Статті в журналах: "Agenda neoliberal"

1

Dekker, Erwin. "Is There an Agenda of Neoliberal Emancipation?" Journal of Contextual Economics – Schmollers Jahrbuch 139, no. 2-4 (April 1, 2019): 213–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.213.

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This paper argues that one of the weaknesses of the neoliberals of the 1940s was their failure to develop a positive program of individual emancipation. It is demonstrated that in conversation with the critics of neoliberalism (Foucault, Cooper, and others) such an agenda can be developed. To do so we should disentangle the neoliberal agenda from the conservative social agenda with which it has long been associated. It is argued that in particular the Chicago School approach to the individual and social conditions such as the modern workplace, online communities and city life provides inspiration for an agenda of neoliberal emancipation.

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2

Mitchell, Jon P., and Noel Dyck. "Introduction: anthropology and the neoliberal agenda." Etnografica, no. 18 (2) (June 1, 2014): 233–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etnografica.3637.

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3

Pacari, Nina. "Ecuador Taking On the Neoliberal Agenda." NACLA Report on the Americas 29, no. 5 (March 1996): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1996.11722889.

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4

Morán Faúndes, José Manuel. "Ensambles entre el activismo neoconservador y el neoliberalismo: mirada desde el sur." Estudios Sociológicos de El Colegio de México 40, no. 119 (May 9, 2022): 423–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/es.2022v40n119.2190.

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En este artículo se exploran las razones que esgrime públicamente el neoconservadurismo para promover su agenda moral articulada con agendas neoliberales. Se analizaron las propuestas de partidos políticos “pro-vida”/“pro-familia” en Chile, Brasil, Argentina y Perú, y contenidos producidos por divulgadoras/es de ideas neoconservadoras en Sudamérica. Se proponen tres categorías que sintetizan los principales modos en que se realiza la articulación neoconservadora-neoliberal: un “ensamble funcional” que entiende que la tradición es funcional al orden del mercado y la libertad; un “ensamble subsidiario” que entiende que la retirada del Estado implicaría un fortalecimiento de instituciones subsidiarias, como la familia patriarcal, y un “ensamble defensivo” que asume que toda intervención estatal, incluidos los derechos sexuales y reproductivos, responde a una agenda neo-marxista.

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5

Sousa, Marcelo Manoel, and Saraí Patricia Schmidt. "AGENDA 2030-ONU COMO ATO DE LINGUAGEM NEOLIBERAL: EDUCAÇÃO DE QUALIDADE E DESIGUALDADES SOCIAIS." Linguagens, Educação e Sociedade 27, no. 54 (June 2, 2023): 326–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26694/rles.v27i54.4165.

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O objetivo do estudo foi apresentar aspectos indiciários de que a Agenda 2030-ONU principalmente em seu Objetivo 4, que trata da Educação de Qualidade, está envolvida em valores e princípios neoliberais. É uma pesquisa qualitativa, de natureza básica, que fez uso da análise de discurso sobre o corpus, destacando-se a análise do conceito de qualidade como um dos objetivos da Agenda 2030-ONU. No artigo se trabalhou a partir das contribuições de Bauman (2015), com suas colocações sobre as desigualdades sociais e Bourdieu (1998, 2001), e os efeitos negativos relacionados à ofensiva neoliberal. Cita-se ainda, entre outros autores, Silva (2015, 2020) e Charlot (2013) no que se refere a uma melhor compreensão dos do neoliberalismo na educação pública, que tem em comum a discussão do conceito de qualidade na educação, enquanto o primeiro refere a qualidade total como neoliberal, o segundo altermundialista apresenta o conceito de qualidade não necessariamente neoliberalista. Baseando-se na fundamentação e posterior discussão, concluiu-se que o conceito de Educação de Qualidade contido na Agenda 2030-ONU é de natureza neoliberal, pretendendo formar empreendedores individuais ao enfatizar a matemática, engenharia e o conhecimento aplicado, incitando a concorrência e mais desigualdade entre as pessoas.

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6

Mnisi, Nomsa, and Thokozani Mathebula. "The World Bank’s neoliberal agenda and inclusive education in post-apartheid South African schools." Perspectives in Education 42, no. 2 (July 12, 2024): 308–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.38140/pie.v42i2.7454.

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Globally, the World Bank’s neoliberal agenda has reframed inclusive education through its investment projects and inclusive policies, thus begetting unevenness and social inequalities. Accordingly, in South Africa, the World Bank’s neoliberal investment projects and inclusive policies exacerbate the exclusion of learners in schools. The critical theory framework is adopted as a lens to explore the extent to which the World Bank’s neoliberal education agenda meets the end goals of democracy and social justice in post-apartheid South Africa. A critical analysis of the World Bank’s inclusive education policies points to a neoliberal agenda that fosters liberalisation instead of human rights; a policy that propagates privatisation instead of universal education; learners’ emancipation barricaded by investment projects that favour deregulation instead of regulation; and illusive social change due to neoliberal public policies in post-apartheid South African schools. Ultimately, the authors argue that the World Bank’s incoherent, inconsistent and ambiguous neoliberal education agenda does not speak to its intended recipients, namely the poor, unprivileged and excluded learners in post-apartheid South African schools. A recommendation thus put forward is that the World Bank should redirect its investment projects and revise its inclusive policies in the quest to spearhead universal and free public education.

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7

Voirol, Olivier. "Solidarity as Social Reconstruction." Comparative Sociology 19, no. 6 (December 17, 2020): 708–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341531.

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Abstract The neoliberal agenda is based on the rejection of social objectivism and social reason, in favor of individual preferences and subjective values. Reforms carried out under this agenda destroy institutions and practices of solidarity. While the 2008 financial crisis has confronted neoliberalism with a legitimation crisis, an alternative agenda has yet to emerge. In the past decades, this “void” gave birth to the implementation of “regressive communities”. Instead of challenging the neoliberal agenda these communities function as mere authoritarian extensions. By rejecting social issues and defending cultural values they display contempt for social objectivity and reason. A path beyond the neoliberal “all market” approach as well as the subsequent triggerering of “regressive communities” is nowadays sought by social reconstruction through solidarity.

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8

A. McCrory, Niall. "Irish Urban Planning Under a Neoliberal Agenda." Chimera 26, no. 2012/2013 (September 11, 2013): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/chimera.26.4.

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Much academic attention and debate has been given to the use of and imposition of a Special Purpose Development Authority (SPDA) to Irish urban planning in the 1980s and 1990s to redevelop the Custom House Docks (later enlarged to encompass Dublin docklands). This newly-created agency marked a radical shift in the philosophy guiding urban planning in Ireland towards more overtly facilitative entrepreneurial systems of engagement with the property-development sector. Vested with planning powers to ´fast-track´ planning and development, the Irish SPDA expropriated planning powers entirely from the local authority marginalising planners´ functions in certain locations. Few studies have, however, attempted to document turn-of-the-century shifts in Irish planning by examining more recent changes in the planning code. This paper will attempt to demonstrate how recent changes in the Planning and Development Acts since 2000 only serve to illustrate the inherent bias of Irish urban planning towards favouring private capital over the interests of the ´common good´ by providing an exploration Irish urban planning under a neoliberal agenda.

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9

Saryal, Rajnish. "Global Environmental Agenda: The Neoliberal Institutional Perspective." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 19, no. 1 (June 2015): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598415599882.

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10

von der Heydt-Coca, Magda. "Neoliberal Agenda in Bolivia and its Aftermath." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 8, no. 2-3 (2009): 347–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914909x423926.

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11

Mellink, Bram. "Neoliberalism Incorporated: Early Neoliberal Involvement in the Postwar Reconstruction: The Case Study of the Netherlands (1945–1958)." European History Quarterly 51, no. 1 (January 2021): 98–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420981832.

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Although recent studies have extensively traced the development of neoliberal ideas in international think-tanks since the late 1930s, scholars of early neoliberalism have paid far less attention to the translation of these ideas into policy. Current scholarship predominantly identifies the introduction of neoliberal policies with a paradigm shift among policymakers in the late 1970s and depicts the early neoliberal movement as an idea-centred and isolated phenomenon that was unable to put its ideas into practice. This article argues instead that early neoliberals employed an idea-centred approach to politics to establish a coalition of like-minded academics, journalists, politicians and policy officials. Focusing on the Netherlands, it demonstrates how this strategy brought neoliberals press coverage, influence within the Christian democratic parliamentary parties and acknowledgement among professional economists. On the one hand, their struggle to exert influence over policy matters contributed to the implementation of pro-market industrialization policies, which, ironically, were pursued by a coalition of social democrats and Christian democrats. On the other hand, it also compelled them to include Christian-democratic views in their political agenda, leading to a corporatist-neoliberal policy synthesis whose features exhibit remarkable similarities to German ‘ordoliberal’ ideas.

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12

Almeida de Carvalho, Cristina Helena. "AGENDA NEOLIBERAL E A POLÍTICA PÚBLICA PARA O ENSINO SUPERIOR NOS ANOS 90." Revista Diálogo Educacional 7, no. 21 (July 17, 2007): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7213/rde.v7i21.4561.

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Este texto tem como objetivo discutir a relação entre a agenda neoliberal e a implementação da política pública para o ensino superior no Brasil nos anos 90. A hipótese central é que apesar dos constrangimentos de ordem econômica e política, esta política não foi resultado exclusivo da intervenção externa. O Banco Mundial é um ator que, apesar de amplos recursos de poder, não consegue se impor por completo à agenda governamental e ao processo decisório. Na primeira parte, o texto pretende expor os principais pressupostos teóricos da agenda neoliberal. Em seguida, procura estruturar o ambiente, no qual o ensino superior se insere, para compreender quais as opções, as restrições e as motivações de mudança ou continuidade da política pública. Na última parte, a investigação segue para essa política, de forma a traçar um paralelo entre seus elementos constitutivos e as recomendações do Banco Mundial. A intenção é examinar semelhanças e divergências entre a agenda governamental e a agenda sistêmica neoliberal.

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13

Benedito, Sérgio Mendonça. "Neoliberalismo e crise do capitalismo democrático." Revista Agenda Política 11, no. 2 (April 3, 2024): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14244/agenda.2023.2.10.

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Trabalhos recentes sobre o conceito e projeto político neoliberal ofereceram chaves para interpretações mais apuradas da atual conjuntura social, econômica e política – traduzida na crise do capitalismo democrático. O objetivo deste ensaio é explorar alguns dos principais argumentos de autores como Mirowski, Plehwe, Biebricher e Slobodian para colocá-los em diálogo com a produção recente do sociólogo Wolfgang Streeck. Com isso pretendo demonstrar que compreender o neoliberalismo em seus próprios termos propicia a superação de leituras muito concentradas no fundamentalismo de mercado e na suposta busca de um Estado mínimo. Desde a sua origem o projeto neoliberal implicava uma apropriação e direcionamento do Estado para uma certa concepção moral e social em que o mercado ocupa um lugar de destaque. Portanto, para aqueles e aquelas que visam contrapor o neoliberalismo é necessário igualmente construir um projeto político que vá além da dimensão econômica e desafie seu modelo de sociedade.

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14

Sauer, Sérgio, Acacio Zuniga Leite, and Nilton Luís Godoy Tubino. "Agenda política da terra no governo Bolsonaro." Revista da ANPEGE 16, no. 29 (December 2, 2020): 285–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.5418/ra2020.v16i29.12518.

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Alterações no Executivo e avanço do agronegócio exigem esforços analíticos do governo Bolsonaro e compreensão da agenda fundiária. As análises apresentam elementos para a caracterização da agenda política do governo Bolsonaro, estudando medidas executadas em 2019 e 2020 na agenda da terra, especialmente sintetizadas nos cortes e limites impostos ao Incra. Com uma “política de confronto”, o governo procura aplicar uma agenda econômica ultra-neoliberal, que inclui o sucateamento, desmonte e descaracterização do aparelho estatal. Na agenda da terra são realizados esforços ultra-neoliberais de mercantilização dos bens da natureza e apoio incondicional ao agronegócio, por meio da edição de medidas de desregulamentação setorial. A “guerra cultural” também é contra os povos do campo, resultando no aumento de conflitos e descaso total com as mazelas sociais, inclusive as provocadas pela pandemia. O Incra está operacionalmente fragilizado e direcionado para o abandono de competências constitucionais ligadas à função social da terra, caracterizando Bolsonaro como populista de extrema direita e governo antiinstitucional.

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15

Saguier, Marcelo. "La gobernanza económica global en el G20: perspectivas para la agenda del trabajo." Perfiles Latinoamericanos 19, no. 38 (July 1, 2011): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18504/pl1938-205-2011.

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La crisis financiera internacional desatada en 2008 ha dado un renovado protagonismo al Grupo de los 20 (G20) como principal foro de concertación política para la gobernanza de la economía global. El principal desafío del G20 es lograr articular un diálogo político capaz de generar consensos básicos para un nuevo paradigma de globalización que no sólo permita superar la actual crisis, sino también garantizar el sostenimiento social y ambiental de un nuevo modelo de crecimiento en un contexto posneoliberal. A diferencia de otras crisis internacionales, la defensa del empleo y de la seguridad social ingresa al G20 como agenda ineludible para definir las políticas de recuperación económica. Esto se atribuye al liderazgo conjunto de Brasil y Argentina, en coalición con la Organización Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) y el movimiento sindical internacional. El presente artículo analiza el tratamiento y alcance de la agenda del trabajo a partir de los cambios en la coyuntura política internacional, crecientemente marcada por una restauración neoliberal de la globalización.AbstractThe international financial crisis unleashed in 2008 has given renewed prominence to the Group of 20 (G20) as the main forum of governance in the world economy. The main challenge of G20 is to articulate a political dialogue that can generate a basic consensus for a new paradigm of globalization that not only can overcome the current crisis, but also ensure social and environmental sustainability of a new growth model in a context post-neoliberal. Unlike other international crises, the G20 acknowledges that employment and social security are imperative agendas for sustainable economic recovery. The incorporation of this agenda results from the joint leadership of Brazil and Argentina in coalition with the International Labour Organization (ILO) and the international labor movement. The article discusses the content and scope of the labor agenda in response to changes in the international political context marked by a restoration of neoliberal globalization.

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16

Tinn, Maarja. "Investigating the Neoliberal Educational Agenda: The Effect of Reform Contexts on Teacher Agency." Pedagogika 143, no. 3 (October 29, 2021): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15823/p.2021.143.4.

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During the transition to democratic society a neoliberal educational agenda was introduced to guide the reform process in Estonia. Documentary analysis was conducted for this research and six periods emerged, which showed that expectations were placed on teachers that assumed the existence of teacher agency, while the reform context didn’t support its emergence. Evidence of change can be seen in the last periods, when also a significant dichotomy arises.

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17

Burgess-Macey, Celia, Clare Kelly, and Marjorie Ouvry. "Rethinking early years: how the neoliberal agenda fails children." Soundings 76, no. 76 (December 1, 2020): 128–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.76.09.2020.

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Early years education in England is in crisis. This article looks at what is needed to better provide the kind of education and care that young children need outside the home, from birth to school-starting age. It explores: the current arrangements and varieties of provision and approaches in England; educational and developmental research about young children's development and early learning; the current national early years curriculum and how it contrasts to other international models and pedagogical approaches; the importance of play-based learning; the role of adults in observing, recording, assessing and supporting young children's learning; and the holistic nature of children's learning - which makes education and care inseparable in young children's lives. Neoliberal governments have had little interest in these questions: they have been focused instead on marketising the sector, which has led to great inequality of provision; and they have been unwilling to provide the necessary funding to train staff and maintain appropriate learning environments; most fundamentally, they have engaged in an ideological drive to impose on very small children a narrow and formal curriculum that ignores all the evidence about good practice in the sector, and is focused on making them 'school ready' - that is, ready to fit into the rigid frameworks they have already imposed on primary school education.

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18

Burgess-Macey, Celia, Clare Kelly, and Marjorie Ouvry. "Rethinking early years: how the neoliberal agenda fails children." Soundings 76, no. 76 (December 1, 2020): 128–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.76.09.2020.

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Early years education in England is in crisis. This article looks at what is needed to better provide the kind of education and care that young children need outside the home, from birth to school-starting age. It explores: the current arrangements and varieties of provision and approaches in England; educational and developmental research about young children's development and early learning; the current national early years curriculum and how it contrasts to other international models and pedagogical approaches; the importance of play-based learning; the role of adults in observing, recording, assessing and supporting young children's learning; and the holistic nature of children's learning - which makes education and care inseparable in young children's lives. Neoliberal governments have had little interest in these questions: they have been focused instead on marketising the sector, which has led to great inequality of provision; and they have been unwilling to provide the necessary funding to train staff and maintain appropriate learning environments; most fundamentally, they have engaged in an ideological drive to impose on very small children a narrow and formal curriculum that ignores all the evidence about good practice in the sector, and is focused on making them 'school ready' - that is, ready to fit into the rigid frameworks they have already imposed on primary school education.

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19

Collins, Sheila D. "Breaking the Mold? Venezuela's Defiance of the Neoliberal Agenda*." New Political Science 27, no. 3 (September 2005): 367–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393140500220409.

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20

Ness, Immanuel. "Blinded by the Neoliberal Agenda: India's Market Transition Failure." New Political Science 28, no. 1 (March 2006): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393140500518349.

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21

Mawdsley, Hazel, and Alison Thirlwall. "Third-party interventions in workplace bullying: a neoliberal agenda?" Employee Relations: The International Journal 41, no. 3 (April 1, 2019): 506–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-09-2017-0216.

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Purpose Bullying is a persistent, damaging feature of neoliberal workplaces, despite the increased use of third-party interventions (TPIs). The purpose of this paper is to investigate how TPIs relate to individualisation of the employment contract, whether TPIs deflect attention away from bullying and the impact for targets. Design/methodology/approach Data were gathered from focus groups and interviews with members and officials of three large UK trade unions. Findings TPIs individualise bullying allegations and such interventions are further characterised by impotence, injustice and lack of impartiality, serving to deflect bullying claims and exacerbate targets’ suffering. Practical implications Recommendations are made to improve the efficacy of interventions. Originality/value This paper increases the limited research into the efficacy of TPIs and makes a significant contribution to debates on neoliberal individualism.

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22

PURCELL, MARK. "City-Regions, Neoliberal Globalization and Democracy: A Research Agenda." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 31, no. 1 (March 2007): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2007.00714.x.

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23

Jovanovic, Spoma. "Speaking Back to the Neoliberal Agenda for Higher Education." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 17, no. 4 (May 1, 2017): 327–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708617706125.

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The deliberate and well-crafted creep of neoliberalism into institutions of higher education has consequences for faculty that are likewise felt by students, families, and society at large. This article provides an autoethnographic glimpse at how democratic education is being forsaken to for-profit activities and how faculty at one campus pushed back against their own administration in response. I conclude with some suggestions for how to communicate and organize to keep hope alive for higher education to remain a vibrant public sphere where critical engagement can flourish.

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Cardoso André, Tamara, and Camila Regina Copetti. "FECHAMENTO DE ESCOLAS NO BRASIL (2010-2020): agenda neoliberal?" Revista Pedagógica 25, no. 1 (May 8, 2023): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22196/rp.v25i1.6934.

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A presente pesquisa tem o objetivo geral de analisar as relações entre o fechamento de escolas no Brasil e o neoliberalismo, a partir da crítica materialista dialética, pautada em Marx, Engels e Kosik. Investigar as justificativas do poder público para o fechamento de escolas e a distribuição do fenômeno no território nacional são objetivos específicos, buscando-se responder às seguintes questões: os números dos censos educacionais do Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira (INEP) apontam para aumento do número de fechamento de escolas entre 2010 e 2020? Sãs as escolas públicas, ou as privadas, as mais atingidas pelo fechamento? As justificativas apontadas pelo poder público para o fechamento de escolas apresentam uma lógica neoliberal? Os instrumentos de investigação são a abordagem quantitativa de dados secundários, extraídos dos censos educacionais do INEP, em triangulação com abordagem qualitativa, a partir da Análise de Conteúdo (BARDIN, 2011) de duas fontes de comunicação: portal da Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores em Educação (CNTE) e Portal G1. A investigação conclui que as escolas rurais e as públicas são as mais atingidas por fechamentos, com maior ocorrência na região nordeste, nos estados do Piauí, da Paraíba e do Ceará. As justificativas do poder público para o fechamento de escolas, segundo as reportagens consultadas, centram-se em razões estruturais, baixo número de matrículas e reestruturação da rede de ensino. Assim, os resultados sugerem indícios de privatização e “desruralização” de ensino, bem como possibilidade de gradativa desescolarização.

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25

Brown, Raquel. "From Democratic Socialism to a Neoliberal Agenda: A Jamaican Case Study." Caribbean Quilt 3 (April 29, 2015): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/caribbeanquilt.v3i1.22622.

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MEANEY, CONSTANCE SQUIRES. "Foreign Experts, Capitalists, and Competing Agendas." Comparative Political Studies 28, no. 2 (July 1995): 275–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414095028002004.

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This article examines privatization and privatization ministries in Poland, Czechoslovakia/the Czech Republic, and Hungary, stressing the comparability of these organizations and the context in which they originated. The author focuses on the activities and agendas of foreign experts employed or retained by ministries of privatization and the programs they supported. She assesses the degree to which outcomes to date approximated a neoliberal economic agenda of rapid privatization. She distinguishes between (a) opposition to rapid privatization agendas that can be identified with “Leninist legacies” or distributional coalitions attached to the satae industrial sector and (b) promoters of privatization who may work at cross-purposes with supporters of rapid privatization agendas, in particular investment banking firms assisting ministries of privatization. The purpose of the analysis is to suggest the range of capitalist activities surrounding privatization that are emerging in Eastern Europe, adding a further dimension to the dichotomy of Leninist legacies versus “liberal imperatives.” Whether or not enterprise insiders or neoliberal agendas have the upper hand, it most certainly is capitalism that is emerging.

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Collins, Lauren. "1. Becoming Global Knowledge Workers: How U.S. Study Abroad Programs Act in Service to a Hidden Curriculum of Consumer Capitalism and National Security." Philosophy and Theory in Higher Education 2, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/ptihe022020.0001.

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<?page nr="1"?>Abstract This paper details how a neoliberal agenda pervades study abroad and provides critical readings and counter narratives that illuminate how this practice often acts in service to a hidden curriculum of consumer capitalism and national security. It argues that rather than being part of an effort toward the creation of global citizens in service to increased cross-cultural understanding, students are largely pushed to study abroad for the end goal of being developed as knowledge workers in service of a neoliberal agenda that perpetuates U.S. dominance in the global economy. This analysis applies theoretical frameworks not commonly applied in normative study abroad discourse including neoliberalism and academic capitalism. By applying these critical theories, we can move the current discourses surrounding study abroad to more productive new lines of inquiry that ask how we can combat the neoliberal tendencies that continue to influence the Academy.

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Ferraz, Daniel de Mello, and Brian Morgan. "TRANSNATIONAL DIALOGUE ON LANGUAGE EDUCATION IN CANADA AND BRAZIL: HOW DO WE MOVE FORWARD IN THE FACE OF NEOCONSERVATIVE/NEOLIBERAL TIMES?" Trabalhos em Linguística Aplicada 58, no. 1 (April 2019): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/010318138654861490091.

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ABSTRACT This interview with Prof. Dr. Brian Morgan from York University presents some of Dr. Morgan and Dr. Ferraz's perspectives in relation to language education in Canada and Brazil. The conversation plunges into essential topics to be problematized by language educators from both countries: neoconservative politics, neoliberalism, plurilingualism, philosophy of language (Derrida, Bakhtin, Foucault, Deleuze), cultural studies, teacher education, teaching practices. Brian Morgan invites us to go through a process of further thinking in terms of: 1. The Neoliberal agenda within educational policies and actions, 2. The relationship between theories (philosophies of language, cultural studies) and practices (how such theories impact - or not - public teachers' pedagogical practices), 3. The design of pedagogical projects (e.g., the Get Involved Project, MONTE MOR; MORGAN, 2014) that provide critical spaces for working within and against neoliberal agendas.

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Laibida, Daiane Carnelos Resende. "AS POLÍTICAS PÚBLICAS DE ROBERTO REQUIÃO: UMA AGENDA NEOLIBERAL OU SOCIAL DEMOCRATA?" Revista NEP - Núcleo de Estudos Paranaenses da UFPR 5, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/nep.v5i1.67665.

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Este trabalho tem como objetivo central verificar se as políticas públicas implementadas no governo de Roberto Requião no Paraná (1991-1994, 2003-2006, e 2006-2010) podem ser inseridas, predominantemente, em uma das agendas político-econômica do capitalismo no século XX (social-democrata e neoliberal). Tal indagação se justifica pelo fato de que este político, em seus discursos, se autodeclara avesso ao programa neoliberal, e por isso pretende-se examinar a correspondência, ou não, de seu discurso e de sua prática política.

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Silva, Amanda sales. "O conservadorismo brasileiro na atualidade: sua filiação à agenda neoliberal." Argumentum 13, no. 2 (August 31, 2021): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.47456/argumentum.v13i2.34183.

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O artigo visa elucidar a relação entre a ideologia conservadora brasileira na atualidade a partir da direta vinculação entre a direta brasileira e os objetivos da agenda neoliberal. Á luz do materialismo histórico dialético por meio de uma pesquisa exploratória nosso objetivo busca explicitar as bases materiais do conservadorismo que ganhou uma pujante força no cenário político nacional.

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Mccafferty, Patricia. "Forging a ‘neoliberal pedagogy’: The ‘enterprising education’ agenda in schools." Critical Social Policy 30, no. 4 (November 2010): 541–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018310376802.

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Kasdan, David Oliver. "Nudging the Neoliberal Agenda: Administrative Opportunities in the Deregulated State." Public Administration Review 79, no. 3 (April 2019): 439–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/puar.13045.

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McKeen, Wendy. "The National Children’s Agenda: A Neoliberal Wolf in Lamb’s Clothing." Studies in Political Economy 80, no. 1 (September 2007): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.2007.11675088.

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Lipman, Pauline. "Mixed‐income schools and housing: advancing the neoliberal urban agenda." Journal of Education Policy 23, no. 2 (March 2008): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680930701853021.

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Rubin, Julia Sass, Ryan M. Good, and Michelle Fine. "Parental action and neoliberal education reform: Crafting a research agenda." Journal of Urban Affairs 42, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 492–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07352166.2019.1660582.

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Enlil, Zeynep Merey. "The Neoliberal Agenda and the Changing Urban Form of Istanbul." International Planning Studies 16, no. 1 (February 2011): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563475.2011.552475.

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Mednicoff, David M. "Beyond the Neoliberal Agenda? Human Rights Activism and Muslim Cosmopolitans." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 93 (1999): 361–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272503700068038.

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O’Brien, Wendy. "Australia’s Digital Policy Agenda." International Journal of Children’s Rights 22, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 748–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-02204004.

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Children’s engagement with online technologies may seem second nature, yet the impact that the Internet has on their lives is shaped by a powerful public policy agenda that largely overlooks children’s interests. Australia’s digital policy framework is dominated by discourses of safety and risk on the one hand and, on the other, neoliberal arguments about the possibilities for economic growth offered by e-commerce. In the midst of such powerful discourses it is difficult for children’s voices to be heard. This paper offers a close textual analysis of the Australian public policy context for regulating cyberspace. Finding a discursive duopoly that overlooks children’s interests, the author identifies two key features of a rights-based approach to challenge the dominant narratives currently serving the interests of the private sector and the State.

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YOON, HAENY S., and TRAN NGUYEN TEMPLETON. "The Practice of Listening to Children: The Challenges of Hearing Children Out in an Adult-Regulated World." Harvard Educational Review 89, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/1943-5045-89.1.55.

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In this research article, Haeny Yoon and Tran Nguyen Templeton explore the challenges of listening to children in both classrooms and research that purports to center young children. Through two stories from their respective studies, Yoon and Templeton highlight the complexities of following children's leads given the competing agendas situating the work of teachers and researchers in neoliberal contexts. Time constraints, curricular mandates, and research expectations limit children's valuable contributions to their sociocultural communities. The authors' goal is to discuss the possibilities in taking up children's words, gestures, and moves as knowledge. They contend that children's voices should not simply be heard for curricular purposes, for adults' amusement, to forward a neoliberal agenda, or to maximize our own goals and pursuits. Instead, we should listen to understand the creativity and intelligence of young children whose social worlds are meaningful.

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O'Malley, Susan G. "Austerity Blues: Fighting for the Soul of Public Higher Education By Michael Fabricant and Steve Brier." Radical Teacher 108 (May 31, 2017): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2017.383.

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Pereira, João Márcio Mendes. "Metamorfoses da política de ajuste estrutural do Banco Mundial (1980-2014)." Sociologias 19, no. 44 (January 2017): 390–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/15174522-019004422.

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Resumo O artigo analisa a agenda política do Banco Mundial, implantada entre 1980 e 2014, centrada no ajuste estrutural das economias nacionais, em clave neoliberal, com ênfase para a América Latina. Argumenta-se que tal agenda se renovou ao longo do período, tornando-se cada vez mais politizada, abrangente e intrusiva nos Estados clientes. Evidencia-se a coerência entre a agenda política do Banco Mundial e a distribuição setorial e regional da sua carteira de empréstimos.

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Jardilino, José Rubens Lima, Renato José Dias Pereira, and Paulo Fioravante Giareta. "Política de formação de professores na BNC-formação." EccoS – Revista Científica, no. 68 (March 14, 2024): e25205. http://dx.doi.org/10.5585/eccos.n68.25205.

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Este trabalho tem por objeto indicar a vinculação da política de formação de professores, formalizada na Resolução do CNE/CP n.o 2, de 20 de dezembro de 2019, com o conjunto das reformas curriculares em curso no Brasil, no contexto da agenda político-econômica neoliberal. Portanto, objetiva indicar as principais caracterizações exigidas à BNC-Formação no contexto de uma agenda de reformismo curricular mediada pela expressão atualizada da sociabilidade do capital. Metodologicamente, o trabalho se estrutura na abordagem crítica com aporte teórico nas categorias alienação e práxis sociais, a partir da concepção de István Mészáros (2006; 2008) e Karel Kosik (1976). A pesquisa identifica as reformas curriculares em curso no Brasil, inclusive a atual reforma expressa na BNC-Formação, como movimentos formativos alinhados ao ordenamento espelhado pela agenda neoliberal para a educação, bem como o controle sistemático das políticas de formação de professores, a partir da práxis social mediada ética e ideologicamente pelo capital.

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Schnee, Emily. "Speaking Back to the Neoliberal Community College." Radical Teacher 122 (April 28, 2022): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/rt.2022.893.

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This article explores the complexities and contradictions of neoliberal policy reforms on fifteen Black and Latino male community college students who participated in a qualitative, longitudinal study at Urban Community College. Though the conventional wisdom on community colleges assumes that more and better neoliberal policies will lead to improved outcomes and greater equity for educationally disenfranchised students, this study illustrates how the policies that are at the heart of the college completion agenda, such as continuous full-time enrollment, on-time graduation, and guided curricular pathways, were implicated in the study participants’ academic challenges.

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Jayo, Martin, and Adriana Tavares Lima. "Toponymic commodification and the neoliberal city." Domínios de Lingu@gem 15, no. 2 (March 5, 2021): 347–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/dl46-v15n2a2021-4.

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After being practiced for nearly three decades in the city of São Paulo for privately-owned venues such as cinemas, theaters and, more recently, sports stadiums, the sale of naming rights is being applied to state-owned spaces: in April 2020, the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo (Cia. do Metrô) announced a plan to grant to private exploitation the right to name its stations. This article analyzes this plan, its premises and expectations. It concludes that, while a series of conflicts related to the memory of the city and its spatial landmarks have been identified by recent studies on toponymic commodification and suggested by the city’s antecedents on this matter, such conflicts do not seem to be considered in the plan’s agenda.

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Kaneda, Miki. "Do What You Love? New Music, New Work—After 2020." Journal of Musicology 40, no. 2 (2023): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2023.40.2.159.

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This article analyzes musical labor and notions of love in relation to gig work with a focus on musicians in new music in New York City. Working in new music as a gig worker entails many skills, many tasks, and many jobs, which hardly guarantee a release from precarity. Meanwhile the neoliberal myth of a “labor of love” propagates the conviction that love and hard work can overcome any challenge, including those posed by racialized and gendered difference. The account of contemporary musical labor I offer concurs with recent critiques of the complicity of new music discourse with neoliberal agendas. Yet I argue that even as contemporary practices of musical work demonstrate how new music is entrepreneurial work embedded in a capitalist system, the everyday experiences of working musicians confound a totalizing account of the neoliberal agenda. Musical work takes place alongside and despite neoliberalism. Based on ethnography and interviews, I argue that the unsettled norms of musical gig work in the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic brought to the fore ways in which musical work is more than the perfect manifestation of exploitable “labors of love.”

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46

Patrick, Fiona. "Neoliberalism, the Knowledge Economy, and the Learner: Challenging the Inevitability of the Commodified Self as an Outcome of Education." ISRN Education 2013 (April 23, 2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/108705.

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Neoliberalism is now a globalised agenda that underpins educational strategy and policy in many nations. The evolution of the concept of the knowledge economy and of the knowledge worker has been allied to the rise of neoliberalism as an end with respect to educational processes. This review article considers the ways in which constructs of the knowledge economy within a neoliberal agenda have given rise to specific discourses and conceptualisations of educational outcomes and aims. In particular, the value of knowledge and learning within neoliberal constructions of education will be discussed. The positioning within these constructions of the learner as a reification of economic capital will also be explored. This paper argues for a reconsideration of the purposes of education if the commodified self is to be resisted.

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Jacques, Flávia Verônica Silva. "As políticas educacionais e o ensino superior no Brasil: um olhar a partir da década de 1990 / Educational policies and higher education in Brazil: a look from the 1990s." Cadernos CIMEAC 9, no. 2 (October 22, 2019): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18554/cimeac.v9i2.3158.

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No Brasil, as reformas educacionais implementadas a partir da década de 1990 orientadas por agências internacionais, principalmente pelo Banco Mundial, revelam-se como um modelo ultrapassado de práticas pedagógicas voltadas ao assistencialismo e ao preparo para o mercado de trabalho que pouco contribuem ao desenvolvimento da ciência. A disseminação de um consenso ideológico congruentes à dinâmica econômica internacional neoliberal aparece como pano de fundo dessas políticas, cuja a análise econômica tornou-se a principal metodologia para a definição de políticas educativas. O presente artigo busca apresentar a influência das orientações de organismos internacionais nas políticas educacionais brasileiras voltadas ao ensino superior, em um contexto de políticas neoliberais, que se perpetuam na contemporaneidade. Percebe-se por meio deste estudo que apesar das mudanças políticas e econômicas ocorridas em nosso país desde a década de 1990, as políticas educacionais estabelecidas nunca romperam com a agenda imposta pelo capital internacional.Palavras-chave: Políticas educacionais; Ensino superior; Neoliberalismo. ABSTRACT: In Brazil, educational reforms implemented since the 1990s, guided by international agencies, especially the World Bank, revealed as an outdated model of pedagogical practices aimed at assisting and preparing for the labor market that contributes little to the development of science. The spread of a congruent ideological consensus for neoliberal international economics appears as the background of these policies, whose economic analysis has become the main method of defining educational policies. This paper presents the influence of the orientations of international organizations in the Brazilian educational policies directed to higher education, in a context of neoliberal policies that perpetuate the contemporaneity. See through this study that, despite the political and economic changes that have occurred in our country since the 1990s, how educational policies have never broken with an agenda imposed by international capital.Keywords: Educational policies; University education; Neoliberalism.

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Leandro Mesquita, Adriel, and Silvia Fernanda Cantoia. "Base Nacional Comum Curricular como ferramenta de controle pedagógico." Revista Ponto de Vista 13, no. 2 (May 15, 2024): 01–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.47328/rpv.v13i2.16507.

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Nos últimos anos, a educação brasileira tem sido marcada pela implementação de políticas pautadas em uma concepção notadamente neoliberal. Dentre elas, destaca-se a Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC), documento orientador das propostas curriculares do Brasil. Desde sua elaboração, esse documento tem recebido críticas por parte de diferentes segmentos científicos e políticos, em especial pelo emprego definitivo da pedagogia das competências como matriz teórica a referenciar a organização dos conteúdos. Partindo dessa constatação, o presente artigo assume como objetivo geral o compromisso de evidenciar quais elementos caracterizam a BNCC como uma ferramenta de controle pedagógico sob a vigência de um modelo de educação neoliberal. A definição dos objetivos específicos também serviu para orientar as discussões apresentadas em cada seção, estando organizadas do seguinte modo: na primeira seção buscou-se apontar as origens e as premissas da doutrina neoliberal, visando identificar as concepções dirigidas à educação. Na segunda seção buscou-se argumentar como a pedagogia das competências corresponde à corrente que melhor traduz, em termos pedagógicos, os princípios neoliberais. Por fim, os esforços ocorreram no sentido de reconhecer o avanço da agenda neoliberal sobre as políticas educacionais brasileiras, considerando a BNCC como uma nova etapa desse projeto reformador. O procedimento metodológico adotado consistiu na pesquisa histórico-bibliográfica e a síntese obtida permitiu não apenas reforçar a ideia inicial a respeito da natureza e objetivos da BNCC, como reconhecer quais de seus elementos corroboram com a concepção de uma educação pautada pelo individualismo e incentivo à competitividade.

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Katz, Claudio. "Ebolição frente ao ajuste na Argentina: a cleptocracia desafiada." Germinal: Marxismo e Educação em Debate 9, no. 3 (December 16, 2017): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/gmed.v9i3.22994.

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Na Argentina, cresce a resistência contra as reformas de Macri e os professoresprotagonizam asbatalhasprincipais. Concomitantemente, também aumenta a revolta contra a complacência das liderançassindicais. Por diferentes formas, o governoreforça a agenda neoliberal. Mas enfrenta a persistente estagnação da economia e se depara comgraves acusações de corrupção. De um lado, nãoconsegueimporsua agenda e, de outro,vaiperdendo a homogeneidade. Paralelamente, há grandes mudanças no nível de organização e conscientização popular.

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Kapoor, Dip. "Neoliberal Colonial Capital and Participatory Action Research (PAR) in Terrains of Land/Forest-Based Resistance." Canadian Journal of Action Research 21, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 46–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33524/cjar.v21i1.519.

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British colonization initiated colonial capitalist dispossession of Adivasi-Dalit-Nontribal Forest Dwellers (ADNTFD) in India. Post-independence development continued this trend, accentuated by the neoliberal turn in the early 1990s orchestrated by the then Congress government and intensified by saffron (Hindu nationalist) authoritarian neoliberalism under the recently re-elected Bharatiya Janata Party in 2014 and 2019, leading the National Democratic Alliance regime. Neocolonial continuities and current neoliberal colonial capitalist dispossession and resistance in the forest belt, or India’s contemporary ‘land wars’, are dialectically linked to potential spaces for Participatory Action Research (PAR) with/in ADNTFD struggles. This paper explores the imbrications of the neoliberal agenda, land wars and PAR in India, and by extension, for similar contexts addressing the vicissitudes of neoliberal authoritarian capitalism in the neo-colonies.

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