Статті в журналах: "Aboriginal religion"

1

Fletcher, Frank. "Towards a Dialogue with Traditional Aboriginal Religion." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 9, no. 2 (June 1996): 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9600900204.

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To prepare ourselves as westerners for a dialogue with the traditional Aboriginal religion will demand an ability to “pass over” to what is clearly quite a different mentality. There are two obstacles to this “passing over”. First, where westerners have predominantly developed the intentionality mediation of meaning, Aborigines developed the symbolic or aesthetic mediation of meaning. Secondly, the profoundly metaphorical or aesthetic cast of Aboriginal mentality and their religious experience of cosmic manifestations is at odds with western outlook. The Aboriginal religion should be accepted within the tradition of kataphatic manifestation. This understanding should help us accept that the sacred mystery should be approached as intra-cosmic Immanence as well as meta-cosmic Transcendence.

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2

Turner, David H. "Australian Aboriginal religion as "world religion"." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 20, no. 2 (June 1991): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842989102000204.

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3

Keen, Ian. "Stanner On Aboriginal Religion." Canberra Anthropology 9, no. 2 (January 1986): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03149098609508534.

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4

Turner, David H. "Aboriginal Religion as World Religion: an Assessment." Studies in World Christianity 2, no. 1 (April 1996): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.1996.2.1.77.

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5

Turner, David H. "Aboriginal Religion as World Religion: an Assessment." Studies in World Christianity 2, Part_1 (January 1996): 77–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.1996.2.part_1.77.

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6

Berndt, Ronald M. "Aboriginal Religion in Arnhem Land.1." Mankind 4, no. 6 (February 10, 2009): 230–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.1951.tb00241.x.

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7

Downey, Allan. "Engendering Nationality: Haudenosaunee Tradition, Sport, and the Lines of Gender1." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 23, no. 1 (May 22, 2013): 319–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015736ar.

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The Native game of lacrosse has undergone a considerable amount of change since it was appropriated from Aboriginal peoples beginning in the 1840s. Through this reformulation, non-Native Canadians attempted to establish a national identity through the sport and barred Aboriginal athletes from championship competitions. And yet, lacrosse remained a significant element of Aboriginal culture, spirituality, and the Native originators continued to play the game beyond the non-Native championship classifications. Despite their absence from championship play the Aboriginal roots of lacrosse were zealously celebrated as a form of North American antiquity by non-Aboriginals and through this persistence Natives developed their own identity as players of the sport. Ousted from international competition for more than a century, this article examines the formation of the Iroquois Nationals (lacrosse team representing the Haudenosaunee Confederacy in international competition) between 1983-1990 and their struggle to re-enter international competition as a sovereign nation. It will demonstrate how the Iroquois Nationals were a symbolic element of a larger resurgence of Haudenosaunee “traditionalism” and how the team was a catalyst for unmasking intercommunity conflicts between that traditionalism—engrained within the Haudenosaunee’s “traditional” Longhouse religion, culture, and gender constructions— and new political adaptations.

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8

Charlesworth, Max. "Australian aboriginal religion in a comparative context." Sophia 26, no. 1 (March 1987): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02781156.

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9

Hiscock, Peter. "Mysticism and reality in Aboriginal myth: evolution and dynamism in Australian Aboriginal religion." Religion, Brain & Behavior 10, no. 3 (December 27, 2019): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2153599x.2019.1678515.

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10

Starkloff, Carl F. "Theology and Aboriginal Religion: Continuing “The Wider Ecumenism”." Theological Studies 68, no. 2 (May 2007): 287–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056390706800204.

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11

Bonta, Steven. "The lens of firstness: Shamanic/Aboriginal culture as cosmos-sign." Semiotica 2018, no. 221 (March 26, 2018): 143–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2016-0139.

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AbstractHaving identified previously (Bonta 2015) the Peircean Category Firstness as the semiotic basis (or cultural Prime Symbol) for Australian Aboriginal culture, this paper examines the “lens” of Firstness as it is manifest in a variety of aboriginal (or “Shamanic”) cultures worldwide. By studying the semiotic contours of religion, language, social organization, and art, we find systemic prioritization of Firstness in its various manifestations, across a wide range of aboriginal cultures from Australia to the Indian Subcontinent to aboriginal Siberia and the New World. Shamanic culture, despite its ethnic and geographic variety, may therefore be represented as a semiotic type – and, in addition, one that, in its pristine form, is nearly extinct.

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12

Bazyk, Dmytro V. "Prolegomena to the Problem of Determination and Classification of Original Religious Beliefs." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 43 (June 19, 2007): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2007.43.1864.

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At the present stage of scientific research, one of the undefined problems in religious studies is, first of all, the problem of the expediency and relevance of the use of the term "primitive religions" or "primitive religious beliefs" in relation to both representatives of Aboriginal peoples of the present and the analysis of the development of religions in the history of forms of religion. discovered in general. The problem of determining the original religion and its forms of expression is somewhat compounded by the fact that the use of special terminology in theoretical developments depends not only on the various features of research methodological approaches, but also on the language in which studies are commonly published. Therefore, the use of one or the other terminology requires the isolation of a possible synonym for relatively adequate nomination (naming) of these religious manifestations.

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13

Perdih, Anton. "Staroverstvo - the Old Religion - the Slovene Pre-Christian Religion." Review of European Studies 13, no. 2 (May 18, 2021): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v13n2p114.

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The data about staroverstvo, i.e. about the pre-Christian religion in three regions in Slovenia are reviewed. The most archaic of them is the Poso&scaron;ko staroverstvo - the Old Religion around the upper Soča River valley. For it is characteristic the single, female god, the Great Mother, a number of spirits, importance of triangular features, rocks, caves, stone and wood, way of life in peace, reincarnation of souls. The Kra&scaron;ko staroverstvo - the Old Religion in the Karst region is intermediate between it and the East Slavic pre-Christian religion. The influence of the arrival of agriculture about 7,500 years ago is indicated in it. The Dolenjsko staroverstvo - the Old Religion in Western Lower Carniola reflects the Iron Age situation. Characteristic for it is the revering of waters as well as the neighboring hill-forts and bird-hills. The hill-forts started to be erected on the intrusion from east of the Y chromosome haplogroup R1b people about 6,500 years ago. The bird-hills served the birds, which would carry the soul of the deceased into the other world, possibly onto the other side of the moon. All these Old Religions indicate that the ancestors of Slovenes did not arrive in the 6th Century AD from east of the Carpathian Mountains but were aboriginal in Slovenia.

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14

Lilienthal, Gary, and Nehaluddin Ahmad. "AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND APPREHENDED BIAS: SKIRTING MAGNA CARTA PROTECTIONS?" Denning Law Journal 27 (November 16, 2015): 146–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v27i0.1104.

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The significance of this paper is in discussion of the wholesale obliteration of religious and other rights among Australian Aboriginal people, constituting a subspecies of continuing genocide. The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia states its directive on religion as follows.‘The Commonwealth shall not make any law for establishing any religion, or for imposing any religious observance, or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religion, and no religious test shall be required as a qualification for any office or public trust under the Commonwealth.’This constitutional section prohibits the making of laws, as stated, but does not prohibit administrative action imposing religious procedures. Neither does it prohibit official administrative action to restrain the free exercise of religion in Australia.

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15

Trompf, Garry W. "Durkheim on Original and Aboriginal Religion: Issues of Method." Relegere: Studies in Religion and Reception 1, no. 2 (2011): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/rsrr1-2-472.

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16

Reid, Jennifer. "Indian Residential Schools." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 44, no. 4 (October 8, 2015): 441–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429815605774.

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In 2008 Canada’s Prime Minister apologized to survivors of Canada’s Indian Residential Schools, which had operated for almost a century, and were intended to assimilate Aboriginal children into the dominant society. Some survivors appreciated the gesture. Others were critical, especially of the Prime Minister’s description of the schools as a “mistake” rather than a crime, which they convincingly argue they were, with respect to the crime of genocide. I will suggest in this essay that this was not the only omission—that the school system also profoundly violated religious freedom. By exploring dominant Canadian narratives concerning religious freedom, I will highlight the way in which: (i) the system was intended to be a religious assault; (ii) the system contravened dominant understandings of freedom of religion; and (iii) dominant understandings of religion have marginalized Aboriginal religion, such that the profoundly religious character of the residential school assault has yet to be fully confronted.

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17

Brown, Jason, Nisha Mehta, Donna Skrodzki, Julie Gerritts, and Viktoria Ivanova. "Spiritual Needs of First Nations, Métis and Inuit Foster Parents." First Peoples Child & Family Review 7, no. 2 (April 30, 2020): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1068842ar.

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Aboriginal children are overrepresented in foster care and more Aboriginal foster parents are needed. A randomized group of licensed First Nations, Métis and Inuit foster parents in a Canadian jurisdiction were asked about their spiritual needs to foster. In response to the question “what do you need spiritually to foster?” there were 55 unique responses that were grouped by participants into five concepts including: religion, practice, integration, sharing and contentment. These results were compared and contrasted with the existing fostering literature.

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18

Beaman, L. G. "Aboriginal Spirituality and the Legal Construction of Freedom of Religion." Journal of Church and State 44, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/44.1.135.

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19

Widlok, Thomas. "Practice, politics and ideology of the ‘travelling business’ in Aboriginal religion." Oceania 63, no. 2 (December 1992): 114–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1834-4461.1992.tb02408.x.

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20

Grimshaw, Patricia. "“That we may obtain our religious liberty…”: Aboriginal Women, Faith and Rights in Early Twentieth Century Victoria, Australia*." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 19, no. 2 (July 23, 2009): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037747ar.

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Abstract The paper, focused on a few years at the end of the First World War, explores the request of a group of Aborigines in the Australian state of Victoria for freedom of religion. Given that the colony and now state of Victoria had been a stronghold of liberalism, the need for Indigenous Victorians to petition for the removal of outside restrictions on their religious beliefs or practices might seem surprising indeed. But with a Pentecostal revival in train on the mission stations to which many Aborigines were confined, members of the government agency, the Board for the Protection of the Aborigines, preferred the decorum of mainstream Protestant church services to potentially unsettling expressions of charismatic and experiential spirituality. The circumstances surrounding the revivalists’ resistance to the restriction of Aboriginal Christians’ choice of religious expression offer insight into the intersections of faith and gender within the historically created relations of power in this colonial site. Though the revival was extinguished, it stood as a notable instance of Indigenous Victorian women deploying the language of Christian human rights to assert the claims to just treatment and social justice that would characterize later successful Indigenous activism.

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21

Raeburn, Toby, Kayla Sale, Paul Saunders, and Aunty Kerrie Doyle. "Aboriginal Australian mental health during the first 100 years of colonization, 1788–1888: a historical review of nineteenth-century documents." History of Psychiatry 33, no. 1 (December 13, 2021): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x211053208.

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Past histories charting interactions between British healthcare and Aboriginal Australians have tended to be dominated by broad histological themes such as invasion and colonization. While such descriptions have been vital to modernization and truth telling in Australian historical discourse, this paper investigates the nineteenth century through the modern cultural lens of mental health. We reviewed primary documents, including colonial diaries, church sermons, newspaper articles, medical and burial records, letters, government documents, conference speeches and anthropological journals. Findings revealed six overlapping fields which applied British ideas about mental health to Aboriginal Australians during the nineteenth century. They included military invasion, religion, law, psychological systems, lunatic asylums, and anthropology.

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22

Waldram, James B. "Aboriginal Spirituality in Corrections: A Canadian Case Study in Religion and Therapy." American Indian Quarterly 18, no. 2 (1994): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185246.

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23

Kumari, Pariksha. "Reconstructing Aboriginal History and Cultural Identity through Self Narrative: A Study of Ruby Langford’s Autobiography Don‘t Take Your Love to Town." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 12 (December 28, 2020): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i12.10866.

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The last decades of previous century has witnessed the burgeoning of life narratives lending voice to the oppressed, dispossessed, and the colonized marginalities of race, class or gender across the world. A large number of autobiographical and biographical narratives that have appeared on the literary scene have started articulating their ordeals and their struggle for survival. The Aboriginals in Australia have started candidly articulating their side of story, exposing the harassment and oppression of their people in Australia. These oppressed communities find themselves sandwiched and strangled under the mainstream politics of multiculturalism, assimilation and secularism. The present paper seeks to analyze how life writing serves the purpose of history in celebrated Australian novelist, Aboriginal historian and social activist Ruby Langford’s autobiographical narrative, Don’t Take Your Love to Town. The Colonial historiography of Australian settlement has never accepted the fact of displacement and eviction of the Aboriginals from their land and culture. The whites systematically transplanted Anglo-Celtic culture and identity in the land of Australia which was belonged to the indigenous for centuries. Don’t Take Your Love to Town reconstructs the debate on history of the colonial settlement and status of Aboriginals under subsequent government policies like reconciliation, assimilation and multiculturalism. The paper is an attempt to gaze the assimilation policy adopted by the state to bring the Aboriginals into the mainstream politics and society on the one hand, and the regular torture, exploitation and cultural degradation of the Aboriginals recorded in the text on the other. In this respect the paper sees how Langford encounters British history of Australian settlement and the perspectives of Australian state towards the Aboriginals. The politics of mainstream culture, religion, race and ethnicity, which is directly or indirectly responsible for the condition of the Aboriginals, is also the part of discussion in the paper.

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24

DASGUPTA, SANGEETA. "‘Heathen aboriginals’, ‘Christian tribes’, and ‘animistic races’: Missionary narratives on the Oraons of Chhotanagpur in colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 2 (July 24, 2015): 437–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000025.

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AbstractThrough a description of the interactions of Christian missionaries in Chhotanagpur with the Oraons, this article illustrates the different ways in which the missionaries grappled with and restructured their notions of the ‘tribe’ and the ‘Oraon’ across the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The Oraon, I argue, was initially recognized in terms of his heathen practices, his so-called compact with the Devil, and his world of idolatry and demonology. But, by the end of the nineteenth century, he increasingly became, in missionary language, an animistic aboriginal tribe, a ‘primitive’ within an evolutionary schema. As the missionaries searched for an authentic Oraon language, for myths, traditions and histories, an array of categories—heathen, savage, race, tribe, and aboriginal—seemingly jostled with one another in their narratives. Indeed, the tension between religion and race could never be resolved in missionary narratives; this was reflected in colonial ethnographic literature that drew upon and yet eventually marginalized missionary representations. I conclude by referring to a case in the 1960s filed by Kartik Oraon against the Protestant convert David Munzni before the Election Tribunal at Ranchi, which was ultimately resolved in the Supreme Court, that raised the question whether religion or race determined tribal identity.

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25

Neylan, Susan. "Longhouses, Schoolrooms, and Workers’ Cottages: Nineteenth-Century Protestant Missions to the Tsimshian and the Transformation of Class Through Religion." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 11, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031131ar.

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Abstract This paper explores the blurring of boundaries among class identities in nineteenth-century Protestant missions to the Tsimshian, Aboriginal people of the northwest British Columbia coast. Through an exploration of the nature of Christian chiefs, Tsimshian demand for literacy and schooling, and finally mission housing, this paper highlights ways in which the class implications of religious association had profoundly different meanings in Native and non-Native milieus. Scholars must take into account historical Aboriginal perspectives not only on conversion, but on their class positions in mission Christianity and more precisely, how their roles within the mission sphere were informed by their own notions of class. While some Native converts undoubtedly utilized conversion to Christianity to circumvent usual social conventions surrounding rank, privilege, and access to spiritual power, other Tsimshian sought transformation by using these new forms of spirituality to bolster their existing social positions.

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26

Feuchtwang, Stephan. "Religion in Modern Taiwan: Tradition and Innovation in a Changing Society. Edited by Philip Clart and Charles B. Jones. [Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2003. x+333 pp. $49.00. ISBN 0-8248-2564-0.]." China Quarterly 179 (September 2004): 833–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004350605.

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Religion is profuse in Taiwan, and this is reflected in publications. In the last chapter of this collection, Randall Nadeau and Chang Hsun point out that Taiwanese academic publications on religion in Taiwan have increased hugely in the last two decades. Taiwanese anthropologists have probably been most prominent in this study. But this book contains only one chapter by an anthropologist writing as such. He is Huang Shiu-wey. Typical of an old anthropological habit, now that Chinese, according to Nadeau and Chang, are more studied than aboriginal inhabitants (yuanzhumin) by Taiwanese anthropologists, Huang's chapter is on the Ami. It stands awkwardly among the others, which are by historians and teachers in religious studies departments, with its use of anthropological concepts of culture and identity and its concentration on ritual and avoidance of a discrete concept of religion. One other chapter is about “religious culture.” It is by Julian Pas, the justly renowned editor of the Journal of Chinese Religions, who died before he could polish his chapter. The book is dedicated to him. But honouring his efforts to enrich the study of religion in China and Taiwan and sympathy for his state of health at the time will not prevent a reader from noticing how short and thin his chapter is, precisely because he misses so much that anthropologists have written. The book as a whole shares this failing. The introduction does not make the conceptual and informative links to provide a social analysis of the remarkable cultural and religious changes that each chapter describes within its own narrow remit. The editors simply state that religion is dynamic, that modernization includes the fact that traditions change, and that the aim of the book is to chart those changes. They introduce each chapter without linking it to the others.

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27

Magowan, Fiona, and Ian Keen. "Knowledge and Secrecy in an Aboriginal Religion: Yolngu of North-East Arnhem Land." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1, no. 3 (September 1995): 660. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034615.

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28

Langton, Marcia. "The Hindmarsh Island Bridge affair: How aboriginal women's religion became an administerable affair." Australian Feminist Studies 11, no. 24 (October 1996): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.1996.9994819.

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29

Vaarzon-Morel, Petronella. "Knowledge and Secrecy in an Aboriginal Religion: Yolngu of North-east Arnhem Land." American Ethnologist 24, no. 1 (February 1997): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1997.24.1.268.

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30

O. Míguez, Néstor. "THE POLITICAL AMBIGUITY OF LATIN AMERICAN POPULAR RELIGION." RELIGION AND POLITICS IN LATIN AMERICA 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0901019m.

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This article will present some historical cases, some ancient, some very recent, of how such ambiguity of the religious forces and popular religiosity has played in Latin America. Through this case we will analyze how and why in “the popular” the same cultural phenomena can play sometimes a very conservative role, and then, in others, turn into a menacing power to the traditional social order. On one hand, it is a way in which conservative hegemony has captured the potential and will of the masses and used it to domesticate its claims (opium of the people). But in other cases it has stimulated the dreams and hopes, and has provided unexpected vitality to the people in their search for justice and better living conditions. The traditional aboriginal (pre-conquest) religions and worldviews, as well as new religious experiences brought by the slave trade and migrations sometimes provided myths and images that reinforced the liberating thrust of religious forces.

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31

Ambasciano, Leonardo. "Mind the (Unbridgeable) Gaps." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 28, no. 2 (May 11, 2016): 141–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341372.

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In this paper, I explore two of the most pernicious kinds of scientific distortions and misconceptions pertinent to the study of religion (i.e., pseudoscientific trends focused on allegedly paranormal/supernatural phenomena and discontinuity between human and non-human cognition), arguing that: a) the adherence to the prestigious reputation of Eliadean academic frameworks may still cause grave distortions in the comprehension of relevant scientific fields; b) a reliance on cognition alone does not guaranteeipso factoa more epistemically warranted study of religion; c) an evolutionary and cognitively continuist approach to the study of religion is, instead, the most promising and fundamental scholarly tool to bridge the gap between the humanities and the natural sciences, even though it remains a long-term goal; d) the obsolete language of “aboriginal cultures” as open-air museums for our past is rooted in the aforementioned misconceptions and, though basically flawed, is still very much alive.

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32

Nicholls, Christine. "A Wild Roguery: Bruce Chatwin’s "The Songlines" Reconsidered." Text Matters, no. 9 (November 4, 2019): 22–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-2931.09.02.

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This article revisits, analyzes and critiques Bruce Chatwin’s 1987 bestseller, The Songlines, more than three decades after its publication. In Songlines, the book primarily responsible for his posthumous celebrity, Chatwin set out to explore the essence of Central and Western Desert Aboriginal Australians’ philosophical beliefs. For many readers globally, Songlines is regarded as a—if not the—definitive entry into the epistemological basis, religion, cosmology and lifeways of classical Western and Central Desert Aboriginal people. It is argued that Chatwin’s fuzzy, ill-defined use of the word-concept “songlines” has had the effect of generating more heat than light. Chatwin’s failure to recognize the economic imperative underpinning Australian desert people’s walking praxis is problematic: his own treks through foreign lands were underpropped by socioeconomic privilege. Chatwin’s ethnocentric idée fixe regarding the primacy of “walking” and “nomadism,” central to his Songlines thématique, well and truly preceded his visits to Central Australia. Walking, proclaimed Chatwin, is an elemental part of “Man’s” innate nature. It is argued that this unwavering, preconceived, essentialist belief was a self-serving construal justifying Chatwin’s own “nomadic” adventures of identity. Is it thus reasonable to regard Chatwin as a “rogue author,” an unreliable narrator? And if so, does this matter? Of greatest concern is the book’s continuing majority acceptance as a measured, accurate account of Aboriginal belief systems. With respect to Aboriginal desert people and the barely disguised individuals depicted in Songlines, is Chatwin’s book a “rogue text,” constituting an act of epistemic violence, consistent with Spivak’s usage of that term?

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33

Reynolds, Robyn. "Book Review: People from the Dawn: Religion, Homeland and Privacy in Australian Aboriginal Culture." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 15, no. 2 (June 2002): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x0201500206.

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34

Kolig, Erich. "Legitimising Belief: Identity Politics, Utility, Strategies of Concealment, and Rationalisation in Australian Aboriginal Religion." Australian Journal of Anthropology 14, no. 2 (August 2003): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.2003.tb00231.x.

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35

Kovalchuk, Andriy, and Andriy Man’ko. "Paganism in Ukraine as a potential for the development of religious tourism." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography, no. 52 (June 27, 2018): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2018.52.10179.

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An artificial term “pagan” is used to denote someone who believes in his/her authentic religion different from Abrahamic religions: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. There are 400–500 millions of pagans in the world. They are divided into such groups: 1) aboriginal or autochthonous cults are widespread mostly among indigenous peoples of Asia, Africa, America, Australia and Oceania, and have not only deep historical roots, but also have kept the polytheistic religious worldview of their ethnos; 2) representatives of “vernacular” paganism, which combines some elements of ancient beliefs (magic, cult of nature, cult of ancestors, fortune telling etc.) with a specific Abrahamic religion; 3) groups of supporters of healthy lifestyle and living well in the harmony with nature, pagan religions characterized by substantial syncretism with environment-oriented teachings; 4) religious denominations, which combine an autochthonous religion of its people with its current political aims. Overall paganism is one of the least aggressive religions in the world. Ukrainian pagans (Ridnovirs, rodovirs (Slavic Native Faith)) have approximately 120 communities in all regions of Ukraine. The biggest amount of them is concentrated in Vinnytska, Khmelnytska, Zaporizka, Dnipropetrovska, Poltavska, Lvivska oblasts and the city of Kyiv. There are no foreigners among all clerics-pagans, which is unusual for most Ukrainian denominations. Paganism is an indigenous religion of the Ukrainians, which stands up for the authenticity of our society and country. According to our calculations, there are more than 100 pagan sacred places in Ukraine: ancient and functional, more or less preserved and managed, attractive for tourists. Podillia, Podniprovia, the Carpathians, Pollissia are characterized by the greatest concentration of pagan sacred sites - places of worship of anthropogenic and natural origin: sanctuaries, temples, sacrificial altars, caves, cliffs, megaliths (dolmens, cromlechs, menhirs), petroglyphs, burial mounds, trees, idols, springs, pantheons etc. However, most of these places are not widely known or they are known only as natural or historical and cultural objects. In order to make those facts well known, it is necessary to organize an advertising campaign in support of this issue and to stop an adversary, biased attitude of the whole society or some representatives of separate religions towards paganism. In addition, it is important to stop destroying pagan sacred places and to turn them into touristic spots. Multiple highlights of the ethnical religious and cultural significance of Ukrainian pagan sacred sites will augment already known information about them and will add religious tourists and pilgrims to the general flow of travellers. Key words: paganism, Abrahamic religions, organization of religious tourism, paganism in Ukraine, organization of pilgrimage, religious tourism in Ukraine.

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Hwang, Monica Mi Hee. "Understanding Differences in Political Trust among Canada’s Major Ethno-racial Groups." Canadian Journal of Sociology 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs25734.

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This paper considers ethno-racial differences in political trust, which leading scholars see as one of the two key dimensions of social cohesion in Canada. I compare trust among eight ethno-racial groupings: British, French, “Canadians,” other Europeans, Aboriginal Peoples, visible minorities, mixed-origins respondents, and all others. Building from the concepts of “social distance” and “social boundaries,” I test three sets of factors for explaining ethno-racial differences in trust: (1) three ethno-cultural “markers” – religion, language, and immigration status; (2) two socioeconomic influences –education and income; and (3) two social engagement indicators – voluntary association activity and ethnic diversity of friendships. Models also include controls for region, age, and gender. Using data from the 2008 General Social Survey, I find that, compared to more established groups like the British, two of the three most culturally distinctive minorities – visible minorities and French respondents – express higher political trust. Nevertheless, the third key minority community in the analysis - Aboriginal Peoples - exhibit lower political trust than all of the other groups. The findings suggests that some minorities, when treated or perceived by others as different or distant from the “mainstream,” may see government agencies as defending their minority rights and interests against discrimination. Aboriginal Peoples are a major exception to this conclusion, however. This underscores their unique position in Canada as the country’s original inhabitants, who have long endured processes of discrimination, exclusion, and racism that have influenced their trust in major government institutions.

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K, Manivasagam. "Murugan myth - Morality stands and lives long - Religion and religious norms." International Research Journal of Tamil 3, S-2 (April 30, 2021): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt21s213.

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Ideological forms have been one of the cultural forms of human dialectics. When ideologies were designed to develop human psychology, all the functional forms of human movement were formed with the focus of the ideology. In that respect, the ideological invasion and its cult ivory have been carried out all over the world. In the broad era, vedic cultural creations and ideologies dominated the ideological forms of the landscape or the aboriginal peoples. They were also built up as the first and the highest. The arrival of aryans and the spread of Aryan culture led to the creation of many myths in the form of a number of north Indian gods with Muruga. The myths of murugan's birth were created. Thirumurukaattupadai mentions many myths. All these myths are related to murugan myths and are made to speak the specialities of Muruga. It is not the Tamil tradition to build myths and worship myths as gods. Yet myths were widely distributed in Tamil nadu and myths were accepted by the Tamil people as worship gods.

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Sugiyono, Paulus Bagus. "SUMBANGSIH FREUD BAGI KEHIDUPAN SOSIAL-KEAGAMAAN: TELAAH ATAS KARYA TOTEM AND TABOO (1912-1913)." Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif 16, no. 1 (October 29, 2021): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsr.v16i1.2162.

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One of Sigmund Freud's most famous works in the field of religion is Totem and Taboo (1912-1913). In this work, Freud uses psychoanalytic theory to dissect the genealogy of socio-religious phenomena in the form of totems and taboos from a philosophical-anthropological point of view, especially through his research on Aboriginal tribes in Australia. This article aims to examine Freud's contribution in the field of religion, and how it is contextualized in the socio-religious life of today's society. This study uses a qualitative approach by exploring various literatures that examine Freud's work on Totems and Taboos. The results of the study reveal that although this work tends to be problematic and particular in interpreting religion through the concepts of Totem and Taboo. However, there is a contribution from the series of arguments presented by Freud. This contribution is an invitation to purify one's intentions in carrying out religious rites, especially in today's modern society. Religious activity is no longer seen as a mechanistic ritual, but it has to be rooted from the deepest heart. Salah satu karya Sigmund Freud dalam bidang agama yang paling terkenal adalah Totem and Taboo (1912-1913). Dalam karyanya tersebut, Freud menggunakan teori psikoanalisis untuk membedah genealogi fenomena sosial keagamaan berupa totem dan taboo dari sudut pandang filosofis-antropologis, khususnya melalui penelitiannya tentang suku Aborigin di Australia. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menelaah sumbangsih Freud dalam karya tersebut, dan bagaimana kontekstualisasinya dalam kehidupan sosial-keagamaan masyarakat saat ini. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan menelusuri berbagai literatur yang mengkaji karya Freud tentang Totem dan Taboo. Hasil penelitian mengungkapkan bahwa meskipun karya ini cenderung problematis dan partikular dalam memaknai agama melalui konsep Totem dan Taboo, namun terdapat sumbangsih dari rangkaian argumentasi yang disampaikan oleh Freud tersebut. Sumbangsih tersebut adalah ajakan untuk memurnikan intensi diri dalam melaksanakan ritus-ritus beragama, khususnya dalam masyarakat modern saat ini. Aktivitas beragama bukan lagi menjadi ritual yang mekanistis, melainkan harus bersumber dari hati yang terdalam.

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Titaley, Elsina, and Abubakar Muhammad Nur. "CONFLICT AND VIOLENCE WITHIN THE HIBUA LAMO COMMUNITY IN TOBELO NORTH HALMAHERA." Sosiohumaniora 24, no. 2 (July 4, 2022): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/sosiohumaniora.v24i2.38168.

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The Hibua Lamo Community (ethnic Tobelo) is a community group that lives and integrates integration in the North Halmahera region and is characterized by the treatment of customs. In social life, they always lived in harmony and peace, since 1606, under the foundation of cultural values. In 1999-2001, Hibua Lamo community was faced by conflict and violence between brotherhood caused of religions that triggered them to kill each other. The purpose of this research is to describe and analyze the background of conflict in Hibua Lamo community. This qualitative research includes ethnographic research on the Hibua Lamo community. The results show that the conflict in the Hibua Lamo community was triggered by the conflicts among religious adherents in Ambon 1999. This article has its own distinctive characteristics that are different from other articles becuase the researcher is an aboriginal who saw for himself the conflicts that occurred in 1999 in North Halamahera and was confirmed by important important figures in the HL community. There are three factors that are escalators of conflict and violence within the Hibua Lamo community: (1) Fanaticism of each adherent of religion, (2) Fragment of noble values in Hibua Lamo culture, (3) exodus community groups as victims of violent conflict in Ambon, each carrying information according to the suffering they experience, leads to a sense of the devout by each adherent of religion (Islam and Christian) within Hibua Lamo community, North Halmahera. This study recommends that the Hibua Lamo concept can be considered to resolve conflicts.

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Yalden, Maxwell. "Collective claims on the human rights landscape: a Canadian view." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 1, no. 1 (1993): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181193x00086.

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AbstractThis article offers some observations on the emergence of collectivist trends in the human rights movement in Canada and abroad. The author points out that one should be mindful of the distinction between group rights as a shield against normative violations or as a sword against individual or minority entitlement. The issue of collective rights has acquired a remarkable degree of legitimacy in Canada. Having recognized in 1867 the significance of group dynamics in the areas of education, language and religion for the French and English communities, the proposals for constitutional change would enshrine the same benefits for aboriginal people and minorities while underscoring the equality of men and women in all contexts. Similar trends are discerned abroad.

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Bazyk, Dmytro V. "Peculiarities of Transformation of the Original Religious Beliefs of Australian Indigenous Societies in Modern Conditions." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 47 (June 3, 2008): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2008.47.1947.

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Indigenous beliefs of Australia have attracted the attention of numerous generations of researchers of the XIX - XX centuries. The reasons for this interest were not limited by the exotic beliefs of the traditional beliefs of the distant region of the planet. Anthropologists, ethnographers, sociologists, historians and religious scholars, considering the preservation of one of the most archaic systems of economy and social organization among the tribes of Australia, respectively, considered the aboriginal beliefs as a spiritual result, reflecting the most archaic system of social relations, referring to them as a kind , "The standard of primordial religion." So, the Soviet researcher S. Tokarev notes that the beliefs of Australians are the most archaic religious phenomenon that has remained to this day and a classic, typical example of totemism.

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Casiño, Tereso Catiil. "Winds of change in the church in Australia." Review & Expositor 115, no. 2 (May 2018): 214–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637318761358.

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The history of Christianity in Australia had a humble but rich beginning. Its early foundations were built on the sacrifices and hard work of individuals and groups who, although bound by their oath to expand and promote the Crown, showed concern for people who did not share their religious beliefs and norms. Australia provided the Church with an almost unparalleled opportunity to advance the gospel. By 1901, Christianity emerged as the religion of over 90% of the population. Church growth was sustained by a series of revival occurrences, which coincided with momentous social and political events. Missionary work among the aboriginal Australians accelerated. As the nation became wealthier, however, Christian values began to erode. In the aftermath of World War II, new waves of immigrants arrived. When Australia embraced multiculturalism, society slid into pluralism. New players emerged within Christianity, e.g., the Pentecostals and Charismatics. Technological advancement and consumerism impacted Australian society and the Church. By 2016, 30% of the national population claimed to have “no religion.” The Australian Church today navigates uncharted waters wisely and decisively as the winds of change continue to blow across the dry, barren spiritual regions of the nation.

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Walsh, David. "Moving Beyond Widdowson and Howard." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 2–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v4i1.66.

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Traditional Indigenous knowledge is increasingly recognised and incorporated both in and beyond the university. In Canada's Northwest Territories, this recognition has been manifest as policy mandating that scientists incorporate the knowledge of elders and hunters into their environmental and climate change research. However, the recognition of traditional knowledge has not always been met with acceptance and understanding. This article analyses the book Disrobing the Aboriginal Industry by Francis Widdowson and Albert Howard (2008), which is highly critical of traditional knowledge. Widdowson and Howard advocate for cultural assimilation by arguing that traditional knowledge is incompatible with, and inferior to, modern Western science. In their line of reasoning, the current application of traditional knowledge transplants ‗neolithic‘ culture into modernity and stunts the ability of Aboriginal peoples to participate in modern Canadian (and dominant Western) culture. While other critics argue against the racialised and inflammatory discourse, I try to salvage insight from the authors' misunderstandings; Widdowson and Howard's failed grasp on traditional knowledge actually illuminates a fundamental problem. The problem is not in meshing Indigenous and scientific knowledge; rather, the problem is in bridging the gap between Indigenous and scientific ways of knowing. I engage the work of A. Irving Halowell, Tim Ingold and scholars of Dene knowledge and traditional lifeways to discuss how Indigenous religion and worldview create a unique approach to knowledge.

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Mustofa, Ahmad Zainal. "Konsep Kesakralan Masyarakat Emile Durkheim: Studi Kasus Suku Aborigin di Australia." Madani Jurnal Politik dan Sosial Kemasyarakatan 12, no. 03 (December 26, 2020): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/madani.v12i03.2175.

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This article explains the concept of community sacredness through the results of Emile Durkheim's research on Aboriginal tribes in Australia. The research method used is descriptive analytical. The results of this study are Emile Durkheim dividing people's trust into two groups, namely the sacred and the profane. These two things are very influential in people's daily lives. Besides these two things, religion also has a function to bind people's beliefs to obey the rules that apply in the environment. So it can be concluded that the sacredness of society occurs when they believe in the supernatural power possessed by totems, so that they glorify it and regard it as something sacred and have restrictions on anyone who violates it. Instead, they loosen the profane aspect as an earthly ritual, so they may violate it and ignore it.

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Riches, Tanya. "Can We Still Sing the Lyrics “Come Holy Spirit”?" PNEUMA 38, no. 3 (2016): 274–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-03803004.

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Australian Pentecostals, both Indigenous and non-Indigenous, are speaking new tongues in their worship practices, forming new poetic languages of singing and conversation relevant for spatially dislocated twenty-first-century life. Using Nimi Wariboko’s three-city model offered in Charismatic City and the Public Resurgence of Religion, this article assesses Australian pentecostal worship practice in light of his “Charismatic City.” The article suggests that this emergent, poetic language of Spirit empowerment situates the worshipper in a rhizomatic network that flows with pentecostal energies, forming a new commons or space that is the basis of its global civil society. It presents two local case studies from Hillsong Church’s pneumatological song repertoire (1996–2006), and yarning conversation rituals at Ganggalah Church led by Aboriginal Australian pastors. These new languages identify and attune participants to the Spirit’s work in the world, particularly useful for urban cities and cyberspace.

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Monteath, Peter. "Globalising German Anthropology: Erhard Eylmann in Australia." Itinerario 37, no. 1 (April 2013): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000247.

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The German presence in nineteenth-century South Australia is associated primarily with the immigration of Prussian Lutherans escaping religious persecution in their homeland. Their settlement in the fledgling British colony aided its early, stuttering development; in the longer term it also fitted neatly South Australia's perception of itself as a “paradise of dissent.” These Germans took their religion seriously, none more so than the Lutheran missionaries who committed themselves to bringing the Gospel to the indigenous people of the Adelaide plains and, eventually, much further afield as well. In reality, however, the story of the German contribution to the history of this British colony extended far beyond these pious Lutherans. Among those who followed in their wake, whether as settlers or travellers, were Germans of many different backgrounds, who made their way to the Antipodes for a multitude of reasons. In South Australia as much as anywhere, globalising Germany was a multi-facetted project.The intellectual gamut of Germans in South Australia is nowhere more evident than in the realm of anthropology. The missionaries were not alone in displaying a keen interest in the Australian Aborigines. Anthropologists steeped in the empirical tradition that came to dominate the nascent discipline at the end of the nineteenth century also turned their attention to Australia. Indeed, in Germany and elsewhere, Australia occupied a special position in international discourse. The American anthropologist Lewis Henry Morgan had observed in 1880 that Australian aboriginal societies “now represent the condition of mankind in savagery better than it is elsewhere represented on the earth—a condition now rapidly passing away.”

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Rowe, David. "‘Great markers of culture’: The Australian sport field." Media International Australia 158, no. 1 (February 2016): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x15616515.

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In Creative Nation, sport is distinguished by its almost complete absence, except as a competitor for sponsorship with ‘cultural organisations’, and in brief mentions as content for SBS Radio and Aboriginal community radio stations. Sport is not mentioned at all in the 2011 National Cultural Policy Discussion Paper, but in the ensuing policy, Creative Australia, is treated, with art and religion, as one of the ‘great markers of culture’ in which, distinctively, elite professionalism, amateurism and fandom/appreciation happily co-exist. This article reflects on developments in the Australian sport field over the last two decades, highlighting the management of elite-grass roots and public–private funding tensions, and relevant parallels in the arts field. It addresses the pivotal relationship between the sport and broadcast media fields, arguing that sport, as a Bourdieusian ‘field of struggles’, is an under-appreciated domain of national cultural policy in which different forms of capital collide and converge.

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배요한. "A Study of Susin yeongyak: On the View of the Encounter between Roman Catholicism and the Aboriginal Religion in Jeju Island." Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology 46, no. 4 (December 2014): 449–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15757/kpjt.2014.46.4.017.

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Fallon, Breann. "“I am Mother to my Plants”." Fieldwork in Religion 13, no. 2 (December 20, 2018): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.36021.

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The tree stands as a sacred symbol in many faith traditions. Unsurprisingly, nature-based new religious movements are no exception. This article considers the manifestation of sacred trees in a number of religious traditions, including Australian Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander spirituality, Abrahamic traditions, Ancient Egyptian religion, Buddhism, Hinduism, Norse mythology, the Shinto faith, and nature-based new religious movements. After this initial section, I present the findings of a fieldwork project undertaken in 2016. Using the survey as a tool, this project enquired into the use of trees, plants, and private gardens among practitioners from nature-based new religious movements. This survey makes use of both quantitative and qualitative survey methods, having been distributed to various nature-based new religious movements in New Zealand, Australia, Europe, the United States, and the United Kingdom. Despite extensive tree lore, these survey results present the tree as a peripheral plant in the practitioners' everyday practice, with the garden as a whole being more critical than any single variety of vegetation.

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Kumar, Dr Pintu. "A Case Study of Blood and Śarāb Thirsty Aboriginal Village Gods from Greater Magadha: An Interpretation through Polythetic Approach of McClymond." YMER Digital 21, no. 01 (January 5, 2022): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37896/ymer21.01/07.

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Bronkhorst rightly argued that the Brāhmaṇical religion and rituals were not rooted deeply in the society of Greater Magadha and maintained its tradition of local Dravidian gods due to its situation beyond the eastern limit of purely Āryan Culture. Besides famous Brāhmaṇical Gods, each village of Greater Magadha has its own local non-Brāhmaṇical Dravidian gods, situated in small rude temples or shrines. These locally originated minor village gods are almost always appeased with blood or animal sacrifices followed by offering of śarāb i.e. alcoholic drink whenever a wish (mañnat) is fulfilled. The offered small indigenous animals like chicken or bird are cooked at the shrine and served as prāsād to all. It is believed that the deity will be satisfied after drinking blood and wine and bless you anything in an intoxicated mood. The present paper will locate these village gods through the ‘polythetic approach’ and understand the traditional sacrifices offered. It further intends to explore the relationship between the modern theory and the contemporary indigenous practice in dynamic collaboration with seven components of sacrificial deeds.

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