos Aires." Americas 59, no. 3 (January 2003): 379–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0003.

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In 1880, following a two-generation-long civil war, Argentina embarked upon a critical period of nation-building, which culminated in the centennial celebrations of 1910. In The Argentine Generation of 1880: Ideology and Cultural Texts, David Foster has commented upon the inconclusiveness of national cultural formation as Argentina turned from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the uncertainty of how much from the provinces would be incorporated into the elite-constructed culture emanating from the port city of Buenos Aires. The recently published work of Roy Hora, The Landowners of the Argentine Pampas: A Social and Political History 1860-1945, and the work of Tulio Halperin, “The Buenos Aires Landed Class and the Shape of Argentine Politics (1820-1930),” which preceded it, further heighten the significance of provincial-porteño interaction at this point in Argentine history. Halperin and Hora find that during these years, and beyond, the socio-economic and the political elite of Argentina was not a unified whole, but rather two distinctive groups. In the leadership of the socio-economic elite was a landed class based on the estancias of the Argentine pampa and overwhelmingly porteño in character. Provincials dominated the political elite, as the provinces ‘captured’ the federal government in the years following their reunification with the province of Buenos Aires in 1861. Participation in the federal government brought the provincial political elite into contact with the porteño estancieros who dominated the socio-economic elite, as these were almost universally resident in the federal capital. But Roy Hora has described the relationship between the two groups as “problematic.”

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43

Manzetti, Luigi. "Felipe A. M. de la Balze, Remaking the Argentine Economy (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1995), pp. viii + 196, $14.95." Journal of Latin American Studies 28, no. 1 (February 1996): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00012918.

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44

Heras, Raúl Garcia. "Foreign Business-Host Government Relations: The Anglo Argentine Tramways Co. Ltd. of Buenos Aires, 1930–1966." Itinerario 19, no. 1 (March 1995): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021197.

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From 1880 to 1930, Argentina received hundreds of millions of pounds of British investments, making it in an economic sense a British dominion. The world economic crisis of the 1930s forced both Britain and Argentina t o reconsider many of these economic ties. The changing Anglo-Argentine relationship is reflected in the complex relations between a British tramway company, the Anglo Argentine Tramways Co. Ltd., that operated in Buenos Aires and the Argentine national government between the onset of the Great Depression and the early 1960s. The Anglo, as the company was popularly known, was the main tramway concern diat offered public transportation and contributed to the urban development of a cosmopolitan Latin American metropolis until 1914. Second, the history of the company illustrates political and economic problems that plagued the links between foreign public utilities and the host government from the 1930s onwards. Third, since the Anglo belonged to SOFINA, a transnational holding company with worldwide investments in public transportation and electric power stations, our case study shows the limitations of Sofina's political power in Britain and Argentina.

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45

Román, José Antonio Sánchez. "Economic Elites, Regional Cleavages, and the First Attempts at Introducing the Income Tax in Argentina." Hispanic American Historical Review 89, no. 2 (May 1, 2009): 253–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-084.

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Abstract This article analyzes Minister Víctor Molina’s 1924 income tax proposal, one of the first attempts to introduce this tax in Argentina, and explores the reasons for its failure. Argentine governments did not show a permanent commitment to fiscal reform during the 1920’s, mainly because the economic situation was not dire and the Treasury was able to finance its deficits through foreign debts due to the good performance of Argentine external sector. Nonetheless, Molina’s proposal was passed by the Chamber of Deputies and therefore it could have been the first income tax law in the country. Public opinion, intellectuals, and economists seemed to be persuaded that income tax was the solution to Argentine fiscal problems. Moreover, some key social sectors like rural or industrial entrepreneurs, without enthusiastically supporting the income tax, were disposed to tolerate it. In this article, I argue that we need a political interpretation of the failure of tax reform during 1920s. Molina’s draft was blocked in the Senate by the majority of the representatives of the interior provinces. In fact, income tax was considered to be a threat to the less affluent provinces of Argentina because it implied a step toward tax centralization and unification. Yet the economic weakness of the interior did not imply political weakness, and the interior provinces were the main obstacle to fiscal reform in Argentina until the 1930s.

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46

Schenfeld, María Julieta. "Servicing the Confederation: editorials of El Nacional Argentino newspaper from Paraná, during 1854." Divulgatio. Perfiles académicos de posgrado 5, no. 13 (November 16, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.48160/25913530di13.145.

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This article analyzes the editorial position of El Nacional Argentino newspaper from Paraná, Entre Ríos in relation to the economic policy of the confederated provinces in the complex juncture of an Argentina divided into two States: Argentine Confederation and State of Buenos Aires. The aforementioned journalist entity, during 1854, undertook the task of making the benefits of Plan Fragueiro, the realities of the provinces and the mining, craft and commercial wealth of the Confederation known, with the aim of attracting people and capitals that ensure the grown of the financial resources which allowed paying the public expenditures. In relation to the value and conception of a newspaper, a perspective that goes beyond its nature of source that provides irreplaceable scientific information is assumed, especially for Social Sciences and Arts. Indeed, it is considered a political actor, a subject inside the public sphere of the Confederation and, particularly, of Paraná.

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47

Rieger, Hans Christoph. "BOOK REVIEW: How to End Up an Utter Failure as Minister of the Economy: Lessons That Emerge from 20 Years of Argentine Economic Policy, by Juan Carlos de Pablo; Some Problems in Implementing Economic Policy, by Jesus Silva-Herzog." Southeast Asian Economies 6, no. 3 (1990): 353–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/ae6-3h.

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48

Gritsenko, Ilona. "The Transformation of Argentine-U.S. Relations at the Turn of the Decade." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 215–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.18.

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Introduction. The paper examines Argentina-U.S. relations during the administrations of Mauricio Macri and Alberto Fernandez, as well as the transformation of the bilateral ties character at the turn of the decade. The author analyzes the changes paying attention to the challenges that the economic crisis posed to the Argentine leaders, and taking into account the motives of both countries. The study identified the risks for the successful interaction between Washington and Buenos Aires, as well as the leverage of the potential influence of the White House on the Argentine authorities. Methods. The study is based on extensive factual data from the period of the latest two Argentine administrations (2015–2021), the new sources, including documents of the U.S. Department of State. An integrated systematic approach allowed to consider the interaction of Buenos Aires and Washington in the dynamics of Argentine domestic political and economic processes, taking into account global and regional factors. When analyzing changes in the character of bilateral ties, a comparative approach was applied. Analysis. The relations between Washington and the government of Mauricio Macri in 2017–2019 were allied. The main areas of interaction were trade and investment, security and political cooperation. To support his ally and the continuity of government in Argentina, D. Trump facilitated the IMF’s approval of the largest standby to Argentina for the period of Macri’s administration. The problem of payment became a burden for the elected A. Fernandez. Results. The willingness of the White House to help resolve the debt issue and the American investments needed by Argentina deterred A. Fernandez from developing an autonomist foreign policy pushing him to choose a more balanced course. Both topics constitute the points of potential pressure from Washington on the Argentine leader. Bilateral relations became more restrained, but showing no signs of confrontation. Risks for Argentine-American cooperation are posed by the deepening partnership of the South American country with China and by the position of the Argentine authorities on resolving the Venezuelan crisis. Given its desire to be Argentina’s partner of choice, the U.S. is unlikely to firstly use pressure. With the beginning of Joseph Biden’s presidency, the climate agenda became a new area of cooperation.

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49

Baksheeva, L., and V. Bublikov. "Russian Immigrants in Argentina: Sociological Analysis of Community." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2012): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-4-64-70.

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Russian immigrants exerted a significant impact on the formation of the Argentine nation at the turn of XIX and XX centuries. At that time, immigrants from Russia were fourth-largest diaspora in Argentina. Over the past century, immigration from Russia to Argentina showed a pronounced wave pattern that primarily depended on the political developments in Russia. After experiencing a period of cultural and economic prosperity in the early and mid-XX century, modern Russian diaspora in Argentina declined considerably in terms of scope and level of its social influence.

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50

Carranza, Mario E. "Can Mercosur Survive? Domestic and International Constraints on Mercosur." Latin American Politics and Society 45, no. 2 (2003): 67–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2003.tb00241.x.

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AbstractMercosur has survived several crises by resorting to presidential diplomacy, but it risks becoming an empty shell unless member states work to coordinate macroeconomic policies. Its survival depends on the outcome of domestic political struggles in Brazil and Argentina and on the harmonization of exchange-rate policies between the two countries. This article examines the Argentine-Brazilian “trade wars” provoked by successive devaluations of the Brazilian currency, aggravated in 2001 by the Argentine economic crisis. The social explosion in Argentina in December 2001 showed that domestic actors can successfully challenge proglobalization policies. To consolidate, Mercosur will have to address the democratic deficit while building supranational institutions and an effective dispute-settlement system.

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