Статті в журналах з теми "Anglo-Dutch Convention of August"

In the last decades of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Izmir experienced tremendous economic growth, mainly as a result of growth in the world economy. In addition, the French Revolution and the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars resulted in the collapse of French economic domination in the area. As a result, Ottoman minority merchants experienced an equally tremendous economic growth (Frangakis-Syrett, 1987, pp. 73-86). Britain replaced France as the principal trading partner of Izmir, while the economic growth of the port-city as well as that of the minority merchants continued strong. It was in this period of increasing commercial activity that the Anglo-Turkish Convention was signed between Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire on 16 August 1838 to come into effect in western Anatolia on March 1839. The Treaty, which subsequently was signed by all the European States as well as the United States and the Ottoman Empire, aimed at removing obstacles to free trade in the Empire for the merchants of these states. It was to achieve that by removing an array of local or additional duties paid for the export of Ottoman goods or the import and circulation of all other goods, manufactured or otherwise, and by setting a fixed rate of five percent duty on imports and twelve percent on exports—nine percent on purchasing at the place of growth and three percent on exportation.

An ad hoc arbitral tribunal convened pursuant to Article 287 and Annex VII of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) delivered its award on the merits on August 14, 2015 in Arctic Sunrise (Netherlands/Russia). The award was unanimous on all holdings and included no separate opinions. In addition to establishing the Tribunal’s jurisdiction and admissibility of the claims, the Tribunal also found that Russia had violated its obligations under UNCLOS by detaining the Arctic Sunrise, a Dutch-flagged vessel, and the thirty people (Arctic 30) on board on September 19, 2013; by failing to comply with an earlier order on provisional measures; and by failing to pay its share of the arbitral expenses.

In view of growing threat of the Axis powers, by the beginning of 1939 a security agreement with the Soviet Union came high on the list of Turkish priorities. Turkey would also co-operate with Britain in the Balkans and the Mediterranean. Ankara proposed a triangular Turco-Anglo-Soviet relationship. Turkey sought to search for the illusive Soviet connection to parallel its signing of mutual assistance agreement with Britain on 12 May 1939. But the Germano-Soviet Non-aggression Pact of 23 August 1939 upset the entire international balance and put Turkey into a delicate position. Nonetheless Ankara still considered that arriving at an accord with Moscow would not be incompatible with its engagements towards the West. Saracoğlu's mission to Muscow in the autumn of 1939 failed because of Russia's attempts to unilaterally amend the Montreux Straits Convention and to draw Turkey away from the West. During Saracoğlu-Molotov talks, Kremlin endeavoured to obtain a foothold at the Straits in order at once prevent others from commanding the warm water approach to its Black Sea ports and to place itself in a position to exercise a hand in Mediterranean affairs. Relations between Turkey and Russia thus entered into a new period of mutual distrust and tension.

On 26 November 2010, Germany’s Federal Council consented to the Parliament’s plans to introduce an Air Travel Tax (Luftverkehrsteuer/LuftVSt – ATT) by way of the new Air Travel Tax Act – (Luftverkehrsteuergesetz/LuftVStG – ATTA). The new law entered into force beginning of this year – on 01 January 2011. Regardless of the new ATT only taking effect as of this year, flights booked on or after 01 September 2010 departing on or after 01 January 2011 were already subject to the new tax, provided the tangible flight actually starts from a domestic German airport. Therefore, ATT is only payable once the trip from a German airport has actually begun, irrespective when the aircraft ticket was purchased (provided this occurred after 31 August 2010). By means of the ATT, the German Government endeavours to bring forward the expected earnings from the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) in the year 2012 and onwards. Similar to European Union Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS), foreign carriers are subject to the new tax as well, which causes comparable concerns as regards customary international law and the Chicago Convention, for example. Actually the legal repercussions go beyond that since it can well be argued that the new tax is also a violation of the German Constitution and not in line with European State aid law, see Articles 107 and 108 Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). During the political discussion prior to the cabinet’s decision, it has been indicated that the tax will disappear as soon as aviation is included into the EU ETS. The tax bill now stipulates that the expected revenues are Euro (EUR) 1 billion and that the tax rates can only be reduced in relation to the earnings from EU ETS. Therefore, a good German tradition seems to be upheld: a tax once established is meant to stay – if not challenged in a court of law.

The availability, distribution and control of freshwater resources have been at the centre of the human story since the start of the Neolithic revolution roughly 12,000 years ago. With the advent of the modern nation state and its attendant emphasis on sovereignty, self-sufficiency and rivalry, it comes as no surprise that interactions between states over shared watercourses have at times been tense and conflictual. This fact was elaborated by the Ex- UN Secretary General; Kofi Annan, Message during the World Water Day on 22nd March, 2002. He warned that… “Fierce national competition over water resources has prompted fears that water issues contain the seeds of violent conflict. By the year 2025 two thirds of the world’s population is likely to live in countries with moderate or severe water shortages as demand for water approaches the limit of the available supply”. Water as a fugitive resource, respects neither political boundaries nor commonly accepted notions of fairness or equity, hence posed the most complex management challenges to water managers of today. In the SADC region, shared waters cannot be viewed in a purely national context due to its fluidity and the mobility of its nature. It is factual that, over 70% of the water bodies in the region are transboundary in nature. In terms of state practice, the concept of community of interest is commonly traced back to a French decree of 1792 dealing with the opening of the Scheldt River to Navigation. The position expressed in this decree was quickly adopted in a number of instruments concerned primarily with rights of navigation in international rivers, but also in some early agreements not restricted to navigational uses. Therefore, the lakes, and watercourses which form the frontier between the two states or which are situated at the territory of both or which flow into the said lakes and watercourses shall continue to be considered as “common’. In this regard one may wish to refer to the recent global instruments namely; the UN Convention on the Law of the Non-Navigational uses of International Water (1997) which came into force on 17th August 2014 and the Convention on the Protection and Uses of Transboundary Watercourses and International Lakes (1992) which came into force on 6th October, 1996 and further in 2016 became an official global legal framework for transboundary water cooperation. These instruments are regarded as a vital step in building a strong foundation for global principles on water management and governance. Legal agreements between states during the colonial era as well as post-independence in the Southern Africa region, have formed the bedrock of cooperative water resources management regionally. The Anglo Germany Treaty of July, 1890 (The Helgoland Treaty), had established an agreement between the colonial powers of Great Britain, France, Portugal, Belgium and Germany and their respective spheres of influence over the African nations aimed to establish borders between the nations. Interesting to note in the presence of scarcity of geo-information over the areas in question; the water bodies (Rivers and Lakes) were used to mark the lines of influence hence boundaries of the sovereign states of today. This chapter therefore, will provide an account of the influence of the 1890 Anglo – Germany Treaty (Helgoland Treaty) and international customary law in regard to conflict resolution and transboundary water cooperation in the Southern Africa Region (SADC). It will also examine some of available information as well as the historical background of boundary treaties; legal frameworks for cooperation; importance of Africa Union(AU) resolutions on the same, such as Resolution AHG/Res16(1) of July 1964 as well as resolution CM/Res.1069(XLIV) of 1986 and finally a conclusion.

It is customary to say that the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century prosperity of the Ottoman Empire was derived from its control of international trade routes leading toward Europe. From this perspective, the closing years of the sixteenth century are regarded as a turning point. When English merchants entered the Mediterranean and the Dutch established a monopoly over the Moluccan spice trade, the Ottoman state lost its dominant role in world commerce, particularly since Ottoman merchants rarely left the Sultan's domain, and therefore did not control the sources of their trade goods. Loss of customs revenue contributed to fiscal crisis, which in turn led to political turmoil as overtaxed peasants fled their villages (Lewis, 1968, p. 27 ff.). In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (or so it is claimed), world trade would have bypassed the Ottoman Empire entirely if it hadn't been for the transit trade in Iranian silk which continued into the 1730s, and a limited exportation of local grains and cottons, which did not become really significant until the high prices of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. From 1815 onward, the Ottoman Empire increasingly entered the orbit of industrializing Europe as a market for manufactured goods and a source of raw materials, and this state of affairs was made “official” by the signing of the Anglo-Ottoman convention of 1838.

In 2008, the UNHCR issued a convention on the rights of persons with disability. Since then, many countries were visited by the High Commissioner for Human Rights. In a number of countries, for example Germany and the Netherlands, mental health legislation was considered unsatisfactory and either regional variations in procedures or new legislation was drafted. In Germany, the final decision after different admission procedures is always made by a judge. In the Netherlands, detention on mental health ground with involuntary admission is decided by a Governmental administrator working for the local Major. In England and Wales, it is decided by three medical/psychiatric professionals. Currently, the Netherlands is drafting a law following the main principles of the Anglo-Saxon law. In Germany, all federal states are currently adopting their mental health laws to fulfil requirements of the Constitutional Court, which decided that coercive treatment is only admissible under very strict conditions after a judge's decision. Studies show the Dutch legislation is associated with higher seclusion rates, in numbers, and duration. Moreover, recent German findings show in a recent period when involuntary medication was not admissible, inpatient violence and coercive measures increased significantly. In this symposium, we discuss the several laws and regulations of four countries (Wales, Ireland, Germany, Netherlands), now and in the near future. Each presentation of a certain countries’ regulations is followed by a description of standard figures of the country, first by an expert in the respective country's law, and consequently by an expert in nationwide or regional figures.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

On 29 August 1070, the Norman monk, Lanfranc, was consecrated archbishop of Canterbury despite having recoiled at the prospect when informed of his appointment earlier that year. His alleged reluctance to undertake the business of the English Church is well known and accepted by Anglo-Norman historians. And the account that his compliance was forced only through the united persuasion of the king, the queen, his former abbot, Herluin of Bee, and the papal legate, Erminfrid of Sion, adds an element of unparalleled sincerity to his resolve. More than two years after his consecration, Lanfranc wrote a letter to Pope Alexander II reasserting his initial aversion to taking office: the foreign tongue and barbarous English inhabitants presented a greater challenge than he, personally unworthy and waning in vigor, wished to endure. Lanfranc then asked the pope to relieve him of his burdensome episcopal duties so he might return to the monastic life.Modern historians have equated this petition with his initial unwillingness to take office and have tacitly appended it to those humble actions usually associated with a monk bishop. Frank Barlow writes that Lanfranc had “suffered bitterly when he first went to England.” He infers from the resignation letter that all of the archbishop's passions “were diverted into conventional monastic virtues.” And Margaret Gibson advises that “No assessment of Lanfranc … can or should stray far from Lanfranc the monk.” Lanfranc had hesitated and been reluctant to accept Canterbury; therefore, the implication is that in 1072 he humbly wished to shed the office he had been compelled to enter.

ABSTRACT Manure samples were collected from 16 organic (ORG) and 9 low-input conventional (LIC) Dutch dairy farms during August and September 2004 to determine the prevalence of the STEC virulence genes stx 1 (encoding Shiga toxin 1), stx 2 (encoding Shiga toxin 2), and eaeA (encoding intimin), as well as the rfbE gene, which is specific for Escherichia coli O157. The rfbE gene was present at 52% of the farms. The prevalence of rfbE was higher at ORG farms (61%) than at LIC farms (36%), but this was not significant. Relatively more LIC farms were positive for all Shiga toxin-producing E. coli (STEC) virulence genes eaeA, stx 1, and stx 2, which form a potentially highly virulent combination. Species richness of Enterobacteriaceae, as determined by DGGE, was significantly lower in manure positive for rfbE. Survival of a green fluorescent protein-expressing E. coli O157:H7 strain was studied in the manure from all farms from which samples were obtained and was modeled by a biphasic decline model. The time needed to reach the detection limit was predominantly determined by the level of native coliforms and the pH (both negative relationships). Initial decline was faster for ORG manure but leveled off earlier, resulting in longer survival than in LIC manure. Although the nonlinear decline curve could theoretically be explained as the cumulative distribution of an underlying distribution of decline kinetics, it is proposed that the observed nonlinear biphasic pattern of the survival curve is the result of changing nutrient status of the manure over time (and thereby changing competition pressure), instead of the presence of subpopulations differing in the level of resistance.

Disputes between Indonesia and Malaysia in the International Court of Justice on the issues of the islands of Sipadan and Ligitan continued to roll throughout the year until 1997 both countries raised this issue in international law. The two islands which are located in the center of Indonesia, precisely in the Makassar Strait, were finally won by the Malaysian side on December 17, 2002 The Court finally decided that Malaysia is the party that has full sovereignty over Sipadan Island and Ligitan Island. In its decision. The court made the doctrine of "ejfectivites" the main consideration for declaring Malaysian ownership of the two islands. According to the Court, the conventional Indonesian title claim and the OlY Malaysia chain of title claim are as weak as they cannot provide legal evidence that can support their respective ownership claims in the two disputed islands. The Court also believes that there is no authentic documentary evidence that can be sure that the two disputed islands belong to the Dutch or British territories. after various international legal channels taken by these two countries because it is based on several factors, namely: continuous presence, effective occupation, management and preservation of nature. This was confirmed in the Report of the International Court of Justice 1 August-31 July 2012, the decision of the International Court of Justice was carried out through bargaining led by presiding judge Gilbert Guillaume from France who established Malaysia as having sovereignty over the islands of Sipadan and Ligitan. Thus Malaysia has the right to draw a base line as its boundary to the outer points of Sipadan Island and Ligitan Island. As a friendly country, diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Malaysia were disrupted at that time due to the overlapping claims between Indonesia and Malaysia over the islands of Sipadan and Ligitan, which emerged since 1967, but as we know, based on The Hague's two conventions on resolving international disputes this, the countries (members) make maximum efforts to resolve international disputes peacefully. For this purpose, as long as the situation still permits or permits, the parties agree to submit their dispute to good services, mediation or the commission of inquiry to settle their dispute (diplomatic means) therefore a peaceful path is pursued by the two countries cannot do big things as a form of change in accordance with their wishes.

In the years 1672—74 the very existence of the Royal Society hung in Xthc balance. With the deaths of John Wilkins in November 1672 and Sir Robert Moray in July 1673, the Society lost two of its most prominent and energetic Fellows, while the problems of mounting arrears, lack of funds and declining activity grew ever-more acute (1). To make matters worse, the outbreak of the third Anglo-Dutch War in March 1672 seriously disrupted the one facet of the Society’s operations which had flourished hitherto, namely the correspondence of the Society’s Secretary, Henry Oldenburg. As the relevant volumes of The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg show, letters continually went astray, and foreign virtuosi often had to reroute their letters through Oldenburg in order to reach destinations rendered inaccessible to them because of the hostilities (2). Many of Oldenburg’s continental contacts were thus inconvenienced in various minor ways by the conflict, but one Foreign Fellow who, in addition, suffered significant financial loss, was the Danzig astronomer Johann Hevelius. In the early months of the war, Hevelius had written to Oldenburg apparently seeking the assistance of his Royal Society colleagues in securing the return of shipping captured by Scottish privateers in which Hevelius had a substantial stake (3). Replying to Hevelius in August 1672, Oldenburg reported that he had enlisted the aid of the Society’s President, Lord Brouncker, on Hevelius’s behalf and that they would attempt to obtain a Royal Letter ordering the release of the vessels which were then being held in Scotland.

Abstract Chronic enterovirus infections can cause significant morbidity, particularly in immunocompromised patients. This study describes a fatal case associated with a chronic untypeable enterovirus infection in an immunocompromised patient admitted to a Dutch university hospital over nine months. We aimed to identify the enterovirus genotype responsible for the infection and to determine potential evolutionary changes. Long-read sequencing was performed using viral targeted sequence capture on four respiratory and one faecal sample. Phylogenetic analysis was performed using a maximum likelihood method, along with a root-to-tip regression and time-scaled phylogenetic analysis to estimate evolutionary changes between sample dates. Intra-host variant detection, using a Fixed Ploidy algorithm, and selection pressure, using a Fixed Effect Likelihood and a Mixed Effects Model of Evolution, were also used to explore the patient samples. Near-complete genomes of enterovirus C104 (EV-C104) were recovered in all respiratory samples but not in the faecal sample. The recovered genomes clustered with a recently reported EV-C104 from Belgium in August 2018. Phylodynamic analysis including ten available EV-C104 genomes, along with the patient sequences, estimated the most recent common ancestor to occur in the middle of 2005 with an overall estimated evolution rate of 2.97 × 10−3 substitutions per year. Although positive selection pressure was identified in the EV-C104 reference sequences, the genomes recovered from the patient samples alone showed an overall negative selection pressure in multiple codon sites along the genome. A chronic infection resulting in respiratory failure from a relatively rare enterovirus was observed in a transplant recipient. We observed an increase in single-nucleotide variations between sample dates from a rapidly declining patient, suggesting mutations are weakly deleterious and have not been purged during selection. This is further supported by the persistence of EV-C104 in the patient, despite the clearance of other viral infections. Next-generation sequencing with viral enrichment could be used to detect and characterise challenging samples when conventional workflows are insufficient.

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IntroductionThe popularity of social networking sites (SNSs) bears witness to thriving movement protests worldwide. The development of new hardware technologies such as mobile devices and digital cameras, in particular, has fast enhanced visual communications among users that help document and broadcast contemporary social movements. Using social media with these technologies thus presents new opportunities for grassroots social movement organisations (SMOs) and activist groups to become narrators of their activist lives, and to promote solidarity and recognition for advancing varied civic and political agendas. With the case of a student activist group that led and organised a 10-day occupation protest in Hong Kong, this article examines the idea of new media-savvy SMOs as political curators that employ SNS platforms to (co-)create digital narratives at large-scale movement protests. Invoking the concepts of curation and choreography, it highlights how these processes can work together to encourage contentious engagement and collaboration in contemporary social movements.The New Media-Savvy SMO as Political CuratorWhereas traditional social movement studies stressed the importance of pre-existing social networks and organisational structures for collective action, developments in new information and communication technologies (ICTs) challenge the common theories of how people are drawn into and participate in social movements. In recent years, a spate of research has particularly emphasised the ability of individuals and small groups to self-organise on the Internet (e.g. Rheingold). Lately, observing the use of SNSs such as Facebook and Twitter in contemporary social movements, work in this area has focused on how SNSs enable movement diffusion through personal networks and individuals’ online activities even without either the aid or the oversight of an organisation (e.g. Shirky).However, horizontal activism self-organised by atomised new media users seems insufficient as an explanation of how many recent protest movements achieved their high tides. While the flourishing literature shows writers have correctly centred their study on the changing dynamics in control over information and the growing importance of individual users’ contributions, it fails to account for the crucial role that SMOs continue to play. In fact, recent studies consistently observe the continuing importance of SMOs in mobilising and coordinating collective actions in online environments (Bimber, Flanagin, and Stohl, Collective). Whereas new ICTs have provided activist groups with the instrument to deal with their contentious activities with less cueing and leadership from conventional institutionalised structures, SMOs have created their own new media resources. Nowadays, a significant percentage of protest participants have received their information from online platforms that are run by or affiliated with these organisations. The critical questions remain about the kinds of communication methods they utilise to activate and integrate independent activists’ networks and participation, especially in emerging social media environments.Unfortunately, existing research tends to overlook the discursive potentials and cultural dimensions in online activism while emphasising the cost-effectiveness and organisational function of new ICTs. In particular, social movement and new media scholars merely attended to the ways in which digital media enable widescale, relatively un-coordinated contributions to repositories of resources for networks of activists and interest groups, as SNS applications stress the importance of user participation, openness, and network effects in the processes of content production and sharing. However, the mere existence or even “surplus” (Shirky 27) of “second-order communal goods” (Bimber, Flanagin, and Stohl, “Reconceptualizing” 372)—a collection of resources created collectively but without a bounded community, through video-posting, tagging, and circulation practices engaged in by individuals—does not accidentally result in critical publics that come to take part in political activism. Rather, social movements are, above all, the space for manifesting ideas, choices, and a collective will, in which people produce their own history through their cultural creations and social struggles (Touraine). As such, the alteration of meaning, the struggle to define the situation, and the discursive practices carried out within a social movement are all major aspects of social movements and change (Melucci).Indeed, SMOs and marginalised communities worldwide have increasingly learnt the ability to become narrators of their activist and community lives, and to express solidarity and recognition afforded through technology adoption. The recent proliferation of social media applications and mobile digital technologies has allowed activist groups to create and distribute their own stories regarding concrete actions, ongoing campaigns, and thematic issues of protest movements on more multimedia platforms. In order to advance political ideas and collective action frames, they may bring together a variety of online content in such a way that the collated materials offer a commentary on a subject area by articulating and negotiating new media artefacts, while also inviting responses. Therefore, not only are the new media channels for activist communication comparatively inexpensive, but they also provide for a richer array of content and the possibility of greater control by SMOs over its (re-)creation, maintenance, and distribution for potential digital narrating. To understand how digital narrating takes place in contemporary protest movements with SNSs, we now turn to two analytic concepts—curation and choreography.Social Media Content Curation and Choreography Curation, as a new media practice, involves finding, categorising, and organising relevant online content on specific issues. For instance, museums and libraries may have curators to select and feature digital items for collection and display, improving the types of information accessible to a public audience. In protest movements, SMOs and political actors may also curate peer-produced content on SNS platforms so as to filter and amplify useful information for mobilising collective action. In fact, this process by SMOs and political actors is particularly important, as it helps sort and draw timely attention to these information sources, especially at times when users are faced with a large amount of noise created by millions of producers (Bennett, Segerberg, and Walker). More importantly, not only does content curating entail the selection and preservation of online materials that may facilitate collective action, but it may also involve the (re-)presentation of selected content by telling stories not being told or by telling existing stories in a different way (Fotopoulou and Couldry). In contrast to professional collecting, it is a much more deliberate process, one which clearly articulates and puts forwards (opportunities for) new meanings or new understanding of a subject (Franks). For example, when new media content is re-posted or shared in its original form but in a new context, digital narrating occurs as it may result in a new or additional layer of meaning (Baym and Shah). Therefore, more than merely expending information resources available to activists, the power of curation can be understood primarily as discursive, as users may pick up particular versions of reality in interpreting social issues and protest movements (Bekkers, Moody, and Edwards).Moreover, nowadays, social media curating is not restricted to text but also includes image and video streaming, as the development of mobile devices and digital cameras has facilitated and enhanced instant communication and information retrieval almost regardless of location. The practice of content curating with SNSs may also involve the process of choreographing with various social media modules, such as posting a series of edited pictures under an overarching schema and organising user-generated photos into an album that suggests a particular theme. Rather than simply using a single visual item designed to tell a story, the idea of choreographing is thus concerned with how curated items are seen and experienced from the users’ perspectives as it “allows curators not just to expose elements of a story but to tell a structured tale with the traditional elements of beginning, middle and end” (Franks 288).In practice, the implementation of choreography can be envisioned to bring together the practice of content curating and that of enhancing and connecting contentious engagement at protest movements. For example, when SMOs make use of images and video to help frame an issue in a more advanced way by sharing a picture with a comment added on Facebook, they may at once, whether consciously or unconsciously, suggest possible endorsement to the selected content and/or the source—may it be that of an individual user or a formal organisation—while drawing attention to the image and circulating it beyond the original network for which it was posted (Bennett, Segerberg, and Walker). As such, by posting pictures with captions and sharing user-generated photos that do not belong to the SMO but are produced by other users, curating and choreographing with social media content can create a temporary space for practicing mutual recognition and extending the relationship between the SMO and the larger public. Combined, they may therefore “entail the creation of norms and boundaries in particular user communities and their platforms” (Bennett, Segerberg, and Walker 239).This article examines the ways in which a new media-savvy SMO employed SNS platforms to (co-)create digital narratives, with the case of the 2012 Anti-National Education Movement in Hong Kong. By highlighting how social media content curating and choreographing may work together to encourage engagement and collaboration at large-scale protests, we can better understand how emerging SNS-enabled affordances can be translated into concrete contentious activities, as well as the discursive aspects and cultural expressions of using new media platforms and digital technologies in contemporary protest movements.Digital Narrating for Grassroots Mobilisation Since 2010, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government has undertaken “national education” curriculum reform. However, the worry about mainland-Chinese style national education in schools brought people out to defend values that were held dear in Hong Kong. Scholarism, a new media-savvy SMO founded by about 20 secondary school students in May 2011, became the first pressure group formed against the “Moral and National Education” curriculum and became the leading activist group. On 30 August 2012, about 50 members and supporters of Scholarism started occupying the public area in front of the government’s headquarters, while three of its members went on a hunger strike. At the same time, Scholarism made active use of Facebook to undertake grassroots mobilisation, prompting both online activism and offline participation. On 7 September, over 120,000 people went to Occupy Headquarters. The next day, the Chief Executive, C. Y. Leung, succumbed to the pressure and declared that the curriculum would not be imposed in Hong Kong schools. In order to initiate a grassroots mobilisation, upon the beginning of Occupy Headquarters, Scholarism carried out the new media practice of telling the story of the student hunger strikers on Facebook to create a “moral shock” (Jasper 106) among the general public. On the first day of the occupation protest, 30 August, a poster on the hunger strike was released by Scholarism on its Facebook page. Instead of providing detailed information about the protest movement, this poster was characterised by the pictures of the three student hunger strikers. The headline message simply stated “We have started the hunger strike.” This poster was very popular among Facebook users; it accumulated more than 16,000 likes.By appealing to the hardships and sufferings of the three student hunger strikers, more photos were uploaded to narrate the course of the hunger strike and the occupation protest. In particular, pictures with captions added were posted on Facebook every couple of hours to report on the student hunger strikers’ latest situation. Although the mobilising power of these edited pictures did not come from their political ideology or rational argumentation, they sought to appeal to the “martyr-hood” of the student activists. Soon thereafter, as the social media updates of the student hunger strikers spread, feelings of shock and anger grew rapidly. Most of the comments that were posted under the updates and photos of the student hunger strikers on Scholarism’s Facebook page protested against the government’s brutality.In addition, as the movement grew, Scholarism extended the self-reporting activities on Facebook from members to non-members. For instance, it frequently (self-)reported on the amount of people joining the movement days and nights. This was especially so on 7 September, when Scholarism uploaded multiple photos and text messages to report on the physical movement of the 120,000 people. As a movement strategy, the display of images of protests and rallies on the Internet can help demonstrate the legitimacy, unity, numbers, and commitment of people supporting the movement goals (Carty and Onyett). Curating and choreographing with protest images on Facebook therefore facilitated the symbolic interactions and emotional exchanges among activists for maintaining movement solidarity and consolidating activist identity.To demonstrate the public support for its organisation and the movement, Scholarism extensively reported on its own, as well as other, protest activities and efforts on Facebook against the introduction of the “Moral and National Education” curriculum, creating unprecedented parallel public records of these events. In fact, throughout the entire movement protest, Scholarism took tight photo records of protest activities, systematically organised them into albums, and uploaded them onto Facebook every day between 30 August and 8 September.Content Co-Creation for Counter-Hegemonic ExpressionsFrom a (neo-)Gramscian perspective, counter-hegemony is often embedded and embodied in music, novels, drama, movies, and so on (Boggs). An example of counter-hegemony in the traditional media is a documentary that questions the government’s involvement in a war (Cohen). Therefore, popular culture in the media may help foster counter-hegemony on the terrain of civil society in preparation for political change (Pratt). For Chinese communities in East Asia, pop music, for example, had played a significant role in organising patriotic feelings in mass protest events, such as the Tiananmen demonstrations of 1989 and the many subsequent protests in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and elsewhere against the violence of the Beijing government (Chow 153). During the occupation protest, Facebook was turned into an open and flexible discursive space, in which cutting-edge counter-hegemonic narratives were produced, distributed, and expressed. Scholarism and many individual activists adopted the social media platform to (co-)create activists’ discourses and knowledge in order to challenge the dominant political and cultural codes (Melucci). An example is a poster created by Scholarism, posted on its Facebook page on 4 September. The title message of this poster is: “This is not the government headquarters. This is our CIVIC SQUARE. Come and occupy!” This message represents a discursive intervention that seeks to “illuminate the limits of normative discourses of knowledge and power” (Lane 138). It did so by replacing the original, official name and meaning of the government headquarters as well as its authority with the counter-hegemonic idea of “civic square,” a term developed and coined by Scholarism during the occupation protest to represent the public space in front of the headquarters.Moreover, the Facebook page of Scholarism was by no means the only source of content out of which counter-hegemonic knowledge and discourses were produced. Conversely, most of the new media artefacts observed on the Facebook page of Scholarism were originally created by and posted on, and therefore re-posted and shared from, the Facebook pages of other individual or group users. They are in forms of text, picture, video, and the like that sought to undermine the legitimacy of the Hong Kong government, ridicule the rationale of the “Moral and National Education” curriculum, and discredit figures in the opposition.An example is a cartoon made by an individual user and re-posted on the Facebook page of Scholarism on 2 September, the day before schools restarted in Hong Kong after the summer break. This cartoon features a schoolboy in his school uniform, who is going to school with a bunch of identical locks tied to his head. The title message is: “School begins, keep your brain safe.” This cartoon was created to ridicule the rationale of the introduction of the “Moral and National Education” by “making visible the underlying and hidden relations of power on which the smooth operation of government repression depends” (Lane 136).Another new media artefact re-posted on the Facebook page of Scholarism was originally created by a well-known Hong Kong cartoon painter of a major local newspaper. This cartoon sought to humanise the student activists and to condemn the brutality of the Hong Kong government. It paints an imagined situation in which a public conversation between the Secretary for Education, Hak-kim Eddie Ng, and the three students on the hunger strike takes place. In this cartoon, Ng is cast as the wholesaler of the “Moral and National Education” curriculum. Holding a bottle of liquid in his hand, he says to the students: “This is the tears of the chief executive from last night. Kids, should you all go home now?”Thus, counter-hegemonic expressions did not flow unidirectionally from Scholarism to the society at large. The special role of Scholarism was indeed to curate and choreograph new media artefacts by employing social media modules such as re-posting and sharing user-generated content. In so doing, it facilitated the mobilisation of the occupation protest and instant collaboration, as it connected scattered activities, turned them into a collective, and branded it with a common identity, conviction, and/or purpose.ConclusionThis article has briefly looked at the case of a new media-savvy SMO in Hong Kong as an example of how activist groups can become political curators at large-scale protest events. In particular, it highlights the concepts of curation and choreography in explaining how emerging SNS-enabled affordances can be translated into concrete contentious activities. This article argues that, rather than simply producing and disseminating content on SNS platforms, SMOs today have learnt to actively construct stories about protest movements with social media modules such as (re-)posting edited pictures and sharing user-generated photos in order to mobilise effective political interventions and sustain a vibrant participatory culture.ReferencesBaym, Geoffrey, and Chirag Shah. “Circulating Struggle: The On-Line Flow of Environmental Advocacy Clips from the Daily Show and the Colbert Report.” Information Communication & Society 14.7 (2011): 1017–38. Bekkers, Victor, Rebecca Moody, and Arthur Edwards. “Micro-Mobilization, Social Media and Coping Strategies: Some Dutch Experiences.” Policy and Internet 3.4 (2011): 1–29. Bennett, W. Lance, Alexandra Segerberg, and Shawn Walker. “Organization in the Crowd: Peer Production in Large-Scale Networked Protests.” Information, Communication & Society 17.2 (2014): 232–60. Bimber, Bruce, Andrew J. 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