Дисертації з теми "Agenda neoliberal"

Esta investigación se proyecta y delinea entre finales de 2011 y principios de 2012, en pleno momento de desarrollo y despliegue de los procesos de cambio político en América del Sur. En ese contexto, empieza a inquietarme el modo en que la educación se estaría transformando o se podría, -y quizá debería- transformar a partir de tales cambios. Desde aquel primer momento los interrogantes surgen en torno a la vinculación entre lo político y lo educativo. ¿Qué implica que gobiernen unos y no otros para lo político y lo público? ¿Qué implica que hayan llegado al gobierno, -no siempre al poder-, grupos sociales y políticos que siempre estuvieron excluidos de la toma de decisiones de política y políticas? ¿Cómo se traducen esos cambios en el sector educativo y más específicamente en la agenda educativa? ¿Qué agenda educativa alternativa es posible? ¿Quiénes y cómo la están construyendo? Siendo el neoliberalismo hegemónico, ¿hay un horizonte pos-neoliberal para la Educación? La hipótesis general establece que los cambios en la Agenda Educativa pos-neoliberal dependen de las características de los cambios en el gobierno del Estado. En relación a ella, las sub-hipótesis destacaban el cambio de actores en Bolivia con la irrupción de los movimientos sociales, la búsqueda de una ruptura epistemológica contra-hegemónica y la consideración de la educación como un elemento clave para consolidar una revolución cultural. En Paraguay, la preeminencia de actores de élite, la tendencia más evolutiva y continuista de la agenda educativa, y la permanencia de estructuras estatales tradicionales que no permiten un planteo de cambio profundo. Se realiza un estudio de casos, comparado entre opuestos, siendo Bolivia el caso paradigmático. Entrevistamos a más de veinticinco actores clave en cada país, miembros del gobierno, la sociedad civil y los organismos de cooperación y crédito. Esto se complementa con la revisión documental. El análisis se realiza mediante el process-tracing, apropiado para este tipo de estudios, en donde la reconstrucción narrativa está orientada al desarrollo de nuevas premisas e hipótesis. En las conclusiones se establecen principalmente las diferencias entre dos agendas pos-neoliberales, cuyo principal elemento en común es la crítica hacia lo neoliberal y el contexto de cambio político regional. Es determinante en cada una de ellas, la estructura histórico-política de la hegemonía en cada país, así como la envergadura de las resistencias previas. En Bolivia se forma una agenda educativa des-colonizadora e innovadora. Y en Paraguay, una agenda educativa modernizadora y renovadora. En el primer caso hay un amplio consenso entre actores sociales y populares, si bien las ideas de los grupos indígenas predominan en el sector tanto desde dentro como desde fuera del Estado. En el segundo caso, el gobierno asume un discurso de protagonismo estatal, pero la agenda sigue siendo definida por élites intelectuales y no por una (inexistente) base popular en educación. En el primer caso se cuestiona la modernidad como paradigma que se inicia con la colonización, y se busca desmontar las estructuras civilizadoras, epistemológicas y políticas. Se imagina un horizonte común basado en distintos recorridos de la memoria, y con proyecciones también hacia distintos tiempos. En el segundo caso, se reafirma el ideal del paradigma moderno, nunca alcanzado en el Estado-Nación paraguayo, y se busca el modo de renovarlo desde un nivel de políticas concretas, muy coyuntural y con proyección a corto plazo. La tesis deja abierto el interrogante acerca de la posibilidad de consolidación de una nueva epistemología des-colonizadora para la educación, la sociedad y el Estado.
This research project was outlined between late 2011 and early 2012, precisely during a moment of development and deployment of political change processes in South America. In this context, I am concerned with how education could be transformed or, and perhaps should be transformed, from such changes. From that first moment questions arise about the relationship between politics and education. What does the governing of ones and not others mean for the political and the public? What does it mean when excluded social and political groups, that have always been excluded from policy decisions and policies, are now the government-though not always the power? How do these changes translate into the education sector and more specifically on the educational agenda? What is a possible alternative educational agenda? By whom, and how is it being constructed? Given that neoliberalism is hegemonic, is there a post-neoliberal horizon for Education? The general hypothesis states that changes in the post-neoliberal Agenda Educational depend on the characteristics of changes in the state government. In relation to it, the sub-hypothesis highlights the change of actors in Bolivia with the emergence of social movements, seeking a counter-hegemonic epistemological break and consideration of education as a key element to consolidate a cultural revolution. In Paraguay, the preeminence of elite players, the most evolutionary and continuist trend of the educational agenda, and the permanence of traditional state structures do not allow a proposal of profound change. A comparative case study compared between opposites, Bolivia being the paradigmatic. We interviewed more than twenty key actors in each country: embers of the government, civil society and cooperating agencies and credit. This is complemented by the document review. The analysis was performed using process-tracing, which is appropriate for this type of study, where narrative reconstruction is aimed at developing new premises and assumptions. The conclusions establish differences between two post-neoliberal agendas, whose main element in common is the criticism of neoliberalism the context of political change in the region. In each country the historical and political hegemonic, as well as the size of previous resistance, is determinant. In Bolivia a decolonizing and innovative educational agenda was formed. And in Paraguay, a modernizing and renewing educational agenda. In the first case there is a broad consensus among social and popular actors, although the ideas of indigenous groups predominate both from within and from outside the state. In the second case, the government assumes the discourse of state protagonism, but the agenda is still defined by intellectual elites and not on a (nonexistent) popular education base. In the first case a paradigm of modernity that begins with colonization is questioned, and the civilizing, epistemological and political structures it created are sought to be disassembled. An imagined common horizon based on different routes of memory, and with projections to different times. In the second case, the ideal of the modern Paraguayan state, never reached, is reaffirmed and is renewed from concrete, very cyclical and short-term policies. The thesis leaves open the question about the possibility of consolidating a new de-colonial epistemology for education, society and the state.

Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas Neto
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Este trabalho faz uma análise das transformações políticas ocorridas na Argentina no período de 1989-2001. Ocorreram mudanças no movimento peronista e na condução da política econômica no período da ditadura militar (1976-1983) e governo de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) que foram se aprofundando durante o governo de Carlos Menem. Essas mutações se relacionam com o surgimento do movimento dos piqueteros e novas formas de ação política da sociedade Argentina que tiveram seu auge durante as jornadas da chamada crise de 2001.
Abstract: Not informed.
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História

Nas últimas décadas do século passado, a questão da previdência-convertida em tema fundamental da agenda política mundial -tornou-se um dos principais alvos da ofensiva restauradora do neoliberalismo.As transformações societárias, a reestruturação dos processos de trabalho, pleno emprego, sistemas públicos de proteção social, regulação sócio-estatal e os pactos sócios - políticos parecem estar em contradição com as novas tendências da acumulação mundialmente articuladas. Neste cenário o grande desafio está em responder as questões emergentes das novas configurações do mundo do trabalho, na superação do pragmatismo imposto pelas transformações ocorridas no sistema de produção capitalista.Assim sendo a presente tese é fruto do reconhecimento de como nos últimos anos , os programas e as políticas dos sucessivos governos elegeram a contra-reforma da Previdência como necessidade imperiosa de um vasto campo de intervenção, se constituindo numa rica experiência de análise e contradições na relação Estado/sociedade. O objetivo de nosso estudo será a modificação substancial ocorrida nos sistemas próprios de previdência e os impactos desta relação na Fiocruz. Esta série de inquietações nos levou a investigar sobre os novos cenários da ofensiva neoliberal do ajuste, aprofundando a maneira como a transformação previdenciária tornou público o reverso da moeda, ou seja, evidenciaram os aspectos da política desgastados pelo desequilíbrio das contas publicas.
During the last decads of the past century, the matter of converted welfare in a fundamental theme of the world policy agenda has become one of the main target on the offensive restored of the enoliberalism. The society transformation,the new atructure of the labor process, full employment, public systemes of social protection, state-owned regular basis and assistant political agreements seem to be in contradiction to the new tendences of the world articuled accumulation. Over this prospect the big challeng is asking the main questions of the new ways of the labor world, overcoming the real facts obliged for the changes occured in the capitalist system of production.Like this, the study is the result tostate that the public sphere, besides a vast camp of interventiion, constitutes itself a rich experience of analysis and contradictions in the relation Estate/society. The purpose of this study wil be the substantial change occurried in the very same systems of the welfare and the impacts of this connectio with Fiocruz. This series of anxieties led us to investigate about the impact of the adjusts, getting deeper in the maner how the welfare changes become public the reverse, I mean, it proves the aspects of the polis wated for the lost of the balance of the public accounts.

The aim of this essay is to find out in what ways the global clothing company H&M uses political and ideological statements, such as feminism, as a sales strategy. I have noticed an expanding trend in fashion; the use of feminism as branding, and how companies such as H&M have started profiling themselves with feminism. This could be seen as a typical neoliberal-femvertising phenomenon. In this essay, I use critique of ideology, a method developed by the Frankfurt school, to examine how H&M expresses feminism through their clothes, whether H&M’s production could be considered as a feminist one, and what consequences H&M’s use of feminist ideology have on the feminist political movement. To be able to answer these questions, I use gender theory and postcolonial theory. My aim is to show how neoliberal/capitalist ideologies often contain cultural and political appropriation, where an ideology such as feminism is exploited in order to make a higher profit. My conclusion is that when companies use feminist statements in their clothing they use irony and humour to emphasize positivity, such as “girl power”, instead of confronting structural inequalities among the sexes and harmful norms and gender stereotypes within this hierarchy. The consequence of this process is that feminism is depoliticized, which is harmful to the feminist political agenda.

Responding to the call of contemporary political philosophy to locate ‘the political' beyond the boundaries of formal citizenship (Balibar, 2004; Chatterjee, 2004; Rànciere, 2004), over the last few years researchers across various disciplines have devoted increasing attention to migrant and refugee protests and political mobilization (Tyler and Marciniak, 2013). Research in this area has thoroughly questioned paradigms of biopolitical exception, but also challenged widespread assumptions on the political agency of subaltern subjects as always associated with mundane, silent, and invisible practices. In this context, academic attention has been devoted significantly to Euro-American borderzones and spaces of enforcement, and, in the Global South, to refugee camps. Today however, evidence is growing that the vast majority of refugee and migrant populations are urbanized, and do not live in the West. Based on an 18-month ethnographic fieldwork, this thesis contributes to this growing body of work exploring the contested relations between refugees and humanitarian agencies in Cairo, Egypt. Theoretically, the analysis combines insights from assemblage geographies (De Landa, 2006; McFarlane, 2011) and critical development, refugee, and urban studies (Hyndman, 2001; Simone 2004a, 2004b; Elyachar, 2005; Duffield, 2007, 2011; Bayat, 2010; 2012; Hyndman and Giles, 2011). The empirical sections of the thesis are articulated around two main axes of inquiry. Part B – The Boundaries of Aid – looks at how refugees in Cairo engage with the spatial practices of humanitarian organizations, contesting their growing securitization and the boundaries and hierarchies that separate them from practitioners. Part C – Sociomaterial infrastructures: agency beyond resistance – focuses on the networks – encompassing human and non-human elements – which allow refugees to build relations of support, experience sociality, and organize politically autonomously from aid agencies. The thesis puts forward a two-part argument. Not only do the struggles of refugees in Cairo challenge prevalent understanding of humanitarian aid as a domain of ‘depoliticization', but they also question the distinction between everyday life and overt manifestations of ‘resistance', contestation, and protest. Confronted with a complex and often violent system of humanitarian and urban governance, refugees in Cairo, I demonstrate, are able to mobilize a range of practices and position takings which problematize prevalent conceptualizations of resistance, and point to the need for rethinking questions of agency in conditions of structural violence.

This thesis seeks to uncover some of the cultural practices central to youth activist subcultures across three urban centres in Canada: Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver. I undertake this work within the context of rising moral and state claims about the apparent need for ‘good citizenship’ to be exercised by young people, alongside a late modern relationship between liberalism, neoliberalism, and Canada’s history of class- and race-based exclusions. The theoretical framework bridges cultural and political sociology with youth cultural theory. It also draws heavily upon the work of feminist philosophers of agency and the state. The main methodology is ethnographic, and was carried out within a phenomenological and hermeneutic framework. In total, 41 young people, ages 13-29, were involved in this research. Participants self-identified as being involved in activist work addressing issues such as globalization, war, poverty and/or colonialism. The findings of this study suggest that the effects of the historical and contemporary symbol of the ‘good citizen’ are experienced within youth activist subcultures through a variety of cultural means, including: expectations from self and schooling to be ‘responsible,’ with its associated burdens of guilt; policing practices that appear to rely on cultural ideas about the ‘good citizen’ and the ‘bad activist’; and representations of youth activism (e.g. within media) as replete with out-of-control young people being punished for their wrong-doings. Wider effects include the entrenched impacts of class- and race-based exclusions, which manifest within youth activist subcultures through stylistic regimes of ‘symbolic authorization’ that incorporate attire, beliefs, and practices. Although findings suggest that many young people come to activism via a predisposition created within an activist or Left-leaning family, this research also highlights the relational means by which people from outside of this familial habitus can come to activist practices. Taken together, findings suggest that youth activism must be understood as a cultural and social phenomenon, with requisite preconditions, influences, and effects; that such practices cannot be disassociated from wider social inequalities; and that such effects and influences demand scrutiny if we are to reconsider the role of activism and its part in expanding the political boundaries of the nation-state.

The introduction and rollout of the Indigenous Advancement Strategy (IAS, the Strategy) in 2014 by the Abbott Coalition government dramatically altered the relationship between the Indigenous sector and the Commonwealth. In this thesis, I use a critical qualitative methodology to undertake in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 32 frontline workers in eight Aboriginal community organisations in Western Sydney between 2016-2017, to highlight the day-to-day processes of negotiating and ultimately surviving these ongoing policy settings. Although there is a body of research on the broader turn to neoliberalism in Indigenous Affairs beginning with the abolition of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission in 2004-05, there is little analysis of how Aboriginal community organisations and frontline workers understood, dealt with, and negotiated this significant policy shift of the IAS at the grassroots level of service delivery. In my significant and original contribution to knowledge, I examine how frontline workers describe the effects of the Strategy for Aboriginal community organisations, and their practice in negotiating and fighting for their survival whilst balancing their commitment to the Aboriginal community of Western Sydney in an era of deep crisis. This research reveals how settler-colonial neoliberalism is problematised, challenged, and negotiated by Aboriginal frontline workers through their day-to-day action as the reality of contemporary Indigenous Affairs policy. While Aboriginal community organisations continue to deliver culturally-specific services, and a social good for Aboriginal communities in specific socio-historical contexts through grassroots programs, advocacy, and policy representation mechanisms, I explain that the constraining nature of the organisation-to-government relationship, and the reflexive practice of frontline workers to Commonwealth settler-colonial neoliberalism, are correlated with the distinct positioning and social function of the Indigenous sector, the reflexive negotiation of Aboriginal community and government relationships, and frontline workers’ agency through anti-racist project making. I argue that Aboriginal community organisations in Western Sydney continue to actively negotiate state domination, paternalism, and logics of mainstreaming in Indigenous Affairs policy in Australia, and significantly, expose a dual legitimacy crisis of both New Public Management and settler-colonial governance.

Esta tese oferta uma mirada antropológica sobre a agência da noção de bullying situada como uma categoria de acusação social no cotidiano contemporâneo brasileiro. Nascido como construto científico durante os anos 70, na região escandinava, o bullying conferiu nome a condutas, típicas em escolas, de intimidação sistemática entre pares, no interior de um decurso civilizatório no Ocidente que passa a atribuir reconhecimento a agressões de feitio moral. No Brasil, a acepção de bullying populariza-se apenas mais tardiamente, em meados da primeira década dos 2000. O espraiamento do conceito no país, inclusive para além dos muros das instituições de ensino, se dá num período sociopolítico específico: aquele de operação sem anterioridade na história nacional de um conjunto de políticas públicas nos campos da inclusão econômica e da diversidade social, alavancadas pelos governos presidenciais do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Essas iniciativas estatais colocam em primeiro plano tensões seculares presentes na sociedade brasileira perante alteridades e iniquidades de naturezas diversas. Tal quadro desencadeia uma série de disputas e confrontos que agência da noção de bullying trabalha por traduzir, comunicar e, concomitantemente, abastecer. Para problematizar isso, esta investigação apresenta-se como uma etnografia multissituada, a perseguir agenciamentos do bullying em diferentes domínios – científico, estatal, educacional, mercadológico e midiático – , em escalas sociológicas micro, intermediária e macro, a partir de acontecimentos ordinários e extraordinários. Os resultados apontam, de um lado, para um construto que, uma vez legitimado científica e politicamente, se revela potente em desencadear processos de subjetivação e estratégias de militância, capazes de denunciar uma gama de segregações e agir sobre elas. De outro lado, contudo, essas mobilizações encontram limites na exata medida que o conceito possui para subsidiar investidas neoliberais de gestão de populações, as quais demandam o autogoverno dos indivíduos em prol de uma pacificação ideal, mediante suspensão de contextos ético-políticos amplos e consequente perpetuação de desigualdades. A consideração dessa dupla faceta própria ao construto do bullying se coloca, assim, fundamental para pensar produções acadêmicas, políticas públicas, programas escolares de intervenção, produtos e serviços, bem como coberturas noticiosas, em ação no passado, ativos no presente ou, ainda, a serem planificados no futuro em favor dos direitos humanos e da justiça social.
The present dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the agency of the notion of bullying as a category of social accusation in the Brazilian contemporary everyday life. Born as a scientific construct during the 1970’s in the Scandinavian region, the concept of bullying, within the Western civilization course that now recognizes moral character aggressions, gave a name to typically school-based conducts of systematic intimidation between peers. In Brazil, the notion of bullying is popularized only later, in the first decade of the 2000’s. The concept’s dissemination in the country, even beyond the walls of educational institutions, occurs in a specific sociopolitical period: an unprecedented moment in the national history for the operation of a set of economic inclusion and social diversity policies, leveraged by the presidential governments of the Workers’ Party (PT). These state initiatives bring to the fore secular tensions regarding alterities and inequalities of different natures that have always been present in the Brazilian society. Such framework unleashes a series of disputes and confrontations that the agency of the bullying notion works to translate, to communicate and, at the same time, to instigate. In order to problematize this scenario, this investigation presents itself as a multi-sited ethnography, pursuing bullying agencies in different domains – scientific, state-owned, educational, marketing and media – on micro, intermediate and macro sociological scales, by means of ordinary and extraordinary events. The results point, on the one hand, to a construct that, once legitimated scientifically and politically, proves itself potent in triggering processes of subjectivation and strategies of militancy, capable of denouncing a range of segregations and acting on them. On the other hand, however, these mobilizations find limits in the exact measure that the concept has been subsidizing neoliberal population management efforts, which demand the self-government of individuals for the ideal pacification, through suspending broad ethical and political contexts and consequently with the perpetuation of inequalities. Considering this double facet of the bullying construct is therefore essential for thinking about academic productions, public policies, school intervention programs, products and services, and also the news coverage which were in action in the past, active in the present, and to be planned in the future in favor of human rights and social justice.

La presència d'adolescents jugant a l'espai públic de les ciutats s'ha vist reduïda de manera progressiva, al mateix temps que es construeix com a part d'un problema d'ordre públic la presència en el mateix de les persones joves. En paral·lel, el temps disponible per al joc lliure adolescent disminueix cada vegada més, ja que les seves activitats formatives s'allarguen més enllà de les aules de l'ensenyament obligatori. Aquesta recerca, realitzada en diverses zones de les àrees metropolitanes de Barcelona i Atenes, es pregunta: com es produeixen les experiències lúdiques com a àmbit de participació i construcció cultural adolescent i la seva dinàmica social al segle XXI? Per a contestar-la es realitza una etnografia seqüenciada en les àrees de l'esport urbà, el joc terapèutic i l'oci educatiu. Partint de dos conceptes clau clàssics com joventut global i producció cultural, els resultats de cada fase s'han comparat des dels eixos de classe, diversitat i espai. Aquest treball permet observar les condicions en les quals és fa possible la capacitat d'acció adolescent en la dimensió de les seves activitats lúdiques, a més d'analitzar la seva incidència social. Els resultats revelen com la relació mecànica entre el risc i el dèficit condueix a intervencions que se situen entre el modelat i la contenció, en línia amb la ficció meritocràtica i una competència creixent que pressiona, avalua i selecciona els adolescents en un context cultural neoliberal que accentua els efectes d'una societat totalment pedagogizada.
La presencia de adolescentes jugando en el espacio público de las ciudades se ha visto reducida de manera progresiva, al tiempo que se construye como parte de un problema de orden público la presencia en el mismo de las personas jóvenes. A su vez, el tiempo disponible para el juego libre adolescente disminuye cada vez más, ya que sus actividades formativas se alargan más allá de las aulas de la enseñanza obligatoria. Esta investigación, realizada en diversas zonas de las áreas metropolitanas de Barcelona y Atenas, se pregunta: ¿cómo se producen las experiencias de lo lúdico como ámbito de participación y construcción cultural adolescente y su dinámica social en el siglo XXI? Para contestarla se realiza una etnografía secuenciada en tres ámbitos destinados al deporte urbano, al juego terapéutico y al ocio educativo. Partiendo de dos conceptos clave clásicos como juventud global y producción cultural, los resultados de cada fase se han comparado desde los ejes de clase, diversidad y espacio. Este trabajo permite observar las condiciones en las que se da la capacidad de acción adolescente en la dimensión de sus actividades lúdicas, además de analizar su incidencia social. Los resultados revelan cómo la relación mecánica entre el riesgo y el déficit conduce a intervenciones que se sitúan entre el moldeado y la contención, en línea con la ficción meritocrática y una competencia creciente que presiona, evalúa y selecciona a los adolescentes en un contexto cultural neoliberal que acentúa los efectos de una sociedad totalmente pedagogizada.
The presence of adolescents playing in public spaces in cities has been progressively reduced, while the presence of youngsters is being built as part of a problem of public order. In parallel, the time available for adolescent free play is increasingly diminishing since their educational activities expand beyond the school hours of compulsory education. This research took place in different locations of the metropolitan area of Barcelona and Athens, and was guided by the following question: How are the experiences of play as a sphere of participation and cultural construction of adolescents and their social dynamics produced in the 21st century? To answer this question, a sequential ethnography in the areas of urban sport, therapeutic play and educational leisure has been carried out. Based on two key concepts such as global youth and cultural production, the results of each phase are compared through the axes of class, diversity, and space; allowing us to observe the conditions in which the capacity of adolescent action in the dimension of their leisure activities occurs, and to analyse their social impact. The findings reveal how the mechanical relationship between risk and deficit leads to interventions between moulding and containment, in line with the meritocratic fiction, as well as the growing competition that puts pressure, evaluates and selects adolescents in a neoliberal cultural context that emphasises the effects of a totally pedagogized society.

NATO has provided security for the Western Hemisphere for more than half a century now and there is little doubt that it is one of the most successful security alliances the world has ever known. However, after the end of the Cold War, its future become increasingly uncertain, thus leaving space for other another security actor: the EU. During the last two decades, the EU became more active in security matters and even launched its own, first ever anti-piracy and peacekeeping operations, despite a strong NATO presence in the same areas, at the same time. We will take a step back from these specific cases and approach the question of: To what extent, if any, has the EU developed into a security actor which is similar NATO? This question has been approached by constructing a deductive mixed methods study of a longitudinal design, in which we have compared the security regimes of the EU and NATO, and the military expenditures of the two organisations. The results of this study were that: the EU has, in fact, developed into a security actor, but it aligns more closely with the neoliberal institutionalist notion of a security institution.

Essa pesquisa analisou os sentidos do conceito de liberdade difundidos pelo Fórum da Liberdade de Porto Alegre no período de 1988 a 1993, isto é, durante as primeiras seis edições do encontro que é anual. Organizado pelo Instituto de Estudos Empresariais (IEE), instituição voltada à formação de lideranças empresariais, o Fórum revelou-se como um espaço privilegiado para a compreensão do neoliberalismo e do perfil relativamente novo de atuação de uma “elite orgânica” durante o período da Nova República (1985 – ). Por meio de aspectos teórico-metodológicos da História dos Conceitos alemã de Reinhart Koselleck e da História do Pensamento Político de Quentin Skinner, foi possível perceber a centralidade política do conceito em questão. “Liberdade” foi um instrumento indispensável para a tradução da necessidade econômica neoliberal e para a difusão de um estímulo de predisposição à luta política pelos discursos realizados no Fórum. Desse modo, o conceito de liberdade disseminado relacionou eventos e processos históricos coetâneos a uma projeção específica e limitada de futuro proposta pelo neoliberalismo, configurando-se em elemento discursivo indispensável para a imposição dessa expectativa.
This research has analyzed the meanings of the concept of liberty put forth by the Fórum da Liberdade of Porto Alegre in the period from 1988 to 1993, in other words, during the six firsts editions of that annual encounter. Organized by the Instituto de Estudos Empresariais (IEE), an institution dedicated to the formation of entrepreneurial leadership, the Fórum became a privileged space for the understanding of neoliberalism and the relatively new operational profile of an “organic elite” in the Brazilian New Republic. Using theoretical and methodological aspects from Reinhart Koselleck‟s Germanic Conceptual History and Quentin Skinner‟s History of Political Thought, it was possible to identify the political centrality of the studied concept. “Liberty” was an indispensable instrument for the translation of neoliberal economic needs and for the propagation of a stimulus to the predisposition for political struggle by the Fórum speeches. In this manner, the concept of freedom disseminated by the Fórum conected historical events and processes to a specific and limited projection of future, becoming an imperative discursive aspect for the impositition of this expectation.

In an attempt to address the issues in research and theory on consent, this thesis explores what consent can be seen as "doing" through an 'Intuitive Inquiry' (Anderson 2011a) and 'Agential Realism' (Barad 2007). Various manifestations of consent appears through: the experience of the researcher, consent research and theory, consent legislation, interviews with professionals in intimate-sexual consent, and, feminist fanzines. Consent evokes issues around agency, power, communication, respect, violence, risk, morals and ethics that go beyond sexual-intimate negotiation. Consent emerges as multiple, complex and fluid in 'intra-action' (ibid.) with the context. Entanglements and paradoxes of consent are further explored in 'diffractive analysis' (ibid.) through "bodily autonomy" and"rights/obligations". As a phenomenon, consent appears to make agency and power intelligible (to different degrees), but, can not be said to provide a viable strategy against sexual violence. The tenets of consent discourse risk (re)producing anxieties around intimacy and sex, responsibilizing survivors and obfuscating sexual violence. Further and improved research on communication in everyday sexual negotiation, sexual violence, consent legislation and what consent "does" is urgently needed.Through creative method and new epistemology the thesis (re)presents a knowledge process true to lived experience, as well as, an invitation to pull the terrible wonderful world, it's complexities, and us in it, closer.
I ett försök att ta itu med problem inom forskning och teori om 'consent' undersöker denna avhandling vad samtycke kan ses som ”göra” genom 'Intuitiv Inquiry' (Anderson 2011a) och'Agential Realism' (Barad 2007). Olika manifestationer av 'consent' framträder genom: forskarens erfarenheter, samtyckes-forskning och teori, samtyckelagstiftning, intervjuer med professionella inom samtycke, och, feministiska fanzines. Samtycke väcker frågor kring agens, makt, kommunikation, respekt, våld, risk, moral och etik som går bortom sexuella-intima förhandlingar. Samtycke framträder som multipelt, komplext och rörligt i 'intra-action' (ibid.) med kontexten. 'Entanglements' och paradoxer inom samtycke undersöks vidare i 'diffraktiv analys' (ibid.) genom "kroppslig autonomi" och"rättigheter/skyldigheter". Som ett fenomen gör samtycke agens och makt möjlig att tänka (iolika grad), men kan inte sägas bidra med en hållbar strategi mot sexuellt våld. Grundsatserna i samtyckesdiskursen riskerar att (re)producera ängsla kring intima-sexuella situationer, responsibilisera offer och dölja sexuellt våld. Ytterligare och förbättrad forskning är i akut behov kring kommunikation i vardagliga sexuella förhandlingar, sexuellt våld, samtyckeslagstiftning och vad samtycke "gör". Genom kreativ metod och ny epistemologi (re)presenterar avhandlingen en kunskapsprocesssom är trogen till levd verklighet, samt en inbjudan att närma sig, den fruktansvärda underbara världen, dess komplexitet, och oss inom den.

This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.

This dissertation starts from the proposition that globalization is a process of integration aided and abetted over centuries by technologies (e.g. transportation and today’s electronic communications) that have collapsed time and space among individuals and enabled the projection of power. This dissertation excavates and analyzes what are termed discourses of globalism, the rhetorical construction of a social order that transcends the nation-state. The primary form of globalism at this juncture is neoliberal globalism, an elite discourse that is hostile to the nation-state and promotes a world that organizes individuals into global markets as producers and consumers. One of the defining tenets of neoliberal globalism is the assertion that “there is no alternative” to organizing society, a phrase made (in)famous by British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in the 1990s. The project is framed as a search for the emerging rhetorical strategies that might reconstruct agency (the capacity for individuals to affect the world) at a grassroots level under that umbrella of neoliberal globalism and at least contemplate an alternative organization of a more integrated global society. Methodologically, the dissertation employs Kenneth Burke’s (1937) theory of discursive history as an interplay of acceptance and rejection frames over time. Using food talk, primarily Internet content concerning food and agriculture, as a corpus of texts the dissertation charts neoliberal globalism as an acceptance frame and its impact on agency and equipment for living, the embedded social rules and roles for living in a social order. Using the concept of the rejection frame, the dissertation then argues that a grassroots globalism is nascent as seen in food talk and is attempting to counter neoliberal globalism through constructing a theory of rights that transcends the nation-state and provides a new form of equipment for living in a globally organized world. The dissertation concludes by theorizing this emerging rhetoric of rights as a step toward a rhetoric of global personal sovereignty that might unite people in all locales in a balancing of neoliberal globalism.
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This dissertation examines the co-evolution of consumption and production as competing models of agency in Argentine culture in the era of global consumer capitalism. Tracing the influence of several key political and intellectual developments in Latin America, the US, and Europe on the symbolic language of regional politics, I map out how participation in the global consumer market came to be understood as an expression of power and authority in the context of Argentina's disastrous experiment with neoliberalism in the last three decades of the 20th century. Then, using films and literary texts including works by Lisandro Alonso, Adrián Caetano, and Aníbal Jarkowski together with critical projects by George Yúdice and Josefina Ludmer, I examine how a model of subjectivity that exaggerates the economic, social, and cultural agency of consumers has managed to persist in Argentina's cultural imagination despite growing disillusionment with the neoliberal model and the disenfranchisement of the nation's consumers. Through close readings that reveal work as the site of a restored order that is ultimately incomplete, fantastical, and contradictory, I show how the myth of the consumer dictator perpetuates itself through a system of intellectual values, including abstract, absolutist visions freedom and tolerance, that isolate the subject and divert communication, inscribing an extreme version of consumer agency even upon production itself. Together, these instances of interrupted reform suggest that a model of agency suited to the era of global consumer capitalism must understand production and consumption not as alternative options, but as distinct, integral modes of creativity.