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1
Donghi, Tulio Halperin, and Antonio Annino. "America Latina: Dallo stato coloniale allo stato nazione." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 1 (February 1989): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516173.
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Donghi, Tulio Halperin. "America Latina: Dallo stato coloniale allo stato nazione." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 1 (February 1, 1989): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.1.130.
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3
Cooley, Marianne. "Emerging Standard and Subdialectal Variation in Early American English." Diachronica 9, no. 2 (January 1, 1992): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.9.2.02coo.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
SUMMARY In spite of later clearly delineated American dialects, many visitors as well as inhabitants in colonial and early federal America commented upon the uniformity of American English, although others pointed out differences. Taken together, the usual evidence sources such as orthoepistic and grammatical description, naive spellings, contemporary journalistic commentary, or literary dialect representation provide indecisive evidence. However, a principle of perceptual recognition of language variation in relation to both an external standard (British English) and a developing internal standard (American English) may account for the uniformity comments while diversity simultaneously existed. RÉSUMÉ Malgré l'existence d'un certain nombre de dialectes déjà bien délimités, de nombreux voyageurs et habitants d'Amérique coloniale remarquèrent et commentèrent sur l'uniformité de l'anglais américain, alors que d'autres relevèrent des différences significatives. En gros, les documents habituels, tels que les descriptions orthopéistes et grammaticales, les orthographes naïves, les commentaires journalistiques de l'époque et les dialectales littéraires offrent des témoignages contradictoires. Toutefois une perception de la variation linguistique par rapport à un standard externe (l'anglais britannique) et un standard interne (l'anglais américain) peut expliquer l'uniformité des commentaires en regard d'une diversité persistante. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Trotz deutlich erkennbarer amerikanischer Dialekte, sprachen viele Besu-cher sowie die Einwohner des kolonialen und frühen foderativen Amerika von der Ausgewogenheit des amerikanischen Englisch, während andere auf Unter-schiede hinwiesen. Insgesamt gesehen, bieten die ublichen Beweisquellen wie orthoepische Schriften, grammatische Abhandlungen, phonetische Schreibun-gen, zeitgenössische journalistische Kommentare und literarische Dialekte, kei-ne entsprechenden Unterlagen. Ein Prinzip etwa der 'auffassungsfähigen Er-kennung' von Sprachvariationen im Verhältnis zu einem 'externen Standard' (i.e., dem britischen Englisch) und einem sich in der Entwicklung befindenden 'internen Standard' (dem amerikanischen Englisch) dürfte jedoch die Einfor-migkeit der Kommentare und Beobachtungen erklären, trotz der dialektalen Unterschiede, die zur damaligen Zeit wohl existierten.
4
Fredrick, Sharonah. "Mayan and Andean Medicine and Urban Space in the Spanish Americas." Renaissance and Reformation 44, no. 2 (October 5, 2021): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v44i2.37524.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mayan and Andean medicine included empirical perspectives and botanical cures that were transmitted in the urban spaces of colonial Spanish America, spaces themselves built over former Amerindian cities. Mayan and Andean peoples, whose histories included development of both urban and rural aspects of civilization, brought their medical knowledge to the Hispanic cities of the colonial Americas. In these cities, despite the disapproval and persecution of the Inquisition, Native American medicine gradually became part of the dominant culture. As this article will demonstrate, Mayan and Andean medical knowledge was absorbed by the “new cities” that Imperial Spain constructed in the colonial Americas, church disapproval notwithstanding. Cities and urban space became prime conduits for the circulation and incorporation of Native American medical knowledge among the newer Hispanic and mestizo population in the colonial Americas.
5
Fredrick, Sharonah. "Mayan and Andean Medicine and Urban Space in the Spanish Americas." Renaissance and Reformation 44, no. 2 (October 5, 2021): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v44i2.37524.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mayan and Andean medicine included empirical perspectives and botanical cures that were transmitted in the urban spaces of colonial Spanish America, spaces themselves built over former Amerindian cities. Mayan and Andean peoples, whose histories included development of both urban and rural aspects of civilization, brought their medical knowledge to the Hispanic cities of the colonial Americas. In these cities, despite the disapproval and persecution of the Inquisition, Native American medicine gradually became part of the dominant culture. As this article will demonstrate, Mayan and Andean medical knowledge was absorbed by the “new cities” that Imperial Spain constructed in the colonial Americas, church disapproval notwithstanding. Cities and urban space became prime conduits for the circulation and incorporation of Native American medical knowledge among the newer Hispanic and mestizo population in the colonial Americas.
6
Longmore, Paul K. "“Good English without Idiom or Tone”: The Colonial Origins of American Speech." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37, no. 4 (April 2007): 513–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.37.4.513.
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The interplay between modes of speech and the demographical, geographical, social, and political history of Britain's North American colonies of settlement influenced the linguistic evolution of colonial English speech. By the early to mid-eighteenth century, regional varieties of English emerged that were not only regionally comprehensible but perceived by many observers as homogeneous in contrast to the deep dialectical differences in Britain. Many commentators also declared that Anglophone colonial speech matched metropolitan standard English. As a result, British colonials in North America possessed a national language well before they became “Americans.” This shared manner of speech inadvertently helped to prepare them for independent American nation-hood.
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Allen, Robert C., Tommy E. Murphy, and Eric B. Schneider. "The Colonial Origins of the Divergence in the Americas: A Labor Market Approach." Journal of Economic History 72, no. 4 (December 14, 2012): 863–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050712000629.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article introduces the Americas in the Great Divergence debate by measuring real wages in various North and South American cities between colonization and independence, and comparing them to Europe and Asia. We find that for much of the period, North America was the most prosperous region of the world, while Latin America was much poorer. We then discuss a series of hypotheses that can explain these results, including migration, the demography of the American Indian populations, and the various labor systems implemented in the continent.
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Lane, Kris. "HISPANISM AND THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF COLONIAL LATIN AMERICA: NORTH AMERICAN TRENDS." Vínculos de Historia Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha 9 (2020): 92–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2020.09.05.
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El hispanismo o la fascinación por todo lo “español” tienen una larga tradición en los Estados Unidos. El fenómeno ha tenido tanto manifestaciones populares como académicas, y por lo tanto debe tratarse de una manera amplia cuando se tiene en cuenta la historiografía de la América Latina colonial producida por académicos anglófonos, tanto dentro como fuera de los EE. UU. Los apologistas, críticos y todos los demás han tenido que lidiar con el legado hispano en las Américas, tanto en lo cultural como en lo religioso, económico, ambiental y de otro tipo. Este ensayo rastrea las principales preocupaciones o preguntas “hispanas” que generaron subcampos académicos y escuelas durante el último cuarto de siglo más o menos entre los anglófonos que investigan sobre América Latina colonial. La pregunta sigue siendo: ¿En qué medida el hispanismo o la preocupación por los múltiples legados coloniales de España han impulsado estas tendencias historiográficas? ¿Se ha desvanecido el hispanismo o simplemente ha tomado nuevas formas?
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Rebok, Sandra. "A New Approach: Alexander von Humboldt's Perception of Colonial Spanish America as Reflected in his Travel Diaries." Itinerario 31, no. 1 (March 2007): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300000073.
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AbstractThis study presents an in-depth analysis of Alexander von Humboldt's description and criticism of the various colonial societies of Spanish America which he visited during his well-known expedition through the Americas (1799–1804). His criticism of colonialism in general, deeply rooted in his personal convictions, has already been the focal point of several scholarly studies; however, during his American expedition Humboldt offered a more differentiated assessment of specific colonial societies, namely by comparing various regional and local traditions and developments. This differentiated assessment of Spanish American colonial societies has yet to be analysed. This essay focuses on Humboldt's little known personal diaries, which offer a wealth of interesting comments on colonial societies, but which have been scarcely used in international Humboldt research, since they have not yet been translated entirely.
10
Rolim, Leonardo. "Os sertões do norte da américa portugesa nos escritos dos agentes da igreja (1690 – 1780)." Temas Americanistas, no. 47 (2021): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/temas-americanistas.2021.i47.13.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Analisa os escritos de agentes eclesiásticos para os Sertões do Norte entre fins do século XVII e as últimas décadas do século XVIII. Entendemos que os agentes eclesiásticos contribuíram na escrita de projetos coloniais tanto quanto naturalistas e funcionários da administração colonial. Para o caso específico das duas capitanias (Ceará e Piauí), formadoras da região colonial dos Sertões do Norte, serão investigadas as percepções desses agentes da Igreja acerca das alternativas de colonizar esses sertões a partir da exploração das potencialidades do território. Analisamos a produção de relatos e memórias, que tiveram significativo aumento ao longo dos setecentos, e se caracterizaram pelo conteúdo que pautava as possibilidades de intervenção da estrutura político-administrativa na racionalização e melhor exploração dos territórios coloniais. É importante ressaltar que alguns desses escritos foram produzidos sob encomenda de superiores e/ou órgãos no reino ou por interesse no reconhecimento dos serviços prestados. Esses “papéis” são hoje encontrados na documentação avulsa depositada no Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, se caracterizando como uma correspondência formal, e em documentos depositados em acervos da Biblioteca Nacional do Rio de Janeiro ou no Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo.
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Fenelon, James V. "Genocide, Race, Capitalism: Synopsis of Formation within the Modern World-system." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.607.
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This article reviews and synpsizes race-based slavery and genocide extant across the Americas for a half millennia of colonial capitalist development, and identifies four major phases; conquest, colonization, capitalism, and hegemonic global capitalism. Examples of genocide are presented for each phase, and differences between Catholic driven Latin America conquest and Protestant driven Anglo American genocidal domination are delineated and put into thelongue durée of the modern world-system.
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Clark, Emily. "MOVING FROM PERIPHERY TO CENTRE: THE NON-BRITISH IN COLONIAL NORTH AMERICA." Historical Journal 42, no. 3 (September 1999): 903–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008687.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Life and religion at Louisbourg, 1713–1758. By A. J. B. Johnston. London: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1984, paperback edition, 1996. Pp. xxxii+227. ISBN 0-7735-1525-9. £12.95.The New Orleans Cabildo: Colonial Louisiana's first city government, 1769–1803. By Gilbert C. Din and John E. Harkins. London: Louisiana State University Press, 1996. Pp. xvii+330. ISBN 0-8071-2042-1. £42.75.Revolution, romanticism, and the Afro-Creole protest tradition in Louisiana, 1718–1868. By Caryn Cossé Bell. London: Louisiana State University Press, 1997. Pp. xv+325. ISBN 0-8071-2096-0. £32.95.Hopeful journeys: German immigration, settlement and political culture in colonial America, 1717–1775. By Aaron Spencer Fogleman. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996. Pp. xii+257. ISBN 0-8122-1548-6. £15.95.Britannia lost the war of American independence but still reigns over the historiography of colonial North America. This is a problem now that historians of early America have embarked on an attempt to apply an Atlantic world perspective to colonial development. The complex web of human, cultural, economic, and political encounters and exchanges among Europe, Africa, and the Americas spreads well beyond the familiar terrain of Britain and its thirteen mainland colonies. While the histories of Indians and enslaved Africans are beginning to find their way into the historical narrative of early America to challenge the British hegemony, non-British Europeans remain virtually invisible, except as opponents in the imperial wars that punctuated the colonial era. These four books illustrate obstacles that must be overcome to remedy this gap and offer glimpses of the rewards to be gained by drawing the history of continental Europeans previously treated as peripheral into the centre of the major debates currently shaping early American history.
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Sellers, Jason R. "Mindful of their Bellies and gullets: Anatomical imagery in English Colonization." Journal of Early American History 9, no. 1 (April 3, 2019): 3–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00901005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay examines the anatomical language that appears in 16th- and 17th-century English travel narratives, which authors used to portray efforts to colonize North America as a series of encounters between an American continental body and the English nation. Imagery related to the digestive tract marked struggling or failed efforts, while reproductive and marital imagery described successful ventures or encouraged new ones. The imprecision of early modern anatomical terms left them versatile enough to appear in relation to both digestive and reproductive images, allowing English observers contrasting colonial projects to provide lessons about proper modes of colonization. Anatomical language thus provided English authors with a mechanism for representing the changing nature of England’s encounter with the American continental body, redirecting anxieties about the dangers America posed into confidence about the continent’s productive potential, and England’s future on its lands.
14
Woolley, Christopher. "Missions and Missionaries in the Americas:A Special Teaching and Research Collection of The Americas." Americas 74, S2 (September 13, 2017): S4—S13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2017.90.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For more than 70 years,The Americas, a publication of the Academy of American Franciscan History, has been a leading forum for scholars studying the history of Spanish America's colonial missions. As the articles collected from the journal for this special issue show, the general trend has been to move beyond the hagiographic treatment of missionaries and towards a more complex understanding of the historical roles played by the colonial missions in rural life.
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FABA, PAULINA. "Paradoxes of the Museification of the Past in Nineteenth-Century Chile: The Case of the Coloniaje Exhibition of 1873." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 4 (April 10, 2018): 951–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x18000305.
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AbstractThe Coloniaje Exhibition, held in September 1873 in Santiago, Chile, represents a milestone in the history of Chilean museums. As the first retrospective display of the history of the Chilean nation, it was an important precedent for the collections that led to the construction of the National Historical Museum in 1911. By examining the ideas associated with the history of the colonial era and the museography related to the exhibition, this article analyses the ambiguous ways in which the Coloniaje Exhibition mobilised the colonial past in the context of the ascendancy of liberalism and the transformation of Santiago's urban social life. Situated between alienation and identification – between critiquing the colonial system and celebrating its imprint on Chilean society – the Coloniaje Exhibition is important for the understanding of postcolonial societies in Latin America.
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Fitzpatrick, Ian, and Mike Fitzpatrick. "Colonial American Fitzpatrick Settlers Part I: Making Sense of One Line." Journal of the Fitzpatrick Clan Society 1 (2020): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.48151/fitzpatrickclansociety00220.
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Before the turn of the 17th century the settlement of Irish in the Americas lacked permanence. Soon after, Irish came to North America and the Caribbean in a steady flow, and by the mid 18th century a flood of Irish and Scotch-Irish had settled in the Americas. The reasons for that settlement were many and varied, as were the geographic origins and lineages of those Fitzpatricks among the influx. This article provides a review of the forces that pushed and pulled Irish and Scotch-Irish to the Americas. By way of example, a single Fitzpatrick line demonstrates how messy traditional genealogy of early Colonial American Fitzpatricks can get. That messiness is due in no small part to the cut and paste functionality at websites such as ancestry.com. But by careful review of authentic historical records, caution with speculative associations, and the power of Y-DNA analysis, it is possible to untangle the mess and bring back some much-needed clarity. In this article, the example used is that of the well-known colonial-settler William Fitzpatrick (born ca. 1690 AD), of Albemarle County, Virginia, who arrived in North American ca. 1728. Two living ancestors of William have been found to share a common ancestry from ca. 1650 AD — both bear a genetic mutation (FT15113) specific to William's line; this enables the ready identification of male descendants of William.
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Gentle, Paul. "Native American wampum for non-monetary uses and for use as money." Public and Municipal Finance 5, no. 3 (December 12, 2016): 16–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/pmf.5(3).2016.02.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Frederic Mishkin’s three traits of money are examined in light of Native American wampum. This paper explores some of these issues concerning Native American wampum and can be of help to economic historians concerned with money issues. The presentation is qualitative rather than quantitative. There is some attention given to the non-monetary uses of wampum in this article. In addition, a comparison of wampum to the stone money of Yap is provided. Keywords: Native Americans, wampum, Dutch colonials, American colonial trade, necessary traits of money, Yap stone money. JEL Classification: E40, N11
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COATSWORTH, JOHN H. "Inequality, Institutions and Economic Growth in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 3 (July 17, 2008): 545–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004689.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis essay examines three recent historical approaches to the political economy of Latin America's relative economic backwardness. All three locate the origins of contemporary underdevelopment in defective colonial institutions linked to inequality. The contrasting view offered here affirms the significance of institutional constraints, but argues that they did not arise from colonial inequalities, but from the adaptation of Iberian practices to the American colonies under conditions of imperial weakness. Colonial inequality varied across the Americas; while it was not correlated with colonial economic performance, it mattered because it determined the extent of elite resistance to institutional modernisation after independence. The onset of economic growth in the mid to late nineteenth century brought economic elites to political power, but excluding majorities as inequality increased restrained the region's twentieth-century growth rates and prevented convergence.
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Grafe, Regina, and Maria Alejandra Irigoin. "The Spanish Empire and its legacy: fiscal redistribution and political conflict in colonial and post-colonial Spanish America." Journal of Global History 1, no. 2 (July 2006): 241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022806000155.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The comparative history of the Americas has been used to identify factors determining longterm economic growth. One approach, new institutional economics (NIE), claims that the colonial origins of respective institutional structures explain North American success and Spanish American failure. Another argues that differences in resources encountered by Europeans fostered divergent levels of equality impacting on institutions and growth. This paper challenges the theoretical premises and historical evidence of both views offering a historicized, statistically and economically validated explanation for the institutional and economic development of Spanish America. First, it revises the structure of the fiscal system challenging the characterization of Spain as an absolutist ruler. Secondly, an analysis of fiscal data at regional levels assesses the performance of the Imperial state. It shows the existence of massive revenue redistribution within the colonies, disputing the notion of a predatory extractive empire based on endowments as the source of original inequality. Finally, we discuss how a contingent event, the imprisonment of the Spanish king in 1808, contributed to the disintegration of a 300-year-old empire. The crisis of legitimacy in the empire turned fiscal interdependence between regions into beggar-thy-neighbour strategies and internecine conflict. We conclude by arguing for a reversal of the causality from weak institutions causing economic failure to fiscal (and economic) failure leading to political instability.
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Ballantyne, Tony. "Paper, Pen, and Print: The Transformation of the Kai Tahu Knowledge Order." Comparative Studies in Society and History 53, no. 2 (March 29, 2011): 232–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417511000041.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Knowledge has become a central problematic in recent work on cross-cultural encounters and the processes of empire building. In an array of contexts—from Spanish America to colonial South Africa, from Ireland to occupied Egypt, the American West to British India—anthropologists and historians have highlighted the ways in which “colonial knowledge” facilitated trade, the extraction of rent and taxes, conversion, and outright conquest. This scholarship has demonstrated how these new forms of understanding produced on imperial frontiers facilitated the actual extension of sovereignty and the consolidation of colonial authority: for Tzvetan Todorov, Bernard Cohn, and Nicholas Dirks alike, colonialism was a “conquest of knowledge.” Scholarship on empire building in the Americas has placed special emphasis on the place of literacy in the dynamics of conquest. Walter Mignolo in particular has argued that European understandings of the power of literacy encouraged Spaniards in the New World to discount the value of indigenous graphic systems and disparage Mesoamerican languages as untruthful, unreliable, and products of the Devil. For Mignolo, the dark side of the new knowledge orders born out of the Renaissance was a new interweaving of literacy, knowledge, and colonization in a new cultural order he dubs “coloniality.” In the North American literature, too, literacy has been seen as a crucial element in imperial intrusion and conquest. James Axtell, for example, has argued “The conquest of America was in part a victory of paper and print over memory and voice. The victors wrote their way to the New World and inscribed themselves on its maps.”
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Gomez Galisteo, Mª Carmen. "Representing Native American Women in Early Colonial American Writings: Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, Juan Ortiz and John Smith." Sederi, no. 19 (2009): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.34136/sederi.2009.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Most observers of Native Americans during the contact period between Europe and the Americas represented Native American women as monstrous beings posing potential threats to the Europeans’ physical integrity. However, the most well known portrait of Native American women is John Smith’s description of Pocahontas, the Native American princess who, the legend goes, saved Smith from being executed. Transformed into a children’s tale, further popularized by the Disney movie, as well as being the object of innumerable historical studies questioning or asserting the veracity of Smith’s claims, the fact remains that the Smith-Pocahontas story is at the very core of North American culture. Nevertheless, far from being original, John Smith’s story had a precedent in the story of Spaniard Juan Ortiz, a member of the ill-fated Narváez expedition to Florida in 1527. Ortiz, who got lost in America and spent the rest of his life there, was also rescued by a Native American princess from being sacrificed in the course of a Native American ritual, as recounted by the Gentleman of Elvas, member of the Hernando de Soto expedition. Yet another vision of Native American women is that offered by Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, another participant of the Narváez expedition who, during almost a decade in the Americas fulfilled a number of roles among the Native Americans, including some that were regarded as female roles. These female roles provided him with an opportunity to avert captivity as well as a better understanding of gender roles within Native American civilization. This essay explores the description of Native American women posed by John Smith, Juan Ortiz and Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca so as to illustrate different images of Native American women during the early contact period as conveyed by these works.
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Earle, Rebecca. "Information and Disinformation in Late Colonial New Granada." Americas 54, no. 2 (October 1997): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007740.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1814, Alexander von Humboldt, the great traveller and explorer of the Americas, drew attention to an unusual feature of the movement for independence in the Viceroyalty of New Granada: the establishment of printing presses and newspapersfollowedrather thanprecededthe outbreak of war. Humboldt was struck by the contrast New Granada's war of independence offered with the two more famous political revolutions of the age. A great proliferation of printed pamphlets and periodicals had preceded the outbreak of revolution in both the Thirteen Colonies and France. How curious, Humboldt commented, to find the process reversed in Spanish America. Humboldt is not alone in viewing the newspaper as the expected harbinger of change in the age of Atlantic revolution. While the precise role played by the printed word in the French and American revolutions remains a subject of debate, many historians acknowledge the importance of print in creating a climate conducive to revolutionary challenge. Were newspapers and the press really latecomers to the revolution in the Viceroyalty of New Granada, as Humboldt suggests? What does this tell us about late colonial New Granada? How, in the absence of a developed press, did information, revolutionary or otherwise, circulate within the viceroyalty? Moreover, what means were available to either the Spanish crown or the American insurgents to create and manipulate news and opinion? What, indeed, does it mean to speak of the spread of news in a society such as late colonial New Granada? This article seeks to address these questions.
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Kidd, Thomas. "Passing as a Pastor: Clerical Imposture in the Colonial Atlantic World." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 2 (2004): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.2.149.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractMany impostors in the eighteenth century tried to pass as pastors in North America's churches. This phenomenon showed how increasing engagement with the broader Atlantic world could carry ominous implications for colonial religious leaders, implications that would become manifest in the itinerancy of the evangelical revivals and, in the early republic, finally crush any hopes of centered American religious authority. Eighteenth-century episodes of clerical imposture help illuminate the increasing loss of cultural mastery faced by religious elites as a result of Atlantic anonymities, itinerant ministries, and democratic sensibilities. This article considers why so many in the eighteenth century attempted to pass as pastors, from British wanderers like the supposed brick-maker Samuel May to notorious criminals like Tom Bell or Stephen Burroughs. Understanding the conditions that led to these cases of clerical imposture leads to greater understanding of the nature of religious and cultural power in colonial North America and in the early American republic. The eighteenth century brought a crisis to America concerning the implications of cultural and demographic fluidity as elites worried more and more about assigning true value and uncovering conspiracy in a world newly dependent on appearances to establish authority. The increasing cosmopolitanism, immigration, and commerce helped make the colonial elites more wealthy and powerful, but they also now had to scramble to resist the potential for deception and imposture that the new engagements created. Such conditions made new room for con men, many of whom posed as pastors to access the power of religious authorities.
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Zwartjes, Otto. "The description of the indigenous languages of Portuguese America by the jesuits during the colonial period: The impact of the latin grammar of Manuel Álvares." Historiographia Linguistica International Journal for the History of the Language Sciences 29, no. 1-2 (2002): 19–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.29.1-2.06zwa.
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SUMMARY The paper explores three grammars of two indigenous languages of Brazil written in Portuguese during the colonial period: two grammars of the Tupi language composed by José Anchieta (1534–1597) in 1595 and Luís Figueira (1575–1643) in 1621 (2nd ed., 1687), and one grammar of the Kiriri language, written by Luis Vincêncio Mamiani (1652–1730) in 1699. Although most studies agree that these grammars were based on a Latin framework, they usually do not specify which grammar in particular served as a model. It is known, however, that the Latin grammar by Manuel Álvares (1526–1582), first published in 1572, became the main Latin school grammar for Jesuits all over the world. This article tries to give answers to questions such as why did the Jesuits favour this grammar, which grammars were used by them before 1572, how did the Portuguese missionaries in Brazil adapt or copy Álvares’ model, which parts of speech did they particularly use, and which definitions did they select and which elements did they discuss, add or omit?RÉSUMÉ Cet article étudie trois grammaires de deux langues indigènes du Brésil écrites en portugais durant l’époque coloniale: deux grammaires de la langue des Tupi ont été composées par Anchieta (1534–1597) en 1595 et Luís Figueira (1575–1643) en 1621 (2e éd. en 1687) et une grammaire de la langue des Kiriri, écrite par Luis Vincêncio Mamiani (1652–1730) en 1699. Bien que la plupart des études s’accordent pour dire que ces grammaires étaient fondées sur des structures latines, d’habitude elles ne fournissaient davantage de détails quant aux sources possibles. La grammaire latine de Manuel Álvares (1526–1582) fut publiée en 1572 pour la première fois et devint la grammaire scolaire latine des Jésuites dans le monde entier. Cet article tente d’apporter une réponse aux questions suivantes: pourquoi avaient-ils choisi cette grammaire, quelles grammaires étaient utilisées avant 1572, comment les missionnaires portugais au Brésil ont-ils adapté ou copié le modèle des Álvares, dans quelle mesure cette grammaire a-t-elle été particulièrement utilisée, quelles définitions ont-ils choisi et de quels éléments ont-ils discuté, et lesquels a-t-on ajouté ou omis?ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In dem Beitrag werden drei Grammtiken der Kolonialzeit analysiert, welche zwei Eingeborenensprachen Brasiliens beschreiben: zwei Grammatiken des Tupí, eine 1595 von José Anchieta (1534–1597) verfaßte und eine 1621 von Luís Figueira redigierte (2. Aufl., 1687), sowie eine Grammatik des Kiriri, die Luis Vincêncio Mamiani (1652–1730) 1699 erstellt hat. Auch wenn man üblicherweise davon ausgeht, daß diese Grammatiken auf dem Gedankengut lateinischer Grammatiken basieren, so wird doch nie präzisiert, welche lateinische Grammatik konkret als Modell gedient hat. Man weiß allerdings auch, daß die lateinische Grammatik von Manuel Álvares (1526–1582), welche 1572 zum erstenmal erschien, zur Standardgrammatik der Jesuiten in der ganzen Welt wurde. In diesem Beitrag wird versucht, Fragen zu beantworten wie: Warum favorisierten die Jesuiten diese Grammatik? Welche Grammatiken wurden von ihnen vor 1572 benutzt? Wie haben die Jesuiten Brasiliens die Grammatik von Álvares adaptiert bzw. kopiert? Welche Redeteile waren von besonderer Wichtigkeit für sie, welche Definitionen wählten sie aus und welche Details diskutierten sie vorrangig, bzw. welche ergänzten sie oder ließen sie ganz weg?
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Gelman, Jorge Daniel. "El gran comerciante y el sentido de la circulación monetaria en el Río de la Plata colonial tardío." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 5, no. 3 (December 1987): 485–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900015329.
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Sobre el papel del capital comercial y los comerciantes en America colonial se han escrito algunos trabajos importantes en los últimos años. Sin embargo, quedan muchos interrogantes y problemas pendientes.Uno de ellos, cuyo estudio abordaremos aquí, se refiere a la escasez y sentido de la circulación monetaria en el ámbito americano y, en particular, al rol de los grandes mercaderes coloniales en ello.
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Delwiche, Theodore R. "Masters of the Manuscript, Makers of Knowledge: Colonial New England Students and their Shorthand Notes." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 7, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 434–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-07040002.
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Abstract By failing to keep up with the praxeological turn of early modern Europeanists in the 1980s, scholarship on colonial America has consistently discounted the historical student. Uninterested in examining the intellectual habits of colonial students, early American historians have had little to say about seventeenth- and eighteenth-century schools beyond rehearsing worn, and often demonstrably false platitudes. This article seeks to take colonial students seriously by examining one of their most common, yet little studied intellectual practices: shorthand. When we apply the focus on intellectual praxis to modest subjects, when we look across boundaries of space and time, placing colonial America back into the fold of early modern history, a different image of the historical student snaps into focus. Rather than negligible rote memorizers, colonial students become active and engaged learners who sought to propagate the latest scribal technologies of their times.
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Corwin, Jay. "History, Mythology, and 20th Century Latin American Fiction." Theory in Action 14, no. 4 (October 31, 2021): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2126.
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The history of the Americas from the colonial period is marked by a large influx of persons from Europe and Africa. Fiction in 20th Century Latin America is marked by ties to the Chronicles and the history of human melding in the Americas, with a natural flow of social and religious syncretism that shapes the unique literary aesthetics of its literatures as may be witnessed in representative authors of genuine merit from different regions of Latin America.
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Bacon, J. M., and Matthew Norton. "Colonial America Today: U.S. Empire and the Political Status of Native American Nations." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 2 (April 2019): 301–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000069.
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AbstractThe article systematically assesses U.S.-Native relations today and their historical foundations in light of a narrow, empirical definition of colonial empire. Examining three core elements of colonial empire—the formal impairment of sovereignty, the intensive practical impairment of sovereignty through practices of governance and administration, and the continuing otherness of the dominated and dominant groups—we compare contemporary U.S.-Native political relations to canonical instances of formal colonial indirect rule empires. Based on this analysis, we argue that the United States today is a paradigmatic case of formal colonial empire in the narrow, traditional sense, one that should be better integrated into the comparative, historical, and sociological study of such formal empires. Furthermore, this prominent contemporary case stands against the idea that the era of formal colonial empire is over.
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Drury, Haley. "'Wedding Bells and Colonial Hells': Indigenous-Settler Intermarriage in Colonial North America." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 7 (April 11, 2022): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v7i1.3665.
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This essay examines the practice of Indigenous-settler intermarriage during the colonial period of North America. While historians know that intermarriage was an economic strategy used by both settler men and North American native women during the fur trade era, inaccuracies in parish records fail to demonstrate how prevalent the practice really was in this region. This paper thus presents an examination of what reasons both sides of the dynamic had for practicing interracial marriage and what benefits they derived from its execution. Indeed, the first half of the essay aims to analyze the physiological, psychological, economic, and imperialistic benefits Indigenous women, settler men, and related stakeholders enjoyed as a result of intermarriage using examples from both colonial Canada and America. The second half looks at what drawbacks resulted from intermarriage, emphasizing that these drawbacks were mainly isolated to the later years of colonization when European influence and power had spread throughout the continent. The legacy of Indigenous-settler intermarriage and the devastation of colonization persists still today which is why this topic is a worthy addition to the historical discourse.
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Buschman, Lawrent L. "North American missionaries developed a North American-style school to prepare their children for life back in North America." Missiology: An International Review 47, no. 4 (October 2019): 425–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091829619858600.
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In her article “Sacred children and colonial subsidies” Anicka Fast suggests that the missionaries of the American Mennonite Brethren Mission developed a school for their children in order to separate the missionary children from the Congolese children. That is an unfortunate misinterpretation of the historical situation. The missionary children were always intimately associated with Congolese children on the mission stations. The missionary children’s school was developed to train the missionary children so they could return to North America, where they were legally expected to return and live. They were not immigrants in the Congo. They needed a “North American-style education” so they would have a reasonable chance of success when they returned to North America. The school itself eventually was moved to Kinshasa where it developed into the American School of Kinshasa, which serves a wide spectrum of black and white children from around the world. The matter of colonial subsidies was only tangentially related to the development of the school.
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Martin, Jason. "Colonial America." Charleston Advisor 17, no. 3 (January 1, 2016): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.17.3.14.
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Mappen, Marc, and Jerome R. Reich. "Colonial America." History Teacher 19, no. 2 (February 1986): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493804.
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Yusuf, Rusydi Muhammad. "Puritanisme dan Perkembangan Pendidikan Amerika Masa Kolonial." Buletin Al-Turas 26, no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v26i1.13841.
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This study aims to know the influence of puritanism in the early development of education in America, especially in the 1600s to the beginning of American independence. It is a qualitative research with a library or documentary design relies on the main data of ideas, views, or beliefs taken from sources in the form of books, texts and other documents related to America puritanism. The collected data are analyzed qualitatively using concepts and theories relevant to the problem being discussed. The research reveals American puritanism was a religious reform movement in the mid of 16th century aimed initially at purifying religious doctrines from the influence of Roman Catholicism. Although the puritans' thoughts had undergone ebb and flow, they still emerged nowadays in various activities, like in the president’s inauguration speech. America puritanism was sourced from individual freedom values that influenced their life pattern. American puritanism was not only a religious belief, but it was also a philosophy of life. American puritanism has had a great influence on American cultural values, and the formation of the character of the American nation. It had also a great influence on the development of education in America since colonial era. It can be concluded that the puritanism influence greatly on American education system from the beginning of the first immigrants who settled in the new world in 1600s. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggali lebih dalam pengaruh puritanisme dalam pengembangan awal pendidikan di Amerika, khususnya pada 1600-an hingga awal kemerdekaan Amerika. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan rancangan penelitian yang berbentuk kajian kepustakaan. Data utama dalam penelitian ini gagasan, pandangan, atau keyakinan yang diambil dari sumber-sumber yang berbentuk buku-buku, naskah dan dokumen-dokumen lain yang berhubungan dengan puritanisme di Amerika. Data terkumpul dianalisis secara kualitatif dengan menggunakan konsep dan teori yang relevan dengan permasalahan yang sedang dibahas. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa puritanisme Amerika adalah gerakan reformasi agama pada pertengahan abad ke-16, gerakan ini awalnya bertujuan untuk memurnikan doktrin agama dari pengaruh Katolik Roma. Walaupun hasil pemikiran kaum puritan selalu mengalami pasang surut, gagasan pemikiran mereka masih muncul dalam berbagai kegiatan, bahkan dalam pidato pelantikan presiden. Puritanisme di Amerika berpusat pada nilai-nilai kebebasan individu yang memiliki pengaruh terhadap pola kehidupan mereka. Puritanisme bukan hanya kepercayaan agama, tetapi juga filsafat kehidupan, kombinasi gaya hidup dan nilai-nilai. Berdasarkan temuan tersebut dapat disimpulkan bahwa doktrin puritanisme memberi pengaruh besar pada sistem pendidikan Amerika secara keseluruhan sejak awal imigran pertama yang menetap di dunia baru pada tahun 1600-an. تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى تحليل تأثير التزمتية في التطور المبكر للتعليم في أمريكا، و خاصة في القرن السابع عشر وحتى بداية الاستقلال الأمريكي. لقد أصبحت التزامية جزءًا من تاريخ الأمريكية، بل أصبحت أساسًا لتشكيل سلوك الأمريكي، على الرغم من أن نتائج أفكار المتشددين تواجه دائمًا صعودًا وهبوطًا، لكن أفكارهم الفكرية لا تزال تظهر في العديد من الأنشطة، حتى في خطاب تنصيب الرئيس. و تركز التزمتية في أمريكا على قيم الحرية الفردية، وقيمة التطهير لها تأثير على أنماط الحياة المتعلقة بالأفراد. الالتزمية ليست معتقدًا دينيًا فحسب، بل أيضًا فلسفة للحياة، مزيج من أسلوب الحياة والقيم. و كان للتزمتية تأثير كبير على القيم الثقافية الأمريكية، وتشكيل شخصية الأمة الأمريكية، وكان له تأثير كبير على تطوير التعليم في أمريكا منذ العصور الاستعمارية. و تستخدم هذه الدراسة أساليب البحث النوعي، وهي الأساليب التي تؤكد على جانب الفهم المتعمق للمشكلة من خلال دراسة كل حالة على حدة. و أظهرت النتائج أن المذهب التزمتي كان له تأثير عميق على نظام التعليم الأمريكي ككل منذ بداية المهاجرين الأوائل الذين استقروا في العالم الجديد في القرن السابع عشر.
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Saether, Steinar A. "Bourbon Absolutism and Marriage Reform in Late Colonial Spanish America." Americas 59, no. 4 (April 2003): 475–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0056.
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The study of marriageways in colonial Latin America has altered and deepened our understanding of the societies and cultures within the Spanish and Portuguese empires of the New World. During the last thirty or forty years a series of studies have explored the complex and varied patterns of marriage and family formation in colonial Latin America. Inspired by the work of Peter Laslett, Lawrence Stone and Louis Flandrin among others, historians of the region have produced a rich historical literature on the demographic, social and cultural aspects of colonial marriageways. Most studies have focused on the late colonial period, and the years after 1778 when the Pragmática sanción de matrimonios (first issued in Spain in 1776) was extended to Spanish America. One effect of the new law was an astonishing outpouring of reports, questions, lawsuits and regulations concerning marriage, which in turn have been seized upon by historians to reconstruct important aspects of late colonial Latin American societies. Despite the frequent use of these sources, the legislation itself has received little serious attention, and several basic misunderstandings prevail regarding its background and meaning. As a consequence, the political implications of marriage have been poorly understood.
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Rosen, Deborah A. "The Supreme Court of Judicature of Colonial New York: Civil Practice in Transition, 1691–1760." Law and History Review 5, no. 1 (1987): 213–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743941.
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Many legal scholars consider the colonial period irrelevant to the subsequent history of American law. In 1936 Roscoe Pound defined the ‘formative era’ in American law as the post-revolutionary era, and legal historians have been bound by that periodization ever since. More recently, Grant Gilmore, in his book The Ages of American Law, began his first age, the ‘age of discovery’, at approximately 1800; Gilmore claimed that American lawyers had the opportunity at that time to create an American law essentially from scratch. Morton J. Horwitz further strengthened the reigning assumptions regarding the unimportance of the legal history of colonial America in his influential book The Transformation of American Law 1780–1860. In Horwitz's view, what marks the American legal system is the instrumental use of law to promote social change, particularly to further commercial interests, and this aspect of the law did not exist until the early nineteenth century.
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Brown, Matthew, and Gabriel Paquette. "The Persistence of Mutual Influence: Europe and Latin America in the 1820s." European History Quarterly 41, no. 3 (July 2011): 387–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691411405297.
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The independence of Latin America from colonial rule in the first decades of the nineteenth century is generally held to have broken the bonds which had linked Europe to the Americas for three centuries. This article contends that a re-examination of the decade of the 1820s reveals the persistence, as well as the reconfiguration, of connections between the Old World and the New after the dissolution of the Iberian Atlantic monarchies. Some of these multi-faceted connections are introduced and explored, most notably commercial ties, intellectual and cultural influences, immigration, financial obligations, the slave trade and its suppression, and diplomatic negotiations. Recognition and appreciation of these connections has important consequences for our understandings of the history of the Atlantic World, the ‘Age of Revolutions’, and Latin American Independence itself.
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LEE, Yong-Jae. "In the Shadow of Democracy : Alexis de Tocqueville on Race and Slavery." Korean Society of the History of Historiography 45 (June 30, 2022): 209–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.29186/kjhh.2022.45.209.
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Tocqueville's masterpiece, Democracy in America analyzes the institutions and moeurs of American democratic society. In America, Tocqueville saw not only white man’s democratic culture and politics, but also the shadows of democracy, such as racial conflict and slavery. Tocqueville said that slavery was the most serious evil that threatened the future of the United States. Nevertheless, as long as the white stubbornly refuse to abolish slavery, it is impossible to legally achieve emancipation in the South, where democratic self-government is established. Pessimistic about America's future, Tocqueville diagnoses that the abolition of slavery is more likely to be achieved in the French Caribbean than in the America.
Tocqueville also shows a realistic and practical approach to the issue of slavery in the French colonies. He argues that the colonial industry should be maintained even after the emancipation, indemnities being paid to the slave owners. Tocqueville expands the issue of the emancipation of slaves to the level of national strategy and interests. He even argued that abolition was necessary to maintain the colony, and that some exceptional measures such as a provisional banning of the purchase of land by emancipated blacks, were necessary to maintain the colony's industry and economy. The the colonial economy and the white farmers’ interests took precedence over the freedom of black people. The liberal politician Tocqueville stands at a crossroads between the humanitarianism of Emancipation and the realism of the national interests.
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Fosbury, Timothy L. "Bermuda’s Persistent Futures." American Literary History 32, no. 1 (December 4, 2019): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajz049.
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Abstract “Bermuda’s Persistent Futures” recovers Bermuda’s significance to the development of the settler colonial imaginations of early America. Following the 1609 wreck of the Sea Venture that began its settlement, English settlers insisted that Bermuda’s apparent lack of any previous Indigenous population, Spanish failures to account for its potential, and its proximity to England, North America, and the West Indies all made the 20-square-mile archipelago an anomalous and exceptional plantation in an emerging colonial system. Writers and officials seized upon Bermuda’s perceived uniqueness to position it as an isolated, vacant laboratory perfectly suited for uncovering what they believed had been waiting to be discovered—an America that was natural to England. Bermuda, in this sense, inspired a corpus of colonial fantasies about the hemisphere’s futures under a permanent English presence that was previously unimaginable to colonial writers. This essay focuses on Richard Norwood’s The Description of the Sommer Ilands, Once Called the Bermudas (1622–23) and J. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur’s Lettres d’un cultivateur amèricain (1784) to reconstruct a Bermuda that persistently appeared to lead the way for the futures of American settlement.
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Costa, Sérgio. "The research on modernity in Latin America: Lineages and dilemmas." Current Sociology 67, no. 6 (November 5, 2018): 838–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392118807523.
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Conventional research on modernity has interpreted Latin American experiences as lagging behind, as expressions of an ‘incomplete’ or failed modernity, since they do not meet the conditions of a ‘complete’ achievement of modernity as described by theories developed within European and, later, US academia. Since the emergence of dependency theory in the 1960s, and more emphatically since the 1990s, after the dissemination of postcolonial and decolonial theories in the region, this still dominant interpretation has been challenged by new approaches which convincingly underline the interdependent development of global modernity. This article reconstructs part of these debates and identifies a number of different lineages in current research on modernity in Latin America: a first lineage which describes modernization in Latin America as a mimicry of European/Western modernity; a second lineage which characterizes modernity as a global transformation activated by the colonial annexation of the Americas into capital accumulation; and an intermediary lineage which also recognizes the importance of colonialism in shaping global modernity, but at the same time underlines the European origin of modern emancipatory imaginaries.
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Orgeix, Emilie d’. "Quelques considérations sur les "traceurs de plans" dans l’Amérique coloniale aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles: l’exemple des fondations urbaines en Nouvelle-France." Aldaba, no. 40 (December 15, 2017): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/aldaba.40.2015.20561.
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Se fondant sur une citation de Pierre Lavedan sur le rôle des « traceurs de villes » de l’Amérique coloniale, cet article souligne, à travers quelques carrières d’ingénieurs militaires envoyés en Nouvelle-France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles, le large spectre d’activités développées par ces agents du roi oeuvrant au service de l’État monarchique. Si leurs projets sont aujourd’hui bien connus, leur rôle de promotion du pouvoir royal en territoire colonial, reste un sujet rarement abordé en histoire de l’architecture. L’étude de leurs projets de portes et de places royales notamment révèle pourtant combien ils ont servi la cause monarchique avec constance et loyauté malgré un agenda politique métropolitain souvent peu favorable à la réalisation de leurs projets.While the plans of French military engineers active in the American colonies during the Early Modern period have been frequently published, their professional status and the role that they played as architects and urban planners remains unclear. Sent overseas between the end of the seventeenth and the middle of the eighteenth centuries, these royal agents were dependent on a number of administrative and political changes. Based on case studies of the French engineers who built or remodeled the colonial cities of Montreal, Quebec City, Detroit and Louisburg, this article reflects on the wide scope of activities and professional status that these polymaths developed in the Americas before 1763.
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Pavao-Zuckerman, Barnet. "Rendering Economies: Native American Labor and Secondary Animal Products in the Eighteenth-Century Pimería Alta." American Antiquity 76, no. 1 (January 2011): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.76.1.3.
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While the ostensible motivation for Spanish missionization in the Americas was religious conversion, missions were also critical to the expansion of European economic institutions in the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries. Native American labor in mission contexts was recruited in support of broader programs of colonialism, mercantilism, and resource extraction. Archaeological research throughout North America demonstrates the importance and extent of the integration of Native labor into regional colonial economies. Animals and animal products were often important commodities within colonialperiod regional exchange networks and thus, zooarchaeological data can be crucial to the reconstruction of local economic practices that linked Native labor to larger-scale economic processes. Zooarchaeological remains from two Spanish missions—one in southern Arizona and one in northern Sonora—demonstrate that Native labor supported broader colonial economic processes through the production of animal products such as tallow and hide. Tallow rendered at Mission San Agustín de Tucson and Mission Nuestra Señora del Pilar y Santiago de Cocóspera was vital for mining activities in the region, which served as an important wealth base for the continued development of Spanish colonialism in the Americas. This research also demonstrates continuity in rendering practices over millennia of human history, and across diverse geographical regions, permitting formalization of a set of expectations for identifying tallow-rendered assemblages, regardless of context.
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Lu, Sidney Xu. "Eastward Ho! Japanese Settler Colonialism in Hokkaido and the Making of Japanese Migration to the American West, 1869–1888." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 03 (June 20, 2019): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000147.
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This article examines how Japanese colonial migration to Hokkaido in the first two decades of the Meiji era paved the way for Japanese trans-Pacific migration to the United States in the 1880s. It elaborates how Japanese leaders carefully emulated the Anglo-American settler colonialism in Japan's own expansion in Hokkaido by focusing on the emergence of the overpopulation discourse and its political impact in early Meiji. This colonial imitation also inspired the Japanese expansionists to consider the American West an ideal destination for Japanese emigration in the late nineteenth century. This study thus challenges the nation-centered and territory-bound history of the Japanese empire by showing that Japan's colonial expansion in Northeast Asia and Japanese trans-Pacific migration to North America were intertwined since the very beginning of the Meiji era.
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Fajardo de Rueda, Marta. "Del Grabado Europeo a la Pintura Americana. La serie El Credo del pintor quiteño Miguel de Santiago." HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local 3, no. 5 (January 1, 2011): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/historelo.v3n5.20655.
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El hallazgo de dos series de grabados flamencos del siglo XVII sobre el tema El Credo, de los artistas Adrian Collaert (1560-1618) y Johan Sadeler (1550-1600), permiten confirmar la importante presencia de los grabados europeos en los talleres de pintura de la América Hispana y su influencia decisiva en la formación de nuestros artistas. Se analizan entonces bajo esta perspectiva, las once pinturas al óleo que conforman la Serie de los Artículos de El Credo, obra del pintor quiteño Miguel de Santiago (1603-1706) que se encuentran en la Catedral Primada de Bogotá desde la época colonial.Palabras clave: Grabados europeos, pintores coloniales, Miguel de Santiago, Quito, Santafé de Bogotá. From European Engraving to American Painting. El Credo Series From The Painter From Quito Miguel de Santiago AbstractThe discovery of two engraving Flemish series from 17th century about El Credo, from the artists Adrian Collaert (1560-1618) and Johan Sadeler (1550-1600), allows proving the presence of European engravings within the painting works in the Hispanic America and the great influence on our artists’ formation. Thus based on this, are analyzed the eleven oil paintings that constitute the Series of Goods from El Credo, from the painter from Quito Miguel de Santiago (1603-1706) that are from the colonial time in the Catedral Primada de Bogotá.KeywordsEuropean engravings, colonial painters, Miguel de Santiago, Quito, Santafé de Bogotá
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Lynch, John. "The Institutional Framework of Colonial Spanish America." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, S1 (March 1992): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023786.
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The colonial stateSpain asserted its presence in America through an array of institutions. Traditional historiography studied these in detail, describing colonial policy and American responses in terms of officials, tribunals, and laws. The agencies of empire were tangible achievements and evidence of the high quality of Spanish administration. They were even impressive numerically. Between crown and subject there were some twenty major institutions, while colonial officials were numbered in their thousands. The Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de las Indias (1681) was compiled from 400,000 royal cedulas, which it managed to reduce to a mere 6,400 laws.1 Thus the institutions were described, classified, and interpreted from evidence which lay in profusion in law codes, chronicles, and archives. Perhaps there was a tendency to confuse law with reality, but the standard of research was high and derecho indiano, as it was sometimes called, was the discipline which first established the professional study of Latin American history.This stage of research was brought to an end by new interests and changing fashions in history, and by a growing concentration on social and economic aspects of colonial Spanish America. Institutional history lost prestige, as historians turned to the study of Indians, rural societies, regional markets, and various aspects of colonial production and exchange, forgetting perhaps that the creation of institutions was an integral part of social activity and their presence or absence a measure of political and economic priorities. More recently, institutional history has returned to favour, though it is now presented as a study of the colonial state.
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Basak, Rhitama. "Transgressing Liminality: Exploring the Latin American urban Self through Resistance and Remembrance in 21st century Americas." International Journal of English and Comparative Literary Studies 3, no. 3 (July 2, 2022): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.47631/ijecls.v3i3.515.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper explores the quest for identity through reception, resistance, and remembrance, as expressed in the langscape of 21st century Latin American poets. The paper also addresses the points of contact between the Latin American Self and the cultural Other(s) within the urban space, re-visiting the changing dynamics of the Self -Other, the Global-local, centre-margin, and so on. The oeuvres of contemporary Latin American poet Monica de la Torre and Indigenous womxn poets L. M. Silko and Joy Harjo is re-visited. The interface between the newly formed Latin America and the colonial Other is examined to trace the trajectory of oppression where the economically superior ‘centre’ continues to violate the cultural Other – the ‘margin’ – a threshold marked by a “no-exit” situation of socio-economic and cultural Otherness. The question of Indigenous identity in 21st century metropolis of the Americas is studied through the reading of selected works, narrating the complexities of identity-claim within the cityscape, and exploring transgression of the liminal space of “forced forgetting” where remembrance of one’s Self (individual and/or communal) is transformed into an act of resistance.
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Larsen, R. Paul. "Comprehensive Extension System—The Land-grant Example." HortScience 23, no. 3 (June 1988): 479–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.23.3.479.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract From colonial times to the present, America has prized education as the provider of individual opportunity, as well as our national progress. The value of practical education was delineated clearly with the passage of the Land-grant “Morrill Act” by the U.S. Congress, signed by Abraham Lincoln in 1862. The Land-grant Act provided grants of federal land to every state that agreed to establish at least one college to teach agriculture and the mechanic arts along with other scientific and classical subjects. This and subsequent legislation to support research and extension developed the “trilogy of American ingenuity”—the blended roles of teaching, research, and public service that form both the mission and strength of America's land-grant universities.
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Kane, Adrian Taylor. "Central American Rivers as Sites of Colonial Contestation." Review of International American Studies 14, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 177–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.10043.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the introduction to Troubled Waters: Rivers in Latin American Imagination (2013), Elizabeth Pettinaroli and Ana María Mutis have argued that rivers in Latin American literature constitute a “locus for the literary exploration of questions of power, identity, resistance, and discontent.” Many works of testimonial literature and literature of resistance written during and about the Central American civil wars of the 1970s and 1980s as a means of denouncing and resisting various forms of oppression would support their thesis. In the 2004 film Innocent Voices, directed by Luis Mandoki, Mario Bencastro’s 1997 story “Había una vez un río,” and Claribel Alegría’s 1983 poem “La mujer del Río Sumpul,” the traumatic events in the protagonists’ lives that occur in and near rivers create an inversion of the conventional use of rivers as symbols of life, purity, innocence, and re-creation by associating them with violence, death, and destruction. At the same time, the river often becomes a metaphor for the wounds of trauma, which allude to the psychological suffering not only of the protagonists, but to the collective pain of their countries torn asunder by war. Arturo Arias’s 2015 novel El precio del consuelo also features a river as the site of state-sponsored violence against rural citizens during the civil war period. In contrast with Bencastro’s and Alegria’s texts, however, Arias’s novel highlights issues of environmental justice related to the use of rivers in Central America that continue to plague the region to date. In the present essay, I argue that these works are compelling representations of the ways in which rivers have become sites of contestation between colonial and decolonial forces in Central America.
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Robin, Alena. "Colonial Art from Spanish America in Québec." Latin American and Latinx Visual Culture 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/lavc.2022.4.1.80.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This Dialogues section seeks to contribute to the scholarship on Latin American art in Canada and “Latinx Canadian art.” We aim to broaden the historical and current narratives of art and artists from Latin America north of the United States, taking into account Canada’s history of migration and its official bilingual status (French-English), multilingual and multicultural reality, and relationship with Indigenous peoples. Adding to the urgency of studying the presence of Latin American art in Canada, there is also a need to focus on the work of artists and curators with a Latin American background. They are developing languages of expression, practices, and aesthetics that no longer conform to the “Latin American art” category. It is thus essential to highlight the multiple artistic initiatives that are allowing them to gain visibility and recognition within both the local and global artistic milieus. We posit that today it is almost impossible to overlook both the historical and the ongoing presence of Latin American art and artists in Canada and the recent emergence of a vibrant, ever-expanding contemporary Latinx Canadian art scene. This section proposes six groundbreaking contributions that, from coast to coast, offer further data and analysis, case studies, and investigations into museum archives: from Vancouver to Montréal, from pre-Columbian art and material culture to contemporary art, from the Chilean diaspora of the 1970s to more recent migration waves, from curatorial strategies to the classroom.
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Grant, Daragh. "“Civilizing” the Colonial Subject: The Co-Evolution of State and Slavery in South Carolina, 1670–1739." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 3 (June 25, 2015): 606–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000225.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractSouth Carolina was a staggeringly weak polity from its founding in 1670 until the 1730s. Nevertheless, in that time, and while facing significant opposition from powerful indigenous neighbors, the colony constructed a robust plantation system that boasted the highest slave-to-freeman ratio in mainland North America. Taking this fact as a point of departure, I examine the early management of unfree labor in South Carolina as an exemplary moment of settler-colonial state formation. Departing from the treatment of state formation as a process of centralizing “legitimate violence,” I investigate how the colonial state, and in particular the Commons House of Assembly, asserted an exclusive claim to authority by monopolizing the question of legitimacy itself. In managing unfree laborers, the colonial state extended its authority over supposedly private relations between master and slave and increasingly recast slavery in racial terms. This recasting of racial slavery rested, I argue, on a distinction, pervasive throughout English North America, which divided the world into spheres of savagery and civility. Beneath the racial reordering of colonial life, the institution of slavery was rooted in the same ideological distinction by which the colonial state's claims to authority were justified, with the putative “savagery” of the slave or of the Indian being counterpoised to the supposed civility of English settlers. This article contributes to the literatures on Atlantic slavery and American colonial history, and invites comparison with accounts of state formation and settler colonialism beyond Anglo-America.
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Mancke, Elizabeth. "Early Modern Imperial Governance and the Origins of Canadian Political Culture." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 1 (March 1999): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010076.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractFor the last three decades, scholars of Canadian political culture have favoured ideological explanations for state formation with the starting point being the American Revolution and Loyalist resettlement in British North America. This article challenges both the ideological bias and the late eighteenth-century chronology through a reassessment of early modern developments in the British imperial state. It shows that many of the institutional features associated with the state in British North America and later Canada—strong executives and weak assemblies, Crown control of land and natural resources, parliamentary funding of colonial development and accommodation of non-British subjects—were all institutionalized in the imperial state before the American Revolution and before the arrival of significant numbers of ethnically British settlers to Newfoundland, Nova Scotia and Quebec. Ideological discourses in the British North American colonies that became Canada, unlike those that became the United States, traditionally acknowledged the presence of a strong state in its imperial and colonial manifestations. Rather than challenging its legitimacy, as had Americans, British North Americans, whether liberals, republicans or tories, debated the function of the state and the distribution of power within it.