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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 2 лютого 2024

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1

Howland, Douglas. "Contraband and Private Property in the Age of Imperialism." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d'histoire du droit international 13, no. 1 (2011): 117–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180511x552063.

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AbstractA belligerent declaration of war binds all of its subjects, so that merchants of a belligerent state are forbidden from trading with the enemy. But when a neutral state declares neutrality, that act does not bind all subjects of the neutral state. Neutral merchants are free to trade with belligerents – even in contraband, at their own risk. This essay examines international negotiations over contraband during the first decade of the 1900s while highlighting, in particular, the contradiction between the wish to maintain belligerent rights to determine contraband and to capture it on the high seas and, at the same time, to uphold neutral rights of free trade, which meant protecting private property in trade, including contraband. This asymmetry of the rules of contraband demonstrated that war is not a relation exclusively between states and, as a consequence, some within the international community proposed making individuals subjects of international law or, as an alternative, making neutral states responsible for prohibiting their subjects from trading contraband.

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2

Headrick, Daniel R. "Imperialism and Colonialism: Essays on the History of European Expansion, and: Colonial Encounters in the Age of High Imperialism (review)." Journal of World History 10, no. 1 (1999): 237–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2005.0013.

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3

Paterson, D. G., and Michael Edelstein. "Overseas Investment in the Age of High Imperialism: The United Kingdom, 1850-1914." Canadian Journal of Economics 18, no. 4 (November 1985): 933. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/135107.

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4

Fabbrini, Federico, and Edoardo Celeste. "The Right to Be Forgotten in the Digital Age: The Challenges of Data Protection Beyond Borders." German Law Journal 21, S1 (March 2020): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.14.

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AbstractThis article explores the challenges of the extraterritorial application of the right to be forgotten and, more broadly, of EU data protection law in light of the recent case law of the ECJ. The paper explains that there are good arguments for the EU to apply its high data protection standards outside its borders, but that such an extraterritorial application faces challenges, as it may clash with duties of international comity, legal diversity, or contrasting rulings delivered by courts in other jurisdictions. As the article points out from a comparative perspective, the protection of privacy in the digital age increasingly exposes a tension between efforts by legal systems to impose their high standards of data protection outside their borders – a dynamic which could be regarded as ‘imperialist’ – and claims by other legal systems to assert their own power over data – a dynamic which one could name ‘sovereigntist’. As the article suggests, navigating between the Scylla of imperialism and the Charybdis of sovereigntism will not be an easy task. In this context, greater convergence in the data protection framework of liberal democratic systems worldwide appears as the preferable path to secure privacy in the digital age.

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5

Minawi, Mostafa. "Telegraphs and Territoriality in Ottoman Africa and Arabia during the Age of High Imperialism." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 18, no. 6 (July 5, 2016): 567–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2016.1196048.

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6

Bogart, Dan, and Latika Chaudhary. "Extractive institutions? Investor returns to Indian railway companies in the age of high imperialism." Journal of Institutional Economics 15, no. 5 (September 12, 2019): 751–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137419000237.

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AbstractDid colonial policies in India deliver excessive returns to British investors? We answer this question using annual data on Indian securities trading on the London Stock Exchange. We present new series on market capitalization, capital gains, dividend yields, and total returns of railway securities from 1880 to 1929. The average annual total return on the largest and most important Indian railway securities was 3.7%. These returns were not excessive by any financial standard. Indeed, they were lower than the return on railway securities in North America, Latin America, and Asia. We also undertake an event study analysis to assess whether Indian railways significantly benefited British investors. When the Government of India purchased large positions in the private railway companies between 1880 and 1910, there were opportunities for profit making. However, we find no evidence of abnormal investor returns in the years leading to the purchase of railway companies. Broadly our findings call into question the extractive nature of colonial railway policy.

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7

Oneal, John R., and Frances H. Oneal. "Hegemony, imperialism, and the profitability of foreign investments." International Organization 42, no. 2 (1988): 347–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300032847.

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Socialists at the turn of the century explained modern imperialism as an attempt to escape the crisis of monopoly capitalism. “Super-profits” that could be secured in the periphery, according to Lenin, were necessary to offset declining rates of return in the advanced economies. Today, radical theorists stress the role of the multinational corporations in accounting for neocolonialism. If great national power does produce material benefits for foreign investors, this should be apparent in two cases: the experience of British capitalists in the “high age of imperialism,“ 1870–1913, and the operations of U.S. multinational corporations abroad after World War II. But rates of return on foreign investments have not been significantly different in the developed and less developed regions of the world—a finding that is relevant not only for theories of imperialism but also for understanding development and modernization, the operation of the multinational corporation, and international capital markets.

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8

Brailey, Nigel. "Sir Ernest Satow, Japan and Asia: the trials of a diplomat in the age of high imperialism." Historical Journal 35, no. 1 (March 1992): 115–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025632.

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AbstractThis is an article highlighting the limitations of Lord Salisbury as foreign secretary in an age when foreign policy was for the first time taking on a truly global character, and yet its practitioners still possessed a rather parochial, almost exclusively European experience, and distrusted ‘experts’. It was of course the late nineteenth-century spread of European imperialism that first called for such global policy making, and thus most of this Europe-dominated world was still for the time being quite susceptible to a Eurocentric approach.But if any area was the exception it was eastern Asia, in due course to be mainly responsible for decline of Western imperial world hegemony. And in the vanguard of this counter-challenge was to be Japan, a country with which Salisbury personally was to find himself all at sea. By contrast, Ernest Satow, more than any other figure of his time, found the key to Japan, and it is a sign of how poorly general Western understanding of that country has progressed since then that his voluminous diaries and papers sit in the Public Record Office, still largely untouched by researchers.

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9

Otte, T. G. "From “War-in-Sight” to Nearly War: Anglo–French Relations in the Age of High Imperialism, 1875–1898." Diplomacy & Statecraft 17, no. 4 (December 2006): 693–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592290600943064.

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10

Korac, Srdjan. "Astropolitics: One step closer to high-tech imperialism or a path toward interstellar flourishing?" Medjunarodni problemi 73, no. 3 (2021): 511–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2103511k.

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The paper provides an overview of the current and potential social practices in the realm of space politics from the perspectives of critical theory of international relations and critical geopolitics, with the aim to find an answer to the question of what the purpose of collective human action in space ought to be to secure the cosmic flourishing of civilisation instead of opening new areas for imperial politics. The author employs a broader definition of space politics, understood as a complex of social and institutional practices related to decision-making on public issues concerning the design and implementation of national, transnational, and international programmes for the exploration and governing of outer space. The departing hypothesis is that there are a series of ethically challenging spots in space politics, which may be sparked by a utilitarian calculus, instrumentalised to preserve the neoliberal continuum of exploitation of natural resources, production and world trade in the age of late capitalism. The analysis focuses on the points of collision between the utilitarian calculus - embodied in the corporate innovative endeavours and technological achievements - and the principles embedded in the imperative of responsibility, as well as the concepts of the global commons, space sustainability, and interstellar flourishing. The author concludes that the harmful long-term or even permanent effects of the plausible development of space imperialism, grounded on the misuse of scientific and technological knowledge to pursue national or corporate interests to the detriment of marginalised groups of the world population, could be prevented only by the intellectual and political rejection of anthropocentrism in favour of the idea of interstellar flourishing.

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11

Mommsen, Wolfgang J. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914." Central European History 24, no. 4 (December 1991): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.

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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be, in effect, the opinion of the educated classes, that is, the classes dirigeantes. In Wilhelmian Germany the process of democratization had been successfully contained, if seen in terms of the constitutional system; the age of mass politics was still far away.

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12

Jones, Stuart. "Productivity in an imperial bank in the age of high imperialism: The case of the Standard Bank of South Africa 1882–1900." South African Journal of Economic History 9, no. 1 (March 1994): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20780389.1994.10417225.

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13

CHATTERJI, JOYA. "On Being Stuck in Bengal: Immobility in the ‘age of migration’." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 2 (March 2017): 511–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000664.

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AbstractImmobility raises awkward questions for theorists of migration. From their standpoint, migration is unusual behaviour that requires explanation. Its obverse—staying in place—is seen as an ‘obvious’ state of affairs that calls for no explanation. Yet assumptions about the ordinariness of immobility are insecure. For one thing, we know a great deal more about the mobile societies of early modern Asia; for another, Asian mobility in the era of high imperialism is much better understood. Yet despite these cumulative gains in our understanding of the scale of mobility in early-modern and modern Asia, and its acceleration in ‘the age of migration’, immobility continues to be seen as the ‘obvious’ state of affairs. This article suggests some preliminary answers to ‘the immobility paradox’, based on a study of the greater Bengal region. By analysing the impact of the intensifying links, in the late colonial era, between Bengal and the global economy, it shows that this varied widely for different people, in ways that had a profound bearing on their capacity to move. The article develops the notion of ‘deficits’ which worked to inhibit the mobility of particular groups and individuals. Physical frailty and obligations of care, it shows, were crucial factors in shaping immobility. Relations of gender and generation, and the inequalities embedded in these relations, produced ‘overabundances’—of obligations to people and places—that tied certain people down. Finally, it hints at the reasons why, and the ways in which, stayers-on have grown poorer.

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14

Workman, Travis. "Locating Translation: On the Question of Japanophone Literature." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (May 2011): 701–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.701.

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Adding-Phone to the name of a National Language Entails an Expansion of Geographic and Historical Perspective. This expansion of perspective in the national-literature departments of the West was initially made possible by decolonization and the collapse of the European empires, when scholars in francophone studies and anglophone studies rethought the relation between language and culture in the postcolonial moment. While the move to -phone studies brings with it some potential to reinstate the national-literature paradigm in a different form, it can just as easily mean a departure into questions of transnationalism, transcoloniality, translation, and old and new creolizations. To study literature in terms of -phone is to assume no longer that language and literature follow the tidy dictates of national sovereignty, national identity, and realpolitik, as these were articulated during the age of high imperialism.

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15

Levy, Thomas E., Russell B. Adams, Mohammad Najjar, Andreas Hauptmann, James D. Anderson, Baruch Brandl, Mark A. Robinson, and Thomas Higham. "Reassessing the chronology of Biblical Edom: new excavations and14C dates from Khirbat en-Nahas (Jordan)." Antiquity 78, no. 302 (December 2004): 865–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0011350x.

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An international team of researchers show how high-precision radiocarbon dating is liberating us from chronological assumptions based on Biblical research. Surface and topographic mapping at the large copper-working site of Khirbat en-Nahas was followed by stratigraphic excavations at an ancient fortress and two metal processing facilities located on the site surface. The results were spectacular. Occupation begins here in the eleventh century BC and the monumental fortress is built in the tenth. If this site can be equated with the rise of the Biblical kingdom of Edom it can now be seen to: have its roots in local Iron Age societies; is considerably earlier than previous scholars assumed; and proves that complex societies existed in Edom long before the influence of Assyrian imperialism was felt in the region from the eighth – sixth centuries BC.

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16

Berg, Anne. "The State and the Rise of a Continuous Popular Educational Sphere in Sweden c. 1870s–1910s." Nordic Journal of Educational History 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/njedh.v2i1.44.

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The age of imperialism, from the 1870s to the 1910s, saw the rise of a popular educational sphere in Sweden as well as in the rest of Europe. This sphere was characterised by an incomparable institutional growth and continuity. In earlier research, the growth of popular education has often been explained as a consequence of class-politics and the formation of a civil society. In this article I argue that another explanatory factor needs to be inserted in the overall historical narrative in Sweden, namely the material pre-conditions of the organisations that rose to stability and especially the economic grants offered by the industrial state. In fact, this study shows how the growth of the sphere and state grants to institutions such as folk high schools and lecture-societies went hand in hand. Furthermore it is shown how the share of public funding from the central bureaucracy as well as the local institutions of government successively became the dominant sources of income for folk high schools and lecture-societies. Thus, the article argues that the economic role of the state was a crucial factor for the rise of a continuous popular educational sphere.

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17

Montesano, Michael J. "Revisiting the rice deltas and reconsidering modern Southeast Asia's economic history." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 2 (April 29, 2009): 417–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409000204.

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The rise of the three great rice-producing and -exporting deltas of mainland Southeast Asia numbers among the most familiar chapters in the modern history of the region. On a macro level, it exemplifies the integration of the region into the North Atlantic-centered world economy during the age of high imperialism and the consequent shock of the depression of the 1930s. On a micro level, that rise has offered historians an opportunity to examine the responses of Southeast Asian cultivators to market signals; the variation in the allocation of factors of production across the Irrawaddy, Chao Phraya and Mekong deltas; and the implications of those responses and that allocation for reactions to the shock of the inter-war crisis. The principal features of the history of the mainland rice economies between 1850 and the 1930s have indeed grown so familiar as to make that history seem like yesterday's topic. Occasional attempts to propose significant revision to the story have had little impact. And the need for a major monograph on the economic history of the Mekong delta during the French colonial period remains unmet.

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18

Rumpler, Helmut. "The Age of Imperialism." Philosophy and History 23, no. 1 (1990): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist199023153.

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19

Foster, John Bellamy. "The New Age of Imperialism." Monthly Review 55, no. 3 (July 1, 2003): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-055-03-2003-07_1.

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20

August, Thomas. "Locating the Age of Imperialism." Itinerario 10, no. 2 (July 1986): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300007567.

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The publication of Africa and the Victorians in 1961 challenged the prevaling orthodoxy regarding the European scramble for territory during the last decades of the nineteenth century. In it, Ronald Robinson and John Gallagher argued that what had been traditionally viewed as qualitatively new was merely a difference ol degree and not kind. Subsequent studies, especially the work of David Fieldhouse, effectively laid to rest the assumption that new developments in Europe were the cause of the rush for colonies after 1880. And yet historians generally have been reluctant to abandon the ‘age of imperialism’ as an appropriate epithet for late-Victorian Europe. The sheer amount of territory conquered by Europeans in so short a span ol time seemingly compels teachers ol modern history survey courses to view the period 1880–1914 from a traditional perspective and with resort to established nomenclature. Does the historical rubric, ‘age of imperialism’, still have pedagogic value? The answer is a qualified affirmative, provided that its chronological moorings are anchored elsewhere.

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21

Waller, Richard, and Charles H. Ambler. "Kenyan Communities in the Age of Imperialism." African Economic History, no. 18 (1989): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601757.

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22

Aberbach, David. "The Iron Age, imperialism, and the prophets." Israel Affairs 4, no. 2 (December 1997): 130–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537129708719471.

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23

McElderry, Andrea. "Woman Revolutionary: Xiang Jingyu." China Quarterly 105 (March 1986): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003678x.

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Xiang Jingyu was executed in 1928 at the age of 33 and has since been enshrined as a communist martyr in China. Historically her life is of interest both as the record of an individual woman and of a specific group within a particular generation who embraced Marxism-Leninism as the solution to warlord–imperialist power in China. As a result of her martyrdom, however, it is not easy to separate the actual record of her life from her posthumous persona. This consideration is especially significant with regard to her position in the early Chinese Communist Party, and since she was charged with responsibility for building a communist women's movement, it is equally important in understanding aspects of the woman question in relation to early Party history. Careful examination of Xiang's activities tends to support the conclusion that the women's movement was accorded a low priority and that Xiang's position in the Party reflected this in spite of her posthumous elevation to high status.

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24

Anjum, Gulnaz, Mudassar Aziz, and Emanuele Castano. "The Role of Fulbright Program in Building Positive Perception and Ally Image of the U.S. Among Pakistani Scholars." Pakistan Journal of Psychological Research 34, Spring 2019 (March 30, 2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33824/pjpr.2019.34.1.1.

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This study was aimed at exploring the role of Fulbright program in building perception about U.S. and Americans among Pakistani Fulbright scholars. While a host of theory and research had been growing on contact theory (Allport, 1954; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2008), application of contact hypothesis to cultural exchange programs based on foreign policy intended to develop peace and affective ties between nations has been limited. Specifically, this research gap was filled by this study that focused on the impact of direct contact on perception and image of the U.S. in the context of the U.S. and Pakistan Fulbright program. Pakistani Fulbright scholars (81 men, 67 women; Mean age = 23 years; Range = 21-29 years), with low-contact and high-contact were compared with respect to their perceptions of a prototypical American and the United States as an international entity. Compared to participants with low-contact (n = 52), participants with high-contact (n = 96) had developed a higher positive perception of a prototypical American. Furthermore, compared to participants with low-contact, those with high-contact perceived the U.S. significantly more as an ally and less as an imperialist-enemy nation. Participation was controlled through selection for the Fulbright program and no previous visits to the U.S. Discussion has focused on possibilities for foreign policy and peace related implications of the Fulbright program.

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25

Shams, Shaila. "Linguistic Imperialism Revisited:." Crossings: A Journal of English Studies 6 (August 1, 2015): 238–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.59817/cjes.v6i.229.

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English language has gained the status of being the lingua franca of today’s world. It enjoys more privileges in the territories which used to be under British rule. Bangladesh, being one such postcolonial country, emphasizes the role and importance of the English language in its education system and society. In spite of Bangla being the state language, English enjoys the privilege of being the dominant language in major domains such as education. The results of the national examinations, where the reason for failure for most of the students is lack of competence in English, only asserts the importance of English in our education. Therefore, it can be said that this privileged language is pushing Bangla to the threshold, making it a vernacular in a country where majority speaks Bangla. Consequently, it evidently creates “structural and cultural inequalities” (p. 47) within the society as asserted by Phillipson (1992) and reconfirms the notion of linguistic imperialism in the context of Bangladesh. The obvious manifestation of inequality created by the role of English language in the education system can be observed in the three mediums of schooling existing in Bangladesh which ultimately produces three categories of citizens for the country. Thus, this paper aims to discuss the current role of English in Bangladeshi education and society, and also intends to explore linguistic imperialism in 21st century Bangladesh. The paper will consider views from both proponents and critics of linguistic imperialism. It will try to come up with an answer regarding the relevance of linguistic imperialism and whether this notion should have a preference or not in this age of globalization.

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26

Cohn, Raymond L., and David Northrup. "Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834-1922." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 4 (1997): 682. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206553.

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27

Shepherd, Verene A., and David Northrup. "Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834-1922." Economic History Review 49, no. 4 (November 1996): 860. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2598009.

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28

Moitt, Bernard, and David Northrup. "Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834-1922." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221583.

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29

Joseph, George Gheverghese. "Cognitive encounters in India during the age of imperialism." Race & Class 36, no. 3 (January 1995): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689503600303.

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30

Schmidt, Gustav. "Great Britain and Germany in the Age of Imperialism." War & Society 4, no. 1 (May 1986): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/106980486790303907.

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31

Bayly, C. A. "The first age of global imperialism, c. 1760–1830." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 26, no. 2 (May 1998): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086539808583023.

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32

Paquette, Jean. "Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834–1922." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 2 (January 1997): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.9952697.

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33

Richardson, Bonham C., and David Northrup. "Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834-1922." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 783. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171521.

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34

Jin, Dal Yong. "The Construction of Platform Imperialism in the Globalization Era." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 11, no. 1 (January 11, 2013): 145–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v11i1.458.

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In the early 21st century, platforms, known as digital media intermediaries, have greatly influenced people’s daily lives. Due to the importance of platforms for the digital economy and culture, including intellectual property and participatory culture, several countries have developed their own social network sites and Web portals. Nonetheless, a handful of Western countries, primarily the U.S., have dominated the global platform market and society. This paper aims to historicize the concept of imperialism in the globalized 21st century. It investigates whether the recent growth of American-based platforms has resulted in a change to the fundamental idea of the imperialism thesis by analyzing the evolutionary nature of imperialism towards platform imperialism. It then addresses whether we are experiencing a new notion of imperialism by mapping out several core characteristics that define platform imperialism, including the swift growth and global dominance of SNSs and smartphones. It pays close attention to the capitalization of platforms and their global expansion, including the major role of intellectual property rights as the most significant form of capital accumulation in the digital age. It eventually endeavors to make a contribution to the platform imperialism discourse as a form of new imperialism, focusing on the nexus of great powers.

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35

HARRISON, THOMAS. "ANCIENT AND MODERN IMPERIALISM." Greece and Rome 55, no. 1 (March 3, 2008): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383507000289.

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‘For him the streets of the great city of learning which we wished to build lay all clearly laid out before his mind’. These words describe the first Rathbone Professor, the imposing John Macdonald Mackay – who arrived in Liverpool, after a spell in St Andrews, at the precocious age of twenty-eight. Mackay was always portrayed in the image of the modern-day prophet. This was not only a matter of his posture, seen in a famous Liverpool picture in which he is represented pointing the so-called New Testament group of his fellow university progressives to the Promised Land (Figure 1), but also of his rambling style of speech (his lectures lasted nearly two hours) and in the characteristic pause, as the archaeologist John Garstang observed, after you addressed a question to him: ‘an interval during which his eyes roamed among things unseen’. Lytton Strachey, briefly a pupil, put it more brutally: ‘Professor Mackay is very weird and somewhat casual’. But with all this, as my opening quotation suggests, Mackay was one of the chief architects of the faculty and university; discoursing passionately, for example, on the need for Liverpool to maintain its distance from the ‘repellent American type’ (of which he evidently knew very little). By comparison with the great Mackay, and still more with my immediate predecessors, I feel I must begin by lowering expectations.

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36

Thomas, Martin, and Andrew Thompson. "Empire and Globalisation: from ‘High Imperialism’ to Decolonisation." International History Review 36, no. 1 (December 10, 2013): 142–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.828643.

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37

James, N. "Can a museum explain imperialism?" Antiquity 82, no. 318 (December 1, 2008): 1104–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00097817.

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Empires produced some of the ancient world's grandest monuments. No doubt that helps to account for successive major exhibitions recently mounted at the British Museum.The First Emperor: China's Terracotta Armyclosed in April 2008, having drawn more visitors than any other sinceTreasures of Tutankhamunin 1972 (British Museum 2008: 66). There followed, from July to October, impressive and intriguing pieces on Hadrian, the Roman Emperor of the second century AD. The attention to large political systems is timely (James 2008: 201). Twenty-five years ago, Donald Horne (1984: 252) went so far as to declare that 'in the popularisations … of the huge storehouse of … artifacts … that are such an extraordinary feature of our age. … we may find the only real potential for giving substance to human liberation'. Is this feasible in practice; and, if so, is a state museum with business sponsorship a likely place to find such enlightenment? Studying the archaeology inHadrian, withThe First Emperoras a foil, enabled us to assess these questions.

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38

Hoisington, William A., and G. Wesley Johnson. "Double Impact: France and Africa in the Age of Imperialism." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864076.

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39

Mbapndah, Ndobegang M., and G. Wesley Johnson. "Double Impact: France and Africa in the Age of Imperialism." International Journal of African Historical Studies 20, no. 3 (1987): 527. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219709.

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40

Lemarchand, René, G. Wesley Johnson, and Rene Lemarchand. "Double Impact: France and Africa in the Age of Imperialism." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 22, no. 1 (1988): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485509.

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41

Berberoglu, Berch. "The Class Nature of Globalization in the Age of Imperialism." Critical Sociology 35, no. 6 (November 2009): 785–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920509343068.

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42

Wajda, Shirley Teresa, and Laura Wexler. "Tender Violence: Domestic Visions in an Age of U.S. Imperialism." Journal of American History 89, no. 3 (December 2002): 1078. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092425.

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43

Hart, Gillian. "Denaturalizing Dispossession: Critical Ethnography in the Age of Resurgent Imperialism." Antipode 38, no. 5 (November 2006): 977–1004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8330.2006.00489.x.

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44

Spade and Willse. "Sex, Gender, and War in an Age of Multicultural Imperialism." QED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking 1, no. 1 (2014): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/qed.1.1.0005.

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45

Danail, Akrm E. "The Role of Literature in Challenging Cultural Imperialism." Cihan University-Erbil Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (February 10, 2022): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24086/cuejhss.v6n1y2022.pp35-39.

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The reality of cultural imperialism is a subject that has been extensively explored by many scholars. Many writers have written out their thoughts about this crucial topic. In this sense, it is imperative to understand that imperialism would not exist without the establishment of an Empire. However, all dominated territories have experienced a high level of cultural imperialism; and this structure has affected their lives, history, identity, uniqueness, and the way they live. The truth is that the superior force subjugates the weaker one and imposes its culture over it and this is where the theorization of cultural imperialism begins to come into form. However, this mindset of cultural imperialism has made the modern superpower to continue to influence the way other nations of the world live even without the cultural consensus. The expansion of the modern Empire brought about colonialism and eventually led to cultural imperialism. The writers have tried to write in a way that reflects the resistant spirit in which the literature is used in challenging this peculiar phenomenon. It is in this sense this study examines how literature becomes an effective weapon in challenging cultural imperialism—a new form of imperialist system that we experience in recent times.

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46

Hasan, Mariwan, Lona Ahmed, and Roman Muhammad. "Imperialism, Colonialism and Racism in Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness: A Postcolonial Approach." Acuity: Journal of English Language Pedagogy, Literature and Culture 6, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35974/acuity.v6i1.2385.

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It is not easy to explore the inner side and the hidden nature of human beings. It is also what has strengthened the relationship between human beings and the issue of imperialism and colonialism and the final stage of colonialism which leads to racism. This paper deals with colonialism, imperialism, and racism in Joseph Conrad's novella, Heart of Darkness. The three stages colonizers implement during colonizing African countries. Modern age and modern literature are shed light on in general and more particularly, modern novel is focused on as it is necessary for the analysis of the novel. Then the terms of colonialism, imperialism, and racism are explored in Heart of Darkness as these are interrelated words having close links to colonization. A postcolonial approach is used to analyze the novella.

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47

Yi, Kisung. "Japanese Imperialism and the Investigation of Stone Age in Colonial Joseon." Korean Studies 45, no. 1 (2021): 192–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2021.0009.

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48

Spack, Ruth. "Tender Violence: Domestic Visions in an Age of U.S. Imperialism (review)." Legacy 20, no. 1 (2003): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/leg.2003.0064.

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49

Panzer, Mary. "Tender Violence: Domestic Visions in an Age of U.S. Imperialism (review)." Technology and Culture 43, no. 1 (2002): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tech.2002.0033.

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50

Mann, Michael. "Can the New Imperialism Triumph in the Age of Nation-States?" History and Theory 43, no. 2 (May 2004): 226–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2303.2004.00277.x.

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