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Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 27 липня 2024

Оновлено: 29 липня 2024

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1

Bondarenko, Dmitri Mikhaylovich. "CIVIL WAR MEMORY, ANTI-RACISM, AND THE AMERICAN NATION: LATE 2010s — EARLY 2020s." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL, no. 2023, №1 (June 5, 2023): 138–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-1-138-164.

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This article is based on materials collected by the author over many years in 28 cities and towns in 14 U.S. states and the District of Columbia. He aims to show how the historical (aka cultural or social) memory of the Civil War (War of the North and the South) from 1861 through 1865, and the corresponding abolition of slavery become a factor in the anti-racist movement that has swept the country again in recent years. Attention is drawn to transformations in the Civil War memory associated with changing perceptions of the history, essence, and sociocultural boundaries of the American nation. Th e essence of these changes is the affi rmation of a view of the U.S. nation as the entity that includes both whites and blacks on an equal footing. It has also changed the perception of the Civil War as a key moment in the formation of the American nation: whereas previously the War of the North and the South was seen as a war between Northern whites and Southern whites, it has increasingly emphasized the active role of black Americans. At the same time, the differences in the historical memory of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery that persist in the North and the South allow the author to argue that the sociocultural division of U.S. society into Northerners and Southerners has not disappeared to this day. Th e article also highlights that not just racial dichotomies, but racial inequalities were embedded in the very foundation of the American nation at the time of its formation. Th is fact raises the question of whether so-called systemic (otherwise structural, institutional, or social) racism is in principle eradicable in the United States, despite the obvious change for the better in the black community since the victory of the black civil rights movement of 1954–1968.

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2

Brickell Bellows, Amanda. "Selling Servitude, Captivating Consumers." Journal of Global Slavery 1, no. 1 (2016): 72–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00101005.

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After the abolition of Russian serfdom and American slavery in 1861 and 1865, respectively, businesses played an important role in molding popular attitudes about post-emancipation integration processes in Russia and the United States through visual representations of serfs, peasants, slaves, and freedpeople in advertisements. Both American and Russian companies developed parallel marketing strategies by constructing advertisements that depicted African Americans and peasants in positions of servitude, which appealed to consumers who were nostalgic for an idealized rural, pre-industrial and pre-emancipation era during an age of rapid industrialization, urbanization, and geographic expansion. But Russian and American companies also pursued divergent marketing tactics that beg further consideration. While US businesses predominantly disparaged African Americans in racialized caricatures, Russian businesses sometimes depicted peasants in positions of equality relative to other citizens. What accounts for this disparity? This article examines newspaper ads, posters, broadsides, and ephemera from collections at Russian and American archives, and argues that apart from perceived racial differences in the case of US ads, dissimilarities between Russian and American population compositions, urban migration patterns, and distinct notions of national identity also explain this important distinction.

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3

Latulippe, Jean-Guy. "Le traité de réciprocité 1854-1866." L'Actualité économique 52, no. 4 (June 25, 2009): 432–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800694ar.

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Abstract "Reciprocity is a relation between two independent powers, such that the citizens of each are guaranteed certain commercial privileges at the hands of the others". The arrangement obtained under the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 might perhaps be appropriately described as a partial "free-trade area" rather than as a "customs union" since the United States and the British North American Provinces were not assumed to draw up a common tariff schedule for their imports from the outside countries. Each participant maintains its own duties against other countries or even colonies. The Reciprocity Treaty permitted free access in the coastal fisheries to Americans and abolished duties on a wide range of natural products (grain, flour, fish, livestock, coal, timber and other less important natural produce). At the same time, American vessels were admitted to the use of Canadian canals on the same terms as British and colonial vessels. Reciprocity was to apply to Canadian vessels going to United States. In the late 1840's the B.N.A. Provinces were faced by that policy which the literature has called "Little Englandism". When Britain repealed the corn laws and gradually the preferential tariffs on timber the B.N.A. Provinces were shocked to be left on their own. A new commercial system had to be developed: reciprocity was the answer. But, it could have been something else: protection or annexion. The direction of the external trade changes with the Reciprocity Treaty. Before 1851, Britain was Canada's main partner (59% of Canada's Exports). But a decade later, the United States was both Canada's major supplier and its best customer. Neither the Treaty nor the loss of preference in the British Market succeeded in destroying the Trade of B.N.A. Provinces with the United Kingdom. In fact, trade with Britain was greater in 1865 than in 1854. Later, in 1870, Britain took back its leading position. What we see is a diversion of trade from Britain to the United States and back to Britain where the basic commercial connections were well established. The Treaty was disappointing for the "dream" of using the St. Lawrence as the main route to capture the trade of the West did not materialize. The consequence of abrogation was less unfortunate than had in some quarters been anticipated. The Treaty came late after the abolition of the preferential tariffs, and it was disturbed by major events (the crisis of 1857; the American Civil War). After the treaty, recovery of the American currency reconstruction, proximity of the two countries, a new boom in foreign investment in Canada, etc., combined to reduce considerably the potential blow to Canada of the Abrogation. The agreement lasted for twelve years and was finally overwhelmed by the rising tide of protectionism and commercial jealousies and political hostilities of the time. Reciprocity, Confederation, the Nation Policy, the St. Lawrence Seaway (1840/1950), the National Corporations, the pipelines are all the elements of the same continuum: economic and political integration of isolated markets in North America.

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4

Thomas, Brook. "The Galaxy, National Literature, and Reconstruction." Nineteenth-Century Literature 75, no. 1 (June 2020): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2020.75.1.50.

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Brook Thomas, “The Galaxy, National Literature, and Reconstruction” (pp. 50–81) The North’s victory in the Civil War preserved the Union and led to the abolition of slavery. Reconstruction was a contentious debate about what sort of nation that union of states should become. Published during Reconstruction before being taken over by the Atlantic Monthly, the Galaxy tried, in Rebecca Harding Davis’s words, to be “a national magazine in which the current of thought of every section could find expression.” The Galaxy published literature and criticism as well as political, sociological, and economic essays. Its editors were moderates who aesthetically promoted a national literature and politically promoted reconciliation between Northern and Southern whites along with fair treatment for freedmen. What fair treatment entailed was debated in its pages. Essayists included Horace Greeley, the abolitionist journalist; Edward A. Pollard, author of The Lost Cause (1866); and David Croly, who pejoratively coined the phrase “miscegenation.” Literary contributors included Davis, Walt Whitman, Henry James, Mark Twain, Constance Fenimore Woolson, John William De Forest, Julian Hawthorne, Emma Lazarus, Paul Hayne, Sidney Lanier, and Joaquin Miller. Juxtaposing some of the Galaxy’s literary works with its debates over how the Union should be reimagined points to the neglected role that Reconstruction politics played in the institutionalization of American literary studies. Whitman is especially important. Reading the great poet of American democracy in the context of the Galaxy reveals how his postbellum celebration of a united nation—North, South, East, and West—aligns him with moderate views on Reconstruction that today seem racially reactionary.

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5

Carwardine, Richard. "Methodists, Politics, and the Coming of the American Civil War." Church History 69, no. 3 (September 2000): 578–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169398.

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In 1868 Ulysses S. Grant remarked that there were three great parties in the United States: the Republican, the Democratic, and the Methodist Church. This was an understandable tribute, given the active role of leading Methodists in his presidential campaign, but it was also a realistic judgment, when set in the context of the denomination's growing political authority over the previous half century. As early as 1819, when, with a quarter of a million members, “the Methodists were becoming quite numerous in the country,” the young exhorter Alfred Branson noted that “politicians… from policy favoured us, though they might be skeptical as to religion,” and gathered at county seats to listen to the preachers of a denomination whose “votes counted as fast at an election as any others.” Ten years later, the newly elected Andrew Jackson stopped at Washington, Pennsylvania, en route from Tennessee to his presidential inauguration. When both Presbyterians and Methodists invited him to attend their services, Old Hickory sought to avoid the political embarrassment of seeming to favor his own church over the fastest-growing religious movement in the country by attending both—the Presbyterians in the morning and the Methodists at night. In Indiana in the early 1840s the church's growing power led the Democrats to nominate for governor a known Methodist, while tarring their Whig opponents with the brush of sectarian bigotry. Nationally, as the combined membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church [MEC] and Methodist Episcopal Church, South [MECS] grew to over one and a half million by the mid-1850s, denominational leaders could be found complaining that the church was so strong that each political party was “eager to make her its tool.” Thus Elijah H. Pilcher, the influential Michigan preacher, found himself in 1856 nominated simultaneously by state Democratic, Republican, and Abolition conventions.

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6

Hernández, Kelly Lytle. "Amnesty or Abolition?" Boom 1, no. 4 (2011): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/boom.2011.1.4.54.

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Convicts and undocumented immigrants are similarly excluded from full social and political membership in the United States. Disfranchised, denied core protections of the social welfare state and subject to forced removal from their homes, families, and communities, convicts and undocumented immigrants, together, occupy the caste of outsiders living within the United States. This essay explores the rise of the criminal justice and immigration control systems that frame the caste of outsiders. Reaching back to the forgotten origins of immigration control during the era of black emancipation, this essay highlights the deep and allied inequities rooted in the rise of immigration control and mass incarceration.

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7

Sirotkin, Stanislav. "«Liberty first and Union afterwards»: The Constitution and the Union of the United States in Wendell Phillips’ View." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 4 (56) (January 26, 2022): 260–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2021-56-4-260-267.

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The article is devoted to Wendell Phillips, the main figure of the abolition movement in the USA. The author considers Phillips’ ideological contribution to the doctrine of the Union separation. The abolitionists’ radical wing adhered to it until the beginning of the Civil War. The main attention is paid to the main provisions of Phillips’ criticism of the US Constitution. The article considers and systemizes his arguments in favor of the abolition of the United States federal structure. He implied disunion to preserve the rights of free states, which was seen as a necessary measure to fight against slavery.

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8

Voronov, Ivan. "M.N. Muravyov’s Administrative Reform in the Ministry of State Properties (1859–1861)." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (December 25, 2023): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2023-0-4-21-29.

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The article is devoted to the reorganization of the Ministry of State Properties in 1859–1861 resulting from a series of transformations, united by the concept of M.N. Muravyov’s administrative reforms. In the context of the preparations for the serfdom abolition, previously unknown aspects of administrative reform are revealed, clarifi ed and rethought. The author identifi es three stages of administrative reform of the Ministry of State Properties. The fi rst stage included reorganization of the internal structure of the department, such as amalgamation of the Second and Agriculture departments. The second stage involved disposal of non-core structures, such as the Department of Ship Scaffolding, and reorganization of the Forestry Department. The third stage envisaged separation of the departments of the Second and Agriculture. The author pays particular attention to the attitude towards the reform of the department's bureaucracy, the liquidation of the Ship's Scaffolding Department and the transformation of the Forestry Department.

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9

Wang, Ke. "Retention or Abolition of the Death Penalty and Public Opinion on the Death Penalty." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 14, no. 1 (October 26, 2023): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/14/20230935.

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The discussion on the death penaltys retention or repeal has been going on for a long time, and there are different views on the retention and elimination of the death punishment. Despite the international trend toward abolition, certain countries, like China, Japan, and the United States, continue to use the death sentence, and all three countries have conducted public opinion surveys on the abolition of the death sentence, and public opinion has a certain influence on the death penalty reform. This article will compare the views of Beccaria and Bentham, the representatives of abolitionism, and Kant and Hegel, the representatives of capital punishment retention, review the outcomes of popular opinion surveys on capital punishment in China, the United States, and Japan, analyze the characteristics of public opinion, and discuss the interaction between capital punishment retention and abolition and public opinion. The study about the value of public views in terms of the death sentence reform is of reference significance to the issue of whether the death penalty should be retained or abolished.

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10

Alshaikhmubarak, Hazem, R. Richard Geddes, and Shoshana A. Grossbard. "Single Motherhood and the Abolition of Coverture in the United States." Journal of Empirical Legal Studies 16, no. 1 (February 18, 2019): 94–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jels.12210.

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11

Rogers, Alan. "State Constitutionalism and the Death Penalty." Journal of Policy History 20, no. 1 (January 2008): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.0.0011.

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Concerned that the United States Supreme Court's abolition of the death penalty in Furman v. Georgia (1972) would not be sustained, abolitionists turned to state supreme courts. Through their efforts, two states succeeded in realizing that goal: California, briefly, and Massachusetts, where the death penalty remains unconstitutional.

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12

Drescher, Seymour. "Civil Society and Paths to Abolition." Journal of Global Slavery 1, no. 1 (2016): 44–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00101001.

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This article explores aspects of the abolitionist movements in comparative imperial and national perspective. Contrasting the transoceanic roads to emancipation in the pioneering British and French empires, it then examines subsequent cases in Russia, the United States of America and Brazil. It attempts to assess the relative impact of civil and/or military mobilizations—or their absence—in relation to the public sphere and legislative actors. It speculates on the impact of different forms and outcomes on the legacies of abolitions.

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13

Allen, H. "Reportable Animal Diseases in the United States." Zoonoses and Public Health 59, no. 1 (May 25, 2011): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1863-2378.2011.01417.x.

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14

White, G. Edward. "Soccer Frontiers: The Global Game in the United States, 1863–1913." Journal of Sport History 50, no. 1 (April 1, 2023): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/21558450.50.1.16.

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15

Steiker, Carol S., and Jordan M. Steiker. "The Rise, Fall, and Afterlife of the Death Penalty in the United States." Annual Review of Criminology 3, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-criminol-011518-024721.

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This review addresses four key issues in the modern (post-1976) era of capital punishment in the United States. First, why has the United States retained the death penalty when all its peer countries (all other developed Western democracies) have abolished it? Second, how should we understand the role of race in shaping the distinctive path of capital punishment in the United States, given our country's history of race-based slavery and slavery's intractable legacy of discrimination? Third, what is the significance of the sudden and profound withering of the practice of capital punishment in the past two decades? And, finally, what would abolition of the death penalty in the United States (should it ever occur) mean for the larger criminal justice system?

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16

Narváez, Benjamin N. "Abolition, Chinese Indentured Labor, and the State: Cuba, Peru, and the United States during the Mid Nineteenth Century." Americas 76, no. 1 (January 2019): 5–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.43.

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Abolition forced planters in the post-Civil War US South to consider new sources and forms of labor. Some looked to Spanish America for answers. Cuba had long played a prominent role in the American imagination because of its proximity, geostrategic location, and potential as a slave state prior to the Civil War. Even as the United States embraced abolition and Cuba maintained slavery, the island presented Southern planters with potential labor solutions. Cuban elites had been using male Chinese indentured workers (“coolies” or colonos asiáticos) to supplement slave labor and delay the rise of free labor since 1847. Planters in coastal Peru similarly embraced Chinese indentured labor in 1849 as abolition neared. Before the Civil War, Southerners generally had noted these developments with anxiety, fearing that coolies were morally corrupt and detrimental to slavery. However, for many, these concerns receded once legal slavery ended. Planters wanted cheap exploitable labor, which coolies appeared to offer. Thus, during Reconstruction, Southern elites, especially in Louisiana, attempted to use Chinese indentured workers to minimize changes in labor relations.

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17

Prud'homme, Joseph. "Separation of Church and State, American Exceptionalism, and the Contemporary Social Moment: Viewing Church–State Separation from the Priority of Slavery." Religions 12, no. 1 (January 6, 2021): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010034.

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The contemporary social moment in the United States has affirmed the critical importance of racial justice, and especially claims to justice informed by the contributions of structural and institutional forces connected with the nation’s original sin of slavery. In this paper, I examine the contributions of strict church–state separationism to the maintenance of slavery in the antebellum South in comparison to the contributions various forms of religious establishment made to the successful abolition of slavery in the United Kingdom and the British Empire. Developing a deeper historical understanding of the ways the relationship between religious and governmental institutions influenced the abolition and maintenance of slavery can assist the contemporary quest for racial justice.

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18

Blocker, Jack S. "Consumption and availability of alcoholic beverages in the United States, 1863–1920." Contemporary Drug Problems 21, no. 4 (December 1994): 631–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145099402100407.

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19

Tosko, Mike. "Book Review: Abolition and Antislavery: A Historical Encyclopedia of the American Mosaic." Reference & User Services Quarterly 55, no. 3 (March 25, 2016): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.55n3.248.

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This encyclopedia covers the rise and proliferation of abolitionist movements in the United States and the subsequent consequences of the emancipation of the former slaves. While outside international influences on American slavery existed—particularly Great Britain—the focus here is on both the Northern and Southern United States. Of course, banishing slavery did not lead to immediate social equality, and in fact many abolitionists did not ever desire this type of equality. This work also traces the subsequent controversial issues that emerged following abolition, such as new forms of labor exploitation, the right to own land and to vote, and the use of violence and intimidation to keep African Americans in inferior social and economic positions.

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20

Scotch, M., P. Rabinowitz, and C. Brandt. "State-Level Zoonotic Disease Surveillance in the United States." Zoonoses and Public Health 58, no. 8 (April 1, 2011): 523–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1863-2378.2011.01401.x.

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21

Mueller, R. "Impact of covid on riots and associated behaviors in the united states." European Psychiatry 64, S1 (April 2021): S298—S299. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2021.801.

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IntroductionThe racial riots of 2020 in the US, beginning in Minneapolis, had a global impact inciting protests internationally. We look at the impact of COVID, the social isolation and frustration that therefore existed and how this effected the instigation of the riots.Objectives--To review the history of racism in the United States and the abolition theories, comparing US and UK. --To consider the impact of international immigration on the cultural tension in the US; Minnesota accepted a large population of Somalis in 1992 as refugees. --To explore how this progress toward racial equality has stagnated under the leadership of President Donald Trump. --To look at how COVID in the context of the above historical factors has served as a unwitting catalyst to racial riots and global protests.MethodsLiterature research including historical accounts of principles of abolition, post-civil war reconstructive political manuevers, 1950’s segregation protests and political supports (US and UK), refugee relief efforts made by the US [specifically related to Somalia], and reports regarding the impact of COVID on the 2020 reaction to racial injustice.ResultsEvidence suggests that across time periods, recourses of politicians [US and global] resulted in negative relations internationally with respect to immigration. The unique situation created by COVID resulted in a crucible effect following the death of George Floyd.ConclusionsPrevious attempts at creating equality have proven unsuccessful and apathetic on the part of those in power. This has lead to a situation where COVID created a perfect storm in order to ignite racial tensions in the US.

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22

Madley, Benjamin, and Edward D. Melillo. "California Unbound." California History 100, no. 3 (2023): 24–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2023.100.3.24.

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An enduring focus on African American chattel slavery, the U.S. Civil War, and sharecropping in the South has failed to collectively address the varieties of unfree labor and their abolitions in the trans-Mississippi western United States. By exploring systems of servitude and their termination in California and the wider Pacific World, this essay reframes the Age of Abolition. It describes the rise and fall of labor regimes that bound California Indians, African Americans, Chileans, and Chinese women. Citing Chinese-, English-, and Spanish-language sources from a variety of archives and libraries, this article expands the chronology, geography, and actors of the Age of Abolition. Finally, it suggests trajectories for rethinking this momentous transition from Pacific World and western U.S. vantage points to suggest the need for a global history of abolition.

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23

de Carvalho, José Murilo. "Luso-Brazilian Thought on Slavery and Abolition." Itinerario 17, no. 1 (March 1993): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003703.

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The main force behind abolitionism in England and in the United States was quakerism. The first quakerish attack on slavery was unleashed by William Edmundson in 1676, after he visited Barbados. He attributed the many sins practiced in that island to the existence of slavery. This was a radical departure from the traditional Christian way of looking at slavery. This tradition, consolidated by St. Augustine, held the opposite view, that is, that slavery was a consequence of sin, not the other way around. Sin was, according to St. Augustine, the worst slavery – it turned men into slaves of their own passions. Soon the inversion was complete. Slavery itself became sin.

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24

Hoag, Christopher. "Clearinghouse loan certificates as interbank loans in the United States, 1860–1913." Financial History Review 23, no. 3 (December 2016): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565016000196.

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Before the founding of the Federal Reserve, bank clearinghouse associations served as an emergency lending facility during the National Bank Era (1863–1913). This article clarifies the operation of clearinghouse loan certificates during panic periods. If clearinghouse loan certificates do not circulate among the general public, then they bear similarities to interbank loans among clearinghouse member banks. In general, the central clearinghouse organization does not act alone as a lender of last resort to make loans from the central clearinghouse to individual member banks.

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25

Gebhart, Nancy, and Kelly L. Reddy-Best. "Slogan T-shirts: Liberalism, abolition and commodity activism in the Midwestern United States." Critical Studies in Fashion & Beauty 13, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/csfb_00048_1.

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Wearing slogan T-shirts largely began in the United States in the mid-twentieth century with the rise of various social movements. Considering the persistence of slogan T-shirts as a component of commodity activism, we theoretically engage with the ways twenty-first century organizations produce slogan T-shirts within the fashion system, with heightened attention to white progressive politics. We examine two Midwestern organizations in the United States: Raygun, which approaches T-shirt activism as a for-profit business and For Everyone Co., which approaches T-shirt activism as a not-for-profit collective. We conduct a case study to examine the nuance of how and why these collective and for-profit businesses use T-shirt activism, drawing upon multiple theoretical concepts to critically interpret the production and distribution of these products within the fashion system and offering theoretical implications for future study. We conduct a close reading of T-shirt texts and images, the organizations’ biographical information, and their reported philanthropic actions to construct and interpret their public-facing narratives engaging with fashion and activism. Examining T-shirt activism, as both an ‘artivist’ practice and a commodity, requires a critical analysis of how organizations capitalize on consumers’ desire and instances wherein white progressive politics prioritize the appearance of equity and justice or ambiguous fashion activism, over meaningful social-action centred fashion. Our work offers implications for the production, distribution and consumption of these products within the fashion system.

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Moore, Alexandra, and Rachel Nelson. "Barring Freedom: Art, Abolition and the Museum in Pandemic Times." Journal of Curatorial Studies 11, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcs_00055_1.

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Barring Freedom, a travelling exhibition featuring artworks engaging the histories and current conditions of prisons and policing in the United States, was to open in April 2020. While COVID-19 disrupted that plan, the realities of inequity in the United States placed into stark relief by the pandemic and the uprisings of summer 2020 brought urgency to rethinking the curatorial vision of the exhibition to reach audiences beyond the gallery walls. Buoyed by the idea that, in the words of Angela Davis, art can ‘propel people towards social emancipation’, the exhibition and related programming was reconceived as an ongoing, interdisciplinary, public scholarship initiative reaching across the borders normally perceived between museums, prisons and universities. Opportunities arose for expanded forms of community building and participation that welcomed different forms of knowledge, furthering the political and aesthetic aims of the project to shift the social attachment to prisons.

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Cox, Marcus S. "A Regiment of Slaves: The 4th United States Colored Infantry, 1863-1866 (review)." Journal of Military History 67, no. 3 (2003): 947–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0212.

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28

Davis, Viktoria, and Lilien Vogl. "Gertrude Stanton (1863-1931)." Hindsight: Journal of Optometry History 51, no. 1 (December 9, 2019): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/hindsight.v51i1.28765.

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Dr. Ella Gertrude Smith Ayer Stanton Jones (1863-1931), better known as Gertrude Stanton, was the first woman licensed to practice optometry in the United States. A native of Iowa, Stanton began her career as a teacher, but eventually moved to Minnesota where she received training and began to work as an itinerant refracting optician or optometrist, building her professional reputation through clever marketing. In 1901, shortly after the passage of the first optometry licensure law in Minnesota, Stanton applied for and received a license by exemption. Stanton went on to become an in-store optometrist at Dayton’s Department Store and eventually set up her own storefront where she employed her daughter and ran an optical business run entirely by women. During her career, she participated in optometry and professional associations and public service projects and was active in her community. Thrice married with three children, Stanton’s abiding popularity with her patients and the public as well as her financial success despite leading an unconventional life for a woman at the turn of the twentieth century is a testament to her fierce independence, indomitable spirit and impressive business acumen. This article, constructed from meticulous research in archival records, paints a detailed portrait of Stanton’s life and career as an optometric pioneer.

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29

Gordon, David. "Marxism, Dictatorship, and the Abolition of Rights." Social Philosophy and Policy 3, no. 2 (1986): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000340.

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Is a Marxist society liable to be an oppressive one? To ask this question is immediately to pose two others: what is meant by Marxism; and what counts as an oppressive society? To take these questions in reverse order, by an oppressive society I shall mean one in which, other things being equal, people do not possess basic civil liberties. Examples of basic civil liberties (I intend here to be fairly uncontroversial) include, but are not limited to, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and, if the society has a political system, the freedom to participate in that system. An example of what I mean by basic civil liberties is the system of basic liberties discussed by Rawls; the United States Bill of Rights is another example.

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30

Tuan, Do Trong, LL.M, Do Duc Hong Ha, LL.D, Pham Thanh Nga, and LL.M. "The Legal Policy on Death Penalty in Vietnam: a View of Human Rights Law." International Journal of Scientific and Management Research 05, no. 06 (2022): 224–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37502/ijsmr.2022.5619.

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In 1989, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Second Optional Protocol ICCPR which provided for the abolition of the death penalty. But this Protocol was only an optional recommendation, should not be legally binding on all members, and only those members who voluntarily participate in this Protocol have international legal obligations to eliminate the death penalty within the system. Until now, the abolition of the death penalty is not an international legal obligation for all countries to comply with. Therefore, there are many member states around the world have abolished this penalty from the legal system. This regulation not only protects human right better but also express the progress of legislation of law and policymakers.

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31

Murray, Hannah-Rose. "“The Black People’s Side of the Story”: The Historical and Transatlantic Roots of the Movement for Black Lives." African American Review 56, no. 1 (March 2023): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2023.a903595.

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Abstract: Black freedom fighters have always been at the forefront pushing the United States to accept the ideals it was founded on and were—are—unrelenting in their groundbreaking campaigns for abolition, equality, and social justice. In this article, I argue that to add nuance and a greater understanding to the philosophies developed by such freedom fighters, it is necessary to evaluate the transatlantic connections between the United States and Britain. Complicating and expanding their calls for antiracism and anti-oppression, Black activists have gained an alternative international perspective on British soil. Beginning with a discussion of the Movement for Black Lives in the US and its links with the UK, I analyze the movement’s historical and transatlantic roots.

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32

Walvin, James. "Slavery, abolition and public history in Britain, the United States and the British Caribbean." Cahiers Charles V 46, no. 1 (2009): 365–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cchav.2009.1544.

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33

Majodina, Zonke. "Death Penalty under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: Some Reflections for African States." Strathmore Law Journal 4, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slj.v4i1.53.

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As part of the ongoing movement in support of the abolition of the death penalty across the world, this article presents a selection of cases brought before the United Nations Human Rights Committee (the Committee) on violations of the right to life. With a special focus on Zambian cases, the objective is to demonstrate how the Committee’s views reflect its longstanding jurisprudence that the death penalty should only be applied in the most exceptional circumstances.

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34

Ngai, Mae M., and Sophie Loy-Wilson. "Thinking Labor Rights through the Coolie Question." International Labor and Working-Class History 91 (2017): 5–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000399.

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In 2014 the conservative Australian Institute of Public Affairs called for the abolition of the minimum wage—at the time AU$16.87, the highest in the industrial world and twice that of the United States. The Australian minimum, enacted in Victoria in 1896, was the first in the world. Other nations copied it, and the International Labor Organization inscribed it as an international convention in 1928. Responding to calls for its abolition, University of Melbourne historian Marilyn Lake reminded Australians that the minimum wage was a “symbol of Australian values.” Envisioned as a “living wage, sufficient to meet the variety of needs of a person living in a civilized community … [it] recognized workers as human beings and equal citizens,” she wrote.

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35

Goldblatt, Laura, and Richard Handler. "Toward a New National Iconography: Native Americans on United States Postage Stamps, 1863–1922." Winterthur Portfolio 51, no. 1 (March 2017): 55–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/693992.

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36

Silva, Marta Fernandes da. "As afro-reparações e o impacto da covid-19 na população afrodescendente nas Américas (EUA e Brasil): desigualdades de ontem nas desigualdades de hoje." CEM, no. 13 (2021): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/2182-1097/13a9.

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In this paper we reflect on the fundamental cause for the afro-reparations demands, emphasizing some evidences during the post-abolition period, framed in the 19th century liberal ideas, highlighting the non-integration of the majority of former slaves in the United States of America and Brazil. Through a comparative analysis we intend to make more visible a historical legacy for afro-descendants in those countries, selecting indicators of inequalities that currently affect these communities and are, to a large extent, connected with the post-abolition. Subsequently, we tried to understand how the very high mortality of that population by Covid-19, relating it to those indicators, is a projection of the post-slavery era, making those inequalities prominently visible and, thus, reinforcing the need for the debate of afro-reparations

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37

Anderson, Heather, and Charlotte Bedford. "Prisoner radio as an abolitionist tool: A scholactivist reflection." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00093_1.

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Prisoner and prison radio – audio production and broadcasting that services prisoner and prison communities – has existed in a variety of forms in a diverse range of countries for over 30 years and has recently seen a surge in popularity and awareness. At the same time, the prison abolition movement has also gained momentum and visibility, after an equally long presence and history. Recently in the United States, the New York City Council voted to close Rikers Island by 2026 in response to community campaigning driven by an abolition agenda. Likewise, the Black Lives Matter movement has introduced an abolitionist discourse (especially around defunding police services) to the mainstream vernacular. This article considers the relationships between broadcasters/audiences and the State – embodied through government departments responsible for managing the incarceration of its citizens, and how these impact on prisoner radio’s capacity to act as an agent of change. To do so, we take a scholactivist approach to critically reflect on our experiences as prisoner radio practitioners and researchers and consider the potentials for prisoner radio to either support or hinder a prison abolition agenda. Can the genre contribute to the prison abolition movement when it often requires the support of the prison-industrial complex to exist?

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38

Einsle, Ulrich K. "Cyclops canadensis n.sp. and Cyclops scutifer Sars, 1863 (Crustacea: Copepoda) from northern Canada." Canadian Journal of Zoology 66, no. 10 (October 1, 1988): 2146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/z88-319.

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The occurrence and distribution of Cyclops s.str. species (strenuus subgroup) in Canada and the United States has not yet been reliably studied. In this first attempt, Cyclops scutifer Sars, 1863 is characterized, and a new species, Cyclops canadensis, is established. As no cytological investigations were possible, the species are described on the basis of morphological and morphometrical data. Most probably, the new species, Cyclops canadensis, formerly was identified as Cyclops strenuus.

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39

Carnahan, Burrus M. "Lincoln, Lieber and the Laws of War: The Origins and Limits of the Principle of Military Necessity." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 2 (April 1998): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998030.

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The roots of the modern law of war lie in the 1860s. Developments in this decade began in 1862 when Henry Dunant published Un Souvenir de Solferino, which inspired the conclusion two years later of the first Geneva Convention on treatment of the sick and wounded. Four years later came the first multilateral agreement to ban the use of a particular weapon in war. And in 1863, before either of these agreements had been concluded, the earliest official government codification of the laws of war was promulgated by the United States. This codification was issued as General Orders No. 100, Instructions for the Government of Armies of the United States in the Field, more commonly known as the “Lieber Code.”

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40

Gallanis, T. P. "The Rule Against Perpetuities and the Law Commission's Flawed Philosophy." Cambridge Law Journal 59, no. 2 (June 29, 2000): 284–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000819730000012x.

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The author considers the proposal of the Law Commission that the Rule against Perpetuities should be amended rather than abolished and emphasises the need for a balance between the freedom of the current generation and the freedom of future generations to control property. The article draws attention to the experience of Canada and the United States and suggests that experience undermines the Rule's economic rationale and that the Law Commission should consider recommending the Rule's abolition.

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41

Tyrrell, Ian. "The Regulation of Alcohol and other Drugs in a Colonial Context: United States Policy towards the Philippines, C. 1898–1910." Contemporary Drug Problems 35, no. 4 (December 2008): 539–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090803500405.

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The article compares attitudes towards and laws regulating the use of alcohol and opium in the United States (US) colonial possession of the Philippines. Forces within the United States and missionary groups in the field in the Philippines fought to have the supply of alcohol to American troops restricted by abolition of the military canteen system, and to eliminate use of alcohol among the indigenous population. To achieve these aims, they developed highly skilled networks of political lobbying led by Wilbur Craft's International Reform Bureau. Temperance, church and missionary groups differed among themselves over the relative seriousness of the two drugs’ impact in the Philippines, but skillfully adapted their tactics in the light of experience in the colony to focus on opium. They developed a tacit coalition with the US government, using the Philippines opium policy to distinguish the United States as a morally superior colonial ruler. By lobbying the government to oppose opium use in the East Asia region, they served to promote an American regional hegemony, and provided an important departure point for modern US drug poalicies.

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42

McFarlane, Kelly H., Ryan P. Coene, Lanna Feldman, Patricia E. Miller, Benton E. Heyworth, Dennis E. Kramer, Mininder S. Kocher, Yi-Meng Yen, and Matthew D. Milewski. "Increased incidence of acute patellar dislocations and patellar instability surgical procedures across the United States in paediatric and adolescent patients." Journal of Children's Orthopaedics 15, no. 2 (April 19, 2021): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1302/1863-2548.15.200225.

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Purpose Patellofemoral instability is a common cause of knee pain and dysfunction in paediatric and adolescent patients. The purpose of the study was to evaluate the frequency of patellar dislocations seen in emergency departments (EDs) and the rates of surgical procedures for patellar instability at paediatric hospitals in the United States between 2004 and 2014. Methods The Pediatric Health Information System database was queried for all paediatric patients who underwent surgery for patellar instability or were seen in the ED for acute patellar dislocation between 2004 and 2014. This was compared with the annual numbers of overall orthopaedic surgical procedures. Results Between 2004 and 2014, there were 3481 patellar instability procedures and 447 285 overall orthopaedic surgical procedures performed at the included institutions, suggesting a rate of 7.8 per 1000 orthopaedic surgeries. An additional 5244 patellar dislocations treated in EDs were identified. Between 2004 and 2014, the number of patellar instability procedures increased 2.1-fold (95% confidence interval (CI) 1.4 to 3.0), while orthopaedic surgical procedures increased 1.7-fold (95% CI 1.3 to 2.0), suggesting a 1.2-fold relative increase in patellar instability procedures, compared with total paediatric orthopaedic surgeries. Conclusion This study shows a significant rise in the rate of acute patellar instability treatment events in paediatric and adolescent patients across the country. Surgery for patellar instability also increased over the study period, though only slightly more than the rate of all paediatric orthopaedic surgical procedures. This may suggest that increasing youth sports participation may be leading to a spectrum of increasing injuries and associated surgeries in children. Level of Evidence IV

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43

Snider, Laureen. "Beyond Trump: Neoliberal Capitalism and the Abolition of Corporate Crime." Journal of White Collar and Corporate Crime 1, no. 2 (June 2020): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2631309x20920837.

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This article argues that the dramatic destruction of regulatory agencies in the United States undertaken by the regime of Donald Trump has exposed the weakness of forces opposing global neoliberal capitalism. From the 1980s, as governments bought into neoliberal doctrines lauding the superiority of market forces and the “inefficiency” of regulation, agencies in most capitalist democracies have been downsized, privatized, and starved of resources and staff. But the Trump agenda evisceration has been unprecedented in its breadth and speed. This article, first, documents the extent of the destruction of protective legislation in three key areas: environmental, financial, and labor. Second, it examines the nature and extent of resistance, and third, the resilience of American capitalism despite ongoing and active resistance.

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44

Apollonio, Dorie E., and Stanton A. Glantz. "Minimum Ages of Legal Access for Tobacco in the United States From 1863 to 2015." American Journal of Public Health 106, no. 7 (July 2016): 1200–1207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2016.303172.

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45

Rota, Michael W. "Moral Psychology and Social Change: The Case of Abolition." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 4 (March 2019): 567–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01338.

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The examination of a test case, the popular movement to abolish slavery, demonstrates that the insights of recent psychological research about moral judgment and motivated reasoning can contribute to historians’ understanding of why large-scale shifts in cultural values occur. Moral psychology helps to answer the question of why the abolitionist movement arose and flourished when and where it did. Analysis of motivated reasoning and the just-world bias sheds light on the conditions that promoted recognition of the moral wrongfulness of chattel slavery, as well as on the conditions that promoted morally motivated social action. These findings reveal that residents of Great Britain and the northern United States in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were in an unusually good position to perceive, and to act on, the moral problems of slavery. Moral psychology is also applicable to other social issues, such as women’s liberation and egalitarianism.

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46

Sato, Mai. "Politics of International Advocacy Against the Death Penalty: Governments as Anti–Death Penalty Crusaders." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.2471.

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Two-thirds of the countries worldwide have moved away from the death penalty in law or in practice, with global and regional organisations as well as individual governments working towards universal abolition. This article critically examines the narratives of these abolitionist governments that have abolished the death penalty in their country and have adopted the role of ‘moral crusaders’ (Becker 1963) in pursuit of global abolition. In 2018, the Australian Government, while being surrounded by retentionist states in Asia, joined the anti–death penalty enterprise along with the European Union, the United Kingdom and Norway. Using the concepts of ‘moral crusader’ (Becker 1963) and ‘performativity’ (Butler 1993), this article argues that advocacy must be acted on repeatedly for governments to be anti–death penalty advocates. Otherwise, these government efforts serve political ends in appearance but are simply a self-serving form of advocacy in practice.

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47

O’Malley, Gregory E., and Alex Borucki. "Patterns in the intercolonial slave trade across the Americas before the nineteenth century." Tempo 23, no. 2 (May 2017): 314–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/tem-1980-542x2017v230207.

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Abstract: The slave trade within the Americas, after the initial disembarkation of African captives in the New World, has received scant attention from historians, especially before the abolition of the transatlantic traffic. This article examines such intra-American trafficking as an introduction to the digital project Final Passages: The Intra-American Slave Trade Database, which aims to document evidence of slave voyages throughout the New World. This article does not provide statistics on this internal slave trade, as ongoing research will deliver new data. Instead, we consolidate qualitative knowledge about these intercolonial slave routes. As the article focuses on the era prior to British and U.S. abolition of the transatlantic trade (1807-1808), we leave out the nineteenth-century domestic slave trades in the United States and Brazil to focus on survivors of the Atlantic crossing who endured subsequent forced movement within the Americas.

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48

Marta Cieślak. "Crossing the Boundaries of Modernity: The Post-Abolition Journey of Polish Peasants to the United States." Polish American Studies 73, no. 2 (2016): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/poliamerstud.73.2.0056.

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49

White, Ashli. "The Limits of Fear: The Saint Dominguan Challenge to Slave Trade Abolition in the United States." Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 2, no. 2 (2004): 362–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eam.2007.0047.

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50

Getek Soltis, Kathryn, and Katie Walker Grimes. "Order, Reform, and Abolition: Changes in Catholic Theological Imagination on Prisons and Punishment." Theological Studies 82, no. 1 (March 2021): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040563921996050.

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Catholic thinking on prisons and punishment is in a state of flux. For most of its history, the church promoted a theology of order and obedience. Yet, a humanitarian revolution appears underway as the church now opposes punishments it once prescribed, namely torture, slavery, and the death penalty. Crafted largely in response to the prison system in the United States, recent alternatives to the moral-order approach appeal to human dignity, restorative justice, conversion, and social justice. Even so, the trajectory of Catholic moral imagination on punishment bears a particular compatibility with prison abolition.

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