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Статті в журналах з теми "Anti-Vietnam protests"
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Boyle, Michael P., Michael R. McCluskey, Douglas M. McLeod, and Sue E. Stein. "Newspapers and Protest: An Examination of Protest Coverage from 1960 to 1999." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 82, no. 3 (September 2005): 638–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900508200310.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper examines newspaper coverage of protests from 1960 to 1999. Initial findings indicated protests received consistent levels of support over that time. In light of this, we expected little change in the extent to which these protests challenged the status quo. However, there was a steady decline, with protest coverage becoming less deviant throughout this study. Further analyses suggest disparities in coverage of different protest-types were apparent during the Vietnam War. The most drastic change in treatment of different protest-types was directly after the height of the anti-war movement followed by gradual change thereafter.
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Hoang, Phuong. "Domestic Protests and Foreign Policy: An Examination of Anti-China Protests in Vietnam and Vietnamese Policy Towards China Regarding the South China Sea." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 6, no. 1 (March 26, 2019): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797019826747.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Sino-Vietnamese relationship is characterized by asymmetry, yet Vietnam’s post-Cold War foreign policy towards China encompasses three paradigms: (a) internal and external balancing against China, (b) greater international integration to prevent political and economic dependence on China and (c) ‘cooperation’ with China on mutual interests while ‘struggling’ against China’s encroachment on Vietnam’s sovereignty. The ongoing dispute in the South China Sea presents a primary security concern for Vietnam as well as a challenge to its bilateral relations with China, particularly as maritime tensions provoke nationalist and anti-China protests among the Vietnamese public. This article presents an analysis of anti-China protests in Vietnam that resulted from South China Sea tensions between 2007 and 2017 in order to examine whether the protests—which are rare in Vietnam—had any effect on Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China. The findings reveal that the protests did not result in a change in Vietnam’s foreign policy towards China both during the maritime crises or in the long term.
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Johansson, Perry. "Resistance and Repetition: The Holocaust in the Art, Propaganda, and Political Discourse of Vietnam War Protests." Cultural History 10, no. 1 (April 2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2021.0233.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Western European protest movement against the American War in Vietnam stands out as something unique in contemporary history. Here finally, after all the senseless horrors of the twentieth century, reason speaks, demanding an end to Western atrocities against the poor South. But in the rosy fog of humanistic idealism and youthful revolution lies the unanswered question, why did this and not any other conflicts, before or after, render such an intense, widespread reaction? Taking Sweden as a case in point, this article employs the concepts of resistance, trauma, memory, and repetition to explore why the Vietnam movement came into being just as the buried history of the Holocaust resurfaced in a series of well-publicized trials of Nazi war criminals. It suggests that the protests of the radical young Leftists against American “imperialism” and “genocide” were informed by repressed memories of the Holocaust. The Swedish anti-war protests had unique and far-reaching consequences. The ruling Social Democratic Party, in order not to lose these younger Left wing voters to Communism, also engaged actively against the Vietnam War. And, somewhat baffling for a political party often criticized for close ties to Nazi Germany during WWII, its messaging used the same rhetoric as the Far Left, echoing Nazi anti-Semitic propaganda.
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Walker, Robert. "Recollections of Sir George Williams University." TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 44 (April 1, 2022): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/topia-2022-0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay offers a narrative account of events at Sir George Williams University between the years 1966 and 1970. Recounted here are stories of student life as well as recollections of various faculty members who were on staff during the complex political moment of the late 1960s. These stories of university life are also framed within the happenings and cultural-political shifts in the city of Montreal. This essay uses first person recollection to reorient some of the historical perspectives on such events as the 1967 World’s Fair, the civil rights protests in the US, anti-Vietnam war movements, anti-colonial movements and wars of the 1960s, the movement for Quebec independence, and the Sir George Williams University protests.
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Walker, Robert. "Recollections of Sir George Williams University." TOPIA: Canadian Journal of Cultural Studies 44 (April 1, 2022): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/topia-2022-0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay offers a narrative account of events at Sir George Williams University between the years 1966 and 1970. Recounted here are stories of student life as well as recollections of various faculty members who were on staff during the complex political moment of the late 1960s. These stories of university life are also framed within the happenings and cultural-political shifts in the city of Montreal. This essay uses first person recollection to reorient some of the historical perspectives on such events as the 1967 World’s Fair, the civil rights protests in the US, anti-Vietnam war movements, anti-colonial movements and wars of the 1960s, the movement for Quebec independence, and the Sir George Williams University protests.
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Stur, Heather. "“To Do Nothing Would be to Dig Our Own Graves: Student Activism in the Republic of Vietnam”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, no. 3 (August 27, 2019): 285–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02603004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During the Vietnam War, South Vietnamese students were some of the most vocal activists asserting multiple visions for Vietnam’s future. Students’ attitudes spanned the political spectrum from staunchly anti-Communist to supportive of the National Liberation Front. Like young people throughout the world in the 1960s, students in South Vietnam embodied the spirit of the global Sixties as a hopeful moment in which the possibility of freedom energized those demanding political change. South Vietnam’s university students staged protests, wrote letters, and drew up plans of action that tried to unite the disparate political interests among the nation’s young people as politicians and generals in Saigon attempted to establish a viable national government. South Vietnamese government officials and U.S. advisors paid close attention to student activism hoping to identify and cultivate sources of support for the Saigon regime. While some students were willing to work with Americans, others argued that foreign intervention of any kind was bad for Vietnam. The Saigon government’s repressive tactics for dealing with political protest drove away students who otherwise might have supported it.
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Keenan, Bethany S. "“The US Embassy Has Been Particularly Sensitive about This”." French Historical Studies 41, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4322942.
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Abstract This article examines changes in how the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs handled anti–Vietnam War protests in the period immediately following the May–June 1968 uprisings. Through a study of the Quai d'Orsay Asie-Océanie archives along with American Embassy and CIA documents, the article adds to research on French domestic protest activity and expands understanding of the philo-American shift in French foreign policy following May. In its emphasis on how foreign policy affected domestic experience, the article argues for the importance of situating May globally to evaluate its full impact. Cet article examine les évolutions dans la gestion des manifestations contre la guerre du Vietnam par le ministère des Affaires étrangères dans les mois suivant les événements de mai–juin 1968. Fondé sur une étude des archives Asie-Océanie du Quai d'Orsay, aussi bien que sur des documents de l'ambassade américaine et du CIA, cet article éclaircit le mouvement anti-guerre en France, tout en contribuant à la compréhension du basculement philo-américain de la politique étrangère française après Mai. Soulignant les effets de la politique étrangère sur l'expérience domestique, l'article avance l'importance de situer Mai au niveau mondial afin de mieux évaluer son impact.
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Clark, Terry Nichols. "The Dynamics of Political Culture: Liberalism, Radicalism, and New Fiscal Populism." Tocqueville Review 7, no. 1 (January 1986): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.1.179.
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The European observer typically asks why there is so little radicalism in America, but the American asks why there is any. Radical outbursts in the last decade or two have provoked much commentary on American society. Striking examples are the black riots in many cities, anti-Vietnam war protests, activist social movements by ecologists, feminists, gays, and others. And then taxpayers’ revolts.
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Clark, Terry Nichols. "The Dynamics of Political Culture: Liberalism, Radicalism, and New Fiscal Populism." Tocqueville Review 7 (January 1986): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.7.179.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The European observer typically asks why there is so little radicalism in America, but the American asks why there is any. Radical outbursts in the last decade or two have provoked much commentary on American society. Striking examples are the black riots in many cities, anti-Vietnam war protests, activist social movements by ecologists, feminists, gays, and others. And then taxpayers’ revolts.
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Kurfürst, Sandra. "Networking Alone? Digital Communications and Collective Action in Vietnam." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 3 (December 2015): 123–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400305.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article explores the potential for the formation of collective action in Vietnam. Referring to land and labour protests, bauxite mining, anti-China demonstrations, as well as the revision of the 1992 Constitution, the article examines the social movement repertoires diverse groups have adopted to reach their objectives. Drawing on social movement theory and communication power, this contribution shows that apart from access to the technology, citizens’ opportunities to participate in digital networks as well as access to the default communication network of the state are necessary prerequisites in order to attain public attention and possibly to achieve social change. Moreover, this article shows that existing power differentials in Vietnam are reproduced in digital space. It concludes that for different collective behaviours to result in a social movement, it is essential to “switch” and to connect the different networks. For the moment, the call to protect Vietnam's sovereignty offers common ground for collective action.
Дисертації з теми "Anti-Vietnam protests"
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Fucci, Carolina. "La cattiva strada : linguaggi, scenari e rappresentazioni della protesta giovanile tra usa ed europa nel lungo sessantotto." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100059/document.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Centrée sur le contexte des « longues années 68 », la thèse porte sur les raisons et le déroulement de la protestation juvénile entre les Etats-Unis et l’Europe, à partir du début des années Soixante jusqu’à la moitié de la décennie suivante. Il s’agit d’une période durant laquelle les pays développés connaissent une transformation sans pareil, marquée par l’élargissement de la société de consommation de masse et par le progrès frappant dans le domaine de la communication. La recherche vise surtout à éclairer deux questions principales : définir le rôle joué par la contre-culture dans la vague révolutionnaire et encadrer la dimension internationale du mouvement. Ce travail est donc divisé en deux parties : la première aborde les causes et l’esprit de la contre-culture à partir de ses racines américaines, tandis que la deuxième partie sera centrée sur les agitations étudiantes dans les pays de référence. En ce qui concerne les acteurs de la mobilisation, la recherche porte sur trois sujets principaux : les groupes undergrounds, le mouvement étudiant international et la révolte italienne de Soixante-dix-sept. Il s’agit de trois sujets qui représentent trois phases distinctes dans la chronologie du « cycle de protestation », un cycle qui se déroule dans un récit déchiqueté où on assiste à un changement continu de paradigme. Malgré cette inconstance fondamentale, il subsiste des mots d’ordre qui occupent une place privilégiée dans la mentalité des activistes : anti-autoritarisme, égalitarisme, répression, droit, révolution restent les nœuds théoriques les plus significatifs de la contestation dans le milieu juvénile, étudiant et également ouvrierCentred on the political and cultural context of the “long Sixties”, this work examines the reasons and the dynamics of social movements between USA and Europe, focusing on the period from 1960 to the mid-1970s. It was a period of great transformations where the affluent societies witnessed an explosive growth both in social field and in technological domain. This thesis aims above all to understand two main issues: the role counterculture played in the war protest and civil rights movement and the international dimension of this phenomenon. Thus, this research is divided into two parts: the first section concerns with the underground movement beginning with its American roots while the second part is dedicated to the student movement thought an international perspective. Concerning the social actors involved in the mobilisation, this work is focused on three main subjects: the counterculture groups, the several student movements and the militants of Italian 1977 revolt. It means to analyse three different moments in the “protestation cycle” of long Sixties that remains a tumultuous period of paradigm shifts. In spite of this instability, it is possible to indicate some keywords that characterise the spirit of the age: anti-authoritarianism, egalitarianism, repression, rights, and above all, revolution remain the more significant theoretical questions on which this work revolves
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LU, SU-HUA, and 盧淑華. "The Case Study of Taiwanese Business in Vietnam : Challenges and Opportunities --After the Event of 513 Anti-China Protests." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/k6nqsy.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
碩士崑山科技大學
企業管理研究所
103
"Southward Policy", is already one of the major foreign investment policies for Taiwan's government and enterprises, while Vietnam is a crucial country for Taiwan’s "Southward Policy". Taiwan is the 4th largest investor in the Vietnam's government, and the Vietnamese government also made a lot of convenient policy for the foreign investment in recent years. From the 513 anti-Chinese incidents, very huge impact on traditional industries, I am so anxious to understand Taiwanese businessmen located near Ho Chi Minh City and Binh Duong Province, whether hurt by the riot or find new business opportunities in this event. This study used qualitative research and quantitative analysis as a research method. The questionnaire by the interview, it understands that Taiwanese businessmen’ major economic characteristics of various sectors, the drivers of change in the industry, competitive structure, market concentration, critical success factors (KSF), and the industry attractiveness power in Vietnam, and the industry attractiveness power. Also, using 5-point scale of quantitative analysis in the questionnaire by the arithmetic average method to find Taiwanese businessmen’s “production, operation, marketing, human, R&D, and finance”, “human” is the major difficult rating. Because the Vietnam’s government is excluded to Chinese to limit their education to senior high school only, no more college education. There exists the language barrier in Vietnam for the Taiwanese businessmen to need the help by the Vietnam’s people who can speak Chinese. The rating of most need assistance is “finance”, because the loaning interest rate is very highly (i.e. the using capital cost is relatively high), obviously the loaning turnover cost is very heavy for the business. Most Taiwanese businessmen are loaned money in Taiwan, but deposited to gain the interest in Vietnam. Finally, they should be directed to the "overall management" business direction is the "e-ized management" and aims at “e-commerce”. Taiwan is an island country with the limited resource, so the internationalization and global layout are the trend. Vietnam’s investment environment is excellent with the considerable congenital or acquired advantages, coupled with 513 anti-Chinese riots to have an impact on Taiwanese investment in Vietnam. Taiwanese will not withdrawal from Vietnam to “stay certainly”, "increase its investment", “In ASEAN, except for Vietnam, no place to go”, thus the operational advantages still exist in Vietnam.
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McEachern, Douglas. "Writing the sixties: stardust and golden." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/112472.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Vol. 1 [Creative work]: Stardust and golden -- v. 2 [Exegesis]: Writing the sixtiesThe creative work, Stardust and Golden, a phrase taken from Joni Mitchell’s 1969 hit Woodstock, is a novel set in Adelaide in the late 1960s. The story is told by Mark David who, in 2009, recalls this time after an unexpected encounter with an elderly Elizabeth Ryder, the mother of his closest friend from the 1960s. The novel is centred on the lives of two young men balloted for conscription in 1968. Although opposed to the Vietnam War and conscription they are not attracted to the idea of going into hiding as draft resisters or the prospect of two years in jail. They want another solution. Their lives are shaped by a network of social relations centred on a shared student household, a student commune, in North Adelaide, where the residents are involved in 1960s style political and social agitations as well as the insistent pursuit of pleasure, lots of music, some drugs, some alcohol and sex and varying degrees of generational conflicts with parents. Their 1960s do not turn out as they had hoped. Of the two central characters one dies in India having run from the draft and the other is too ill to be inducted. He too, more or less, leaves the country and has a career as a consultant in the oil industry. The second part, the exegesis, focusses on the creative practice and research involved in writing Stardust and Golden. Here the focus is on how authors re-imagine the Sixties as an age of militant opposition to the Vietnam War and conscription and the rise of a counter culture of challenge to convention and authority. The phrase ‘Writing the Sixties’ also captures the essentially fictional construction of the era. Hence the exegesis starts with the novels of the Sixties, tracing different ways in which novels written either at the time or close to it compare with the research and writing strategies of those who seek, from a later vantage point, to re-imagine the Sixties. In this chapter a broad range of novels are used to document the anatomy of a Sixties novel. This forms the basis for an in-depth consideration of the writing strategies John Updike (Rabbit Redux and The Witches of Eastwick) and Philip Roth (American Pastoral) use to create a sense of the Sixties in these novels and how they build their characterisation of the times. The exegesis concludes with an account of the creative practice involved in imagining and realising the novel, with a focus on how research, of both the era and the events themselves and of literary forms and writing strategies, provides the scaffolding for reimagining and creatively re-building the sense of era for Stardust and Golden.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2016
Книги з теми "Anti-Vietnam protests"
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Lyttle, Bradford. The Chicago anti-Vietnam War movement. Chicago: Midwest Pacifist Center, 1988.
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Covering dissent: The media and the anti-Vietnam War movement. New Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers University Press, 1994.
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One Pledge Unspoken. Bloomington, IN, USA: Writer's Showcase Press, 2001.
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The chimes of freedom flashing: A personal history of the Vietnam anti-war movement and the 1960's. Washington, DC: TCA Press, 1996.
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Tiananmen west: Why Nixon ordered the Kent State Massacre. West Bloomfield, Michigan]: Crazy Red Head Publishing, 2016.
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Gassert, Philipp. Internal Challenges to the Cold War. Edited by Richard H. Immerman and Petra Goedde. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236961.013.0025.
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This chapter examines the internal challenges or oppositional movements to the Cold War in both the East and West. It suggests that the challenges to the Cold War paradigm can be divided into societal challenges such as the anti-Vietnam protests and the 1956 Hungarian uprising and government-led oppositions to the Cold War order as part of domestic foreign policy. The chapter analyzes five core periods of the Cold War including the Korean War, the 1954 hydrogen bomb testing on Bikini Atoll, and the 1962 Cuban missile crisis. The analysis reveals that the Cold War order was almost never unchallenged from 1947 to 1990.
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Lyndon Baines Johnson Library (Corporate Author), Lexisnexis (Corporate Author), Robert Lester (Editor), and Joanna Claire Dubus (Editor), eds. The Johnson Administration's Response to Anti-Vietnam War Activities (Research Collections in American Politics). LexisNexis, 2004.
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Lexisnexis. The Johnson Administration's Response to Anti-Vietnam War Activities (Research Collections in American Politics). LexisNexis, 2004.
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Protest on trial: The Seattle 7 conspiracy. 2018.
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Holzer, Henry Mark, and Erika Holzer. Aid And Comfort: Jane Fonda in North Vietnam. 2nd ed. McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2006.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Anti-Vietnam protests"
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Macartney, Alex Finn. "The Japanese New Left, the Vietnam War, and Anti-Imperial Protest." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 235–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_9.
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Christensen, Rob. "Fire in the Streets." In The Rise and Fall of the Branchhead Boys, 187–210. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651040.003.0012.
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Bob Scott was governor during one of the most difficult periods in the 20th century. His term coincided with black student activism, anti-Vietnam War protests, and school integration. North Carolina was the scene of building takeovers, marches, fire bombings, and riots. Scott responded by taking a tough law-and-order stance that offended many African-Americans and white liberals, but was popular among many white conservatives and moderates.
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Renaud, Terence. "The Sixties New Left." In New Lefts, 234–75. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691220819.003.0009.
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This chapter focuses on the New Left in the 1960s. Interwar and post-war New Left had similar approaches to organizational form and politics such as radical democracy, cultural experimentation, sexual liberation, and anti-colonial solidarity. The anti-authoritarian New Left of the 1960s is the culmination of a dynamic process of mid-century neoleftism. Campus activism of students and workers became a popular uprising of May 1968. The chapter discusses how Rudi Dutschke and Daniel Cohn-Bendit spearheaded the new lefts to the course for its future movement. It also includes the West German protests against the Vietnam War in 1966. The new lefts' goal was to create a self-perpetuating movement.
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Johnson, Susan Lee. "Crafting Kit Carson, 1960s–1970s." In Writing Kit Carson, 77–188. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469658834.003.0003.
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Part II explores McClung’s 1973 Carson, Bent, Boggs Genealogy Supplement and Blackwelder’s unfinished biographical dictionary of westerners. It argues that the women’s collaboration had become a traffic in men. And as western history professionalized, the women recognized that reception of their work hinged on the opinions of academic historians, who became another market for their traffic in men. All this transpired as these women’s world turned upside down. Hollywood Westerns declined as the postwar victory culture waned, Vietnam heated up, and anti-war protests and concurrent social movements wreaked havoc at home. Even Kit Carson came under attack, and Blackwelder and McClung suddenly found that they were studying men who many now saw as violent colonizers.
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Bui, Long T. "Dismembered Lives." In Returns of War, 87–121. NYU Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479817061.003.0003.
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This chapter uses the twin concepts of dismemberment and rememberment to investigate the media discourse surrounding a controversial art exhibit held in 2009 in Orange County, California involving mass protests by hundreds of people demonstrating against a community-based art exhibit for showcasing creative reinterpretations of the South Vietnamese national flag and Vietnamese women’s role, as proper gendered national subjects fueled a public outcry against the exhibit as profane, pro-communist trash. The chapter concludes by discussing the ban on LGBT people from the community’s annual new year TET parade, and how this had to do with more than homophobia, but South Vietnamese nationalism, which allows for no alternative identities within the diasporic family. This chapter ultimately aims to broaden the scope for studying Vietnamese American “homeland politics” by venturing to speak to the puzzling ways the overseas communities and identities formed by refugees from South Vietnam are shaped, circumscribed, and policed in the current day by the politics of anti-communism.
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Preston, Andrew. "The Irony of Protest: Vietnam and The Path to Permanent War." In Reframing 1968. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748698936.003.0004.
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The Vietnam War was one of the most controversial issues in 1968. The intense and polarised debate between anti-war demonstrators and defenders of the Vietnam War cast a shadow on US foreign policy, engendering what came to be termed the “Vietnam Syndrome” amongst policy-makers and the public. This chapter assesses the legacies of pro- and anti-war activism, arguing that the debates that took place during the late 1960s remained relevant long after US troops had left Indochina. Yet the possibility that direct action could prevent or divert American military intervention diminished over time due to two fundamental adjustments made in the wake of the turmoil of Vietnam: the end of the draft and the shift to an all-volunteer military; and a revolution in military affairs that used advanced technology to wage aerial warfare in place of the mass deployment of ground troops. Resistance to the Vietnam War thus had an ironic long-term effect: the US government found a way both to intervene militarily and blunt the effectiveness of popular antiwar protest.
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Nguyen, Phuong. "Fighting the Postwar in Little Saigon." In Pacific America. University of Hawai'i Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824855765.003.0008.
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Studies of Vietnamese Americans have traditionally shared a linear assimilationist framework, whereby “good” refugees have successfully moved beyond the Vietnam War while “bad” refugees continue to engage in reactionary anti-communist protest. My own research into Little Saigon reveals that both types represented contrasting approaches to winning the postwar. Traditional model minority types tried to validate the South Vietnamese as a people worth fighting for while ultra-nationalist bad refugees imagined themselves as a far more capable fighting force than most Americans wish to remember. Like Greg Dvorak’s paper, this one explores the tensions present in social memory and social amnesia, where exhortations for the diasporic Vietnamese refugees to forget the past really meant they should forget their version of the past. Middle-aged veterans of South Vietnam in particular faced the challenge of maintaining an anti-communist refuge in America in the post-Cold War era where they could construct an identity for themselves contrary to the negative images dominant in Vietnam and the United States.
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Nguyen, Phuong Tran. "Accidental Allies." In Becoming Refugee American. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041358.003.0002.
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Most accounts of the Vietnam War describe it as a war of choice, but this chapter argues that it was, in many ways, a war of necessity. Attempts to implement a purely pragmatic, minimalist Cold War strategy in Asia were doomed when the Korean War drew the United States into an unplanned but then-vital nation-building campaign with accidental allies in South Korea, Taiwan, and eventually South Vietnam. This chapter traces the origins of this moralistic component of Cold War policy and politics, particularly the Christian missionaries and their heirs, like publisher Henry Luce, who formed the China Lobby and Asia First bloc. By helping to frame the Cold War and America’s commitment to Asia as an epic struggle between good and evil, they set the stage for Indochinese refugee admissions based on moral, rather than legal, grounds, and as the very least America could do to atone for its failure to protect stalwart anti-communist allies.
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Ritchie, Donald A. "Lyndon’s Lackey?" In The Columnist, 229–56. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190067588.003.0011.
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After criticizing Lyndon Johnson as a Senate leader, Drew Pearson became a strong supporter of his presidency, remaining sufficiently close to be jeered as “Lyndon’s lackey.” Access to the president provided a fountain of information but complicated his efforts to report candidly. If he wrote anything complimentary, critics charged that LBJ had dog-collared him. If he wrote anything unfavorable, Johnson protested bitterly. Although Pearson encouraged Johnson to withdraw American troops from South Vietnam, he supported the widening war. Anti-war activists accused him of selling out to Johnson, and his own wife picketed the White House. Pearson held his dissent until 1968, shortly before Johnson announced he would not run for reelection. The column assailed Robert F. Kennedy for approving the wiretapping of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. It also conducted an extensive anti-corruption campaign against Senator Thomas Dodd, which resulted in Dodd’s censure by the Senate.
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Lauter, Paul. "Society and the Profession, 1958–83." In Canons and Contexts. Oxford University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195055931.003.0006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When I was asked to write about the impact of society on our profession over the last twenty-five years, it occurred to me that the period also measures my own lifetime as a professional. I took up full-time teaching in 1957, the year before I received my doctorate. I gave my first paper at a Modern Language Association convention around that time, participated in producing two sons, and published my first article. I left one job, joined in antinuke, anti-ROTC, and prounion activities, and got fired from the second job. I remember complaining to my graduate school director, en route to a third job, how painfully remote upstate New York seemed from everything I valued. Said he, flatly, “You can publish your way out of any place.” Perhaps that was so, then; certainly I acted on that instruction. But I never really put it to the test, for somehow my career swerved that splinter and never returned quite to the groove. In 1963 I went to work for the Quakers, promoting peace studies and learning about political economy. Then, in 1964, I traveled to Mississippi to teach in Freedom Schools and discovered the profound limitations of my graduate school education. With deliberation, among a group of my students from Smith, I went off to jail in Montgomery. Later, as the peace movement brought the war home, I was provided with a more impromptu visit to the Baltimore pokey after trying to protect a Vietnam vet from an outraged policeman. For a number of years I sported a little red button that said “A free university in a free society”—an idea on the basis of which I tried to conduct my life. In due course, I became an active feminist, involved in efforts, like The Feminist Press, to change education and thus society. That pattern of life was not, of course, precisely typical of members of our profession— though more people than we now acknowledge participated in it one way or another. I speak of my life because it reflected, in a sense became a vehicle of, the forces for social change I am to write about here.