Добірка наукової літератури з теми "321299 Public Health and Health Services not elsewhere classified"

OBJECTIVES/SPECIFIC AIMS: Approximately 50% of people who have been diagnosed with HIV are either not linked to a care provider or not retained in medical care. This has substantial implications for both individual and public health outcomes. On an individual level, being retained in care is necessary for continuous receipt of antiretroviral therapy and sustained viral suppression. The public health implications of poor retention in HIV care are also serious, as it is estimated that people with HIV who are not retained in medical care are responsible for a majority of HIV transmissions, even more than the number of transmissions attributable to those who are HIV infected but undiagnosed. State departments of health routinely collect surveillance data including positive HIV test results, CD4 counts and viral load measures for monitoring trends in HIV infection. A shift in the use of these surveillance measures, guided by the CDC, has brought forth the opportunity to use these data for direct patient services and, more specifically, to direct re-engagement and retention in care efforts. Although the risk factors for poor retention in HIV care have been characterized using information from individual or multiple clinics, this study seeks to incorporate state surveillance data into the retention measures. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: This retrospective cohort study was performed at the University of Alabama at Birmingham 1917 HIV/AIDS Clinic among patients with at least one attended HIV primary care visit during the calendar year of 2015. Retention during the calendar year of 2016 was then measured as whether or not a patient had 2 or more completed clinic visits which were separated by more than 90 days (in accordance with the Health Resources and Services Administration or HRSA guidelines, a National HIV Quality Indicator). For patients who did not have any primary care visit in 2016, the Alabama Department of Public Health will provide a status of care (out of care, in care elsewhere, died, moved out of state, and cannot locate) based on HIV laboratory results reported from all clinics and labs across the state and/or mortality information. A multinominal regression model of the status of care will be fitted to demographic, clinical, laboratory, and behavioral patient reported outcomes captured during an index visit in 2015. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: Data were recently obtained and is currently being analyzed on 3107 patients included in this study. We anticipate that there will be differences in the factors significantly associated with patients classified as out of care, poorly retained (patients who have only one completed clinic visit), and retained in care by the HRSA measure during calendar year 2016. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: By incorporating state surveillance data into our analysis, we expect to obtain a more precise picture of the risk factors for poor retention among HIV patients. For the first time, we will be able to determine if patients lost to our HIV clinic (~10% annually) are entirely lost to medical care or are seeking care elsewhere as indicated by HIV lab data reported to public health via surveillance. Identified risk factors will then be able to better inform the efforts to proactively improve the efficiency for HIV patient retention and re-engagement, and therefore lead to better individual outcomes for HIV patients and reduce the incidence of new HIV cases.

ObjectiveThe aim of this project was to explore changing patterns in patient refusal to transport by emergency medical services for classified heroin overdoses and possible implications on heroin overdose surveillance in Kentucky.IntroductionAs a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Enhanced State Opioid Overdose Surveillance (ESOOS) funded state, Kentucky started utilizing Emergency Medical Services (EMS) data to increase timeliness of state data on drug overdose events in late 2016. Using developed definitions of heroin overdose for EMS emergency runs, Kentucky analyzed the patterns of refused/transported EMS runs for both statewide and local jurisdictions. Changes in EMS transportation patterns of heroin overdoses can have a dramatic impact on other surveillance systems, such as emergency department (ED) claims data or syndromic surveillance (SyS) data.MethodsAs part of the ESOOS grant, Kentucky receives all emergency-only EMS runs monthly from Kentucky Board for Emergency Medical Services, Kentucky State Ambulance Reporting System data. Heroin cases were classified based on text and medications (Narcan) administered, with comparisons to historic data discussed elsewhere (Rock & Singleton, 2018). Transportation classifications are based on EMS standard elements defining treatment with transportation vs refusal to transport to hospital and canceled runs were excluded. Initial analysis included trend analysis at state and local levels, as well as demographic comparisons of refusal vs transported heroin overdose encounters.ResultsStatewide trends in EMS heroin overdoses with refusal transport significantly increased from 5% (n=42) in 2016 quarter three to 22% (n=290) in 2018 quarter two (Fig 1). Initial demographic analysis does not show any significant difference between refusals/transported for age, gender, or race. However, there are significant differences among geographic regions in Kentucky with heroin encounter refusal proportion ranging from 3%-48% in 2018 quarter two. Specifically, one urban area (Fig 2) shows the change in proportion of refusal increasing from 15% (n=23) in 2016 quarter three to 47% (n=110) in 2018 quarter two. In this geographic area, combined refused/transported EMS heroin overdoses compared to traditional ED data demonstrates opposing heroin overdose patterns for the same local with EMS showing and increasing trend overtime and ED showing a decreasing trend (Fig 3).ConclusionsTraditional public health surveillance for heroin overdose has historically relied on ED billing data, though agencies are starting to use syndromic surveillance, too (Vivolo-Kantor et al., 2016). These systems share similar underlying ED data, albeit with different components, quality, and limitations. However, in terms of the overdose epidemic, both are limited to only heroin overdoses that result in ED hospital encounters. The recent drastic increase in refused transport can have significant impacts on heroin surveillance. Jurisdictions relying on SyS or ED data for monitoring overdose patterns and/or evaluating interventions may be significantly underestimating acute overdose occurrence in the population. This analysis highlights the importance of this preclinical data source in surveillance of the heroin epidemic.ReferencesRock, P. J., & Singleton, M. D. (2018). Assessing Definitions of Heroin Overdose in ED & EMS Data Using Hospital Billing Data, 10(1), 2579.Vivolo-Kantor, A. M., Seth, P., Gladden, ; R Matthew, Mattson, C. L., Baldwin, G. T., Kite-Powell, A., & Coletta, M. A. (2016). Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report Vital Signs: Trends in Emergency Department Visits for Suspected Opioid Overdoses — United States, 67(9), 279–285. Retrieved from https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/67/wr/pdfs/mm6709e1-H.pdf

ObjectiveWe sought to measure the burden of emergency department (ED) visits associated with injection drug use (IDU), HIV infection, and homelessness; and the intersection of homelessness with IDU and HIV infection in Massachusetts via syndromic surveillance data.IntroductionIn Massachusetts, syndromic surveillance (SyS) data have been used to monitor injection drug use and acute opioid overdoses within EDs. Currently, Massachusetts Department of Public Health (MDPH) SyS captures over 90% of ED visits statewide. These real-time data contain rich free-text and coded clinical and demographic information used to categorize visits for population level public health surveillance.Other surveillance data have shown elevated rates of opioid overdose related ED visits, Emergency Medical Service incidents, and fatalities in Massachusetts from 2014-20171,2,3. Injection of illicitly consumed opioids is associated with an increased risk of infectious diseases, including HIV infection. An investigation of an HIV outbreak among persons reporting IDU identified homelessness as a social determinant for increased risk for HIV infection.MethodsTo accomplish our objectives staff used an existing MDPH SyS IDU syndrome definition4, developed a novel syndrome definition for HIV-related visits, and adapted Maricopa County's homelessness syndrome definition. Syndromes were applied to Massachusetts ED data through the CDC’s BioSense Platform. Visits meeting the HIV and homelessness syndromes were randomly selected and reviewed to assess accuracy; inclusion and exclusion criteria were then revised to increase specificity. The final versions of all three syndrome definitions incorporate free-text elements from the chief complaint and triage notes, as well as International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems, 9th (ICD-9) and 10th Revision (ICD-10) diagnostic codes. Syndrome categories were not mutually exclusive, and all reported visits occurring at Massachusetts EDs were included in the analysis.Syndromes CreatedFor the HIV infection syndrome definition, we incorporated the free-text term “HIV” in both the chief complaint and triage notes. Visit level review demonstrated that the following exclusions were needed to reduce misspellings, inclusion of partial words, and documentation of HIV testing results: “negative for HIV”, “HIV neg”, “negative test for HIV”, “hive”, “hivies”, and “vehivcle”. Additionally, the following diagnostic codes were incorporated: V65.44 (Human immunodeficiency virus [HIV] counseling), V08 (asymptomatic HIV infection status), V01.79 (contact with or exposure to other viral diseases), 795.71 (nonspecific serologic evidence of HIV), V73.89 (special screening examination for other specified viral diseases), 079.53 (HIV, type 2 [HIV-2]), Z20.6 (contact with and (suspected) exposure to HIV), Z71.7 (HIV counseling), B20 (HIV disease), Z21 (asymptomatic HIV infection status), R75 (inconclusive laboratory evidence of HIV), Z11.4 (encounter for screening for HIV), and B97.35 (HIV-2 as the cause of diseases classified elsewhere).Building on the Maricopa County homeless syndrome definition, we incorporated a variety of free-text inclusion and exclusion terms. To meet this definition visits had to mention: “homeless”, or “no housing”, or, “lack of housing”, or “without housing”, or “shelter” but not animal and domestic violence shelters. We also selected the following ICD-10 codes for homelessness and inadequate housing respectively, Z59.0 and Z59.1.We analyzed MDPH SyS data for visits occurring from January 1, 2016 through June 30, 2018. Rates per 10,000 ED visits categorized as IDU, HIV, or homeless were calculated. Subsequently, visits categorized as IDU, HIV, and meeting both IDU and HIV syndrome definitions (IDU+HIV) were stratified by homelessness.ResultsSyndrome Burden on EDThe MDPH SyS dataset contains 6,767,137 ED visits occurring during the study period. Of these, 82,819 (1.2%) were IDU-related, 13,017 (0.2%) were HIV-related, 580 (<0.01%) were related to IDU + HIV, and 42,255 visits (0.6%) were associated with homelessness.The annual rate of IDU-related visits increased 15% from 2016 through June of 2018 (from 113.63 to 130.57 per 10,000 visits); while rates of HIV-related and IDU + HIV-related visits remained relatively stable. The overall rate of visits associated with homelessness increased 47% (from 49.99 to 73.26 per 10,000 visits).Rates of IDU, HIV, and IDU + HIV were significantly higher among visits associated with homelessness. Among visits that met the homeless syndrome definition compared to those that did not: the rate of IDU-related visits was 816.0 versus 118.03 per 10,000 ED visits (X2= 547.12, p<0. 0001); the rate of visits matching the HIV syndrome definition was 145.54 versus 18.44 per 10,000 ED visits (X2= 99.33, p<0.0001); and the rate of visits meeting the IDU+HIV syndrome definition was 15.86 versus 0.76 per 10,000 visits (X2= 13.72, p= 0.0002).ConclusionsMassachusetts is experiencing an increasing burden of ED visits associated with both IDU and homelessness that parallels increases in opioid overdoses. Higher rates of both IDU and HIV-related visits were associated with homelessness. An understanding of the intersection between opioid overdoses, IDU, HIV, and homelessness can inform expanded prevention efforts, introduction of alternatives to ED care, and increase consideration of housing status during ED care.Continued surveillance for these syndromes, including collection and analysis of demographic and clinical characteristics, and geographic variations, is warranted. These data can be useful to providers and public health authorities for planning healthcare services.References1. Vivolo-Kantor AM, Seth P, Gladden RM, et al. Vital Signs: Trends in Emergency Department Visits for Suspected Opioid Overdoses — United States, July 2016–September 2017. MMWR Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 2018; 67(9);279–285 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15585/mmwr.mm6709e12. Massachusetts Department of Public Health. Chapter 55 Data Brief: An assessment of opioid-related deaths in Massachusetts, 2011-15. 2017 August. Available from: https://www.mass.gov/files/documents/2017/08/31/data-brief-chapter-55-aug-2017.pdf3. Massachusetts Department of Public Health. MA Opioid-Related EMS Incidents 2013-September 2017. 2018 Feb. Available from: https://www.mass.gov/files/documents/2018/02/14/emergency-medical-services-data-february-2018.pdf4. Bova, M. Using emergency department (ED) syndromic surveillance to measure injection-drug use as an indicator for hepatitis C risk. Powerpoint presented at: 2017 Northeast Epidemiology Conference. 2017 Oct 18 – 20; Northampton, Massachusetts, USA.

Story spreads out through time the behaviors or bodies – the shapes – a self has been or will be, each replacing the one before. Hence a story has before and after, gain and loss. It goes somewhere…Moreover, shape or body is crucial, not incidental, to story. It carries story; it makes story visible; in a sense it is story. Shape (or visible body) is in space what story is in time. (Bynum, quoted in Garland Thomson, 113-114) Drawing on Goffman’s classic work on stigma, research documenting the existence of discrimination and bias against individuals classified as obese goes back five decades. Since Cahnman published “The Stigma of Obesity” in 1968, other researchers have well documented systematic and growing discrimination against fat people (cf. Puhl and Brownell; Puhl and Heuer; Puhl and Heuer; Fikkan and Rothblum). While weight-based stereotyping has a long history (Chang and Christakis; McPhail; Schwartz), contemporary forms of anti-fat stigma and discrimination must be understood within a social and economic context of neoliberal healthism. By neoliberal healthism (see Crawford; Crawford; Metzel and Kirkland), I refer to the set of discourses that suggest that humans are rational, self-determining actors who independently make their own best choices and are thus responsible for their life chances and health outcomes. In such a context, good health becomes associated with proper selfhood, and there are material and social consequences for those who either unwell or perceived to be unwell. While the greatest impacts of size-based discrimination are structural in nature, the interpersonal impacts are also significant. Because obesity is commonly represented (at least partially) as a matter of behavioral choices in public health, medicine, and media, to “remain fat” is to invite commentary from others that one is lacking in personal responsibility. Guthman suggests that this lack of empathy “also stems from the growing perception that obesity presents a social cost, made all the more tenable when the perception of health responsibility has been reversed from a welfare model” (1126). Because weight loss is commonly held to be a reasonable and feasible goal and yet is nearly impossible to maintain in practice (Kassierer and Angell; Mann et al.; Puhl and Heuer), fat people are “in effect, asked to do the impossible and then socially punished for failing” (Greenhalgh, 474). In this article, I explore how weight-based stigma shaped the decisions of bariatric patients to undergo weight loss surgery. In doing so, I underline the work that emotion does in circulating anti-fat stigma and in creating categories of subjects along lines of health and responsibility. As well, I highlight how fat bodies are lived and negotiated in space and place. I then explore ways in which participants take up notions of time, specifically in regard to risk, in discussing what brought them to the decision to have bariatric surgery. I conclude by arguing that it is a dynamic interaction between the material, social, emotional, discursive, and the temporal that produces not only fat embodiment, but fat subjectivity “failed”, and serves as an impetus for seeking bariatric surgery. Methods This article is based on 30 semi-structured interviews with American bariatric patients. At the time of the interview, individuals were between six months and 12 years out from surgery. After obtaining Intuitional Review Board approval, recruitment occurred through a snowball sample. All interviews were audio-taped with permission and verbatim interview transcripts were analyzed by means of a thematic analysis using Dedoose (www.dedoose.com). All names given in this article are pseudonyms. This work is part of a larger project that includes two additional interviews with bariatric surgeons as well as participant-observation research. Findings Navigating Anti-Fat Stigma In discussing what it was like to be fat, all but one of the individuals I interviewed discussed experiencing substantive size-based stigma and discrimination. Whether through overt comments, indirect remarks, dirty looks, open gawking, or being ignored and unrecognized, participants felt hurt, angry, and shamed by friends, family, coworkers, medical providers, and strangers on the street because of the size of their bodies. Several recalled being bullied and even physically assaulted by peers as children. Many described the experience of being fat or very fat as one of simultaneous hypervisibility and invisibility. One young woman, Kaia, said: “I absolutely was not treated like a person … . I was just like this object to people. Just this big, you know, thing. That’s how people treated me.” Nearly all of my participants described being told repeatedly by others, including medical professionals, that their inability to lose weight was effectively a failure of the will. They found these comments to be particularly hurtful because, in fact, they had spent years, even decades, trying to lose weight only to gain the weight back plus more. Some providers and family members seemed to take up the idea that shame could be a motivating force in weight loss. However, as research by Lewis et al.; Puhl and Huerer; and Schafer and Ferraro has demonstrated, the effect this had was the opposite of what was intended. Specifically, a number of the individuals I spoke with delayed care and avoided health-facilitating behaviors, like exercising, because of the discrimination they had experienced. Instead, they turned to health-harming practices, like crash dieting. Moreover, the internalization of shame and blame served to lower a sense of self-worth for many participants. And despite having a strong sense that something outside of personal behavior explained their escalating body weights, they deeply internalized messages about responsibility and self-control. Danielle, for instance, remarked: “Why could the one thing I want the most be so impossible for me to maintain?” It is important to highlight the work that emotion does in circulating such experiences of anti-fat stigma and discrimination. As Fraser et al have argued in their discussion on fat and emotion, the social, the emotional, and the corporeal cannot be separated. Drawing on Ahmed, they argue that strong emotions are neither interior psychological states that work between individuals nor societal states that impact individuals. Rather, emotions are constitutive of subjects and collectivities, (Ahmed; Fraser et al.). Negative emotions in particular, such as hate and fear, produce categories of people, by defining them as a common threat and, in the process, they also create categories of people who are deemed legitimate and those who are not. Thus following Fraser et al, it is possible to see that anti-fat hatred did more than just negatively impact the individuals I spoke with. Rather, it worked to produce, differentiate, and drive home categories of people along lines of health, weight, risk, responsibility, and worth. In this next section, I examine the ways in which anti-fat discrimination works at the interface of not only the discursive and the emotive, but the material as well. Big Bodies, Small Spaces When they discussed their previous lives as very fat people, all of the participants made reference to a social and built environment mismatch, or in Garland Thomson’s terms, a “misfit”. A misfit occurs “when the environment does not sustain the shape and function of the body that enters it” (594). Whereas the built environment offers a fit for the majority of bodies, Garland Thomson continues, it also creates misfits for minority forms of embodiment. While Garland Thomson’s analysis is particular to disability, I argue that it extends to fat embodiment as well. In discussing what it was like to navigate the world as fat, participants described both the physical and emotional pain entailed in living in bodies that did not fit and frequently discussed the ways in which leaving the house was always a potential, anxiety-filled problem. Whereas all of the participants I interviewed discussed such misfitting, it was notable that participants in the Greater New York City area (70% of the sample) spoke about this topic at length. Specifically, they made frequent and explicit mentions of the particular interface between their fat bodies and the Metropolitan Transit Authority (MTA), and the tightly packed spaces of the city itself. Greater New York City area participants frequently spoke of the shame and physical discomfort in having to stand on public transportation for fear that they would be openly disparaged for “taking up too much room.” Some mentioned that transit seats were made of molded plastic, indicating by design the amount of space a body should occupy. Because they knew they would require more space than what was allotted, these participants only took seats after calculating how crowded the subway or train car was and how crowded it would likely become. Notably, the decision to not take a seat was one that was made at a cost for some of the larger individuals who experienced joint pain. Many participants stated that the densely populated nature of New York City made navigating daily life very challenging. In Talia’s words, “More people, more obstacles, less space.” Participants described always having to be on guard, looking for the next obstacle. As Candice put it: “I would walk in some place and say, ‘Will I be able to fit? Will I be able to manoeuvre around these people and not bump into them?’ I was always self-conscious.” Although participants often found creative solutions to navigating the hostile environment of both the MTA and the city at large, they also identified an increasing sense of isolation that resulted from the physical discomfort and embarrassment of not fitting in. For instance, Talia rarely joined her partner and their friends on outings to movies or the theater because the seats were too tight. Similarly, Decenia would make excuses to her husband in order to avoid social situations outside of the home: “I’d say to my husband, ‘I don’t feel well, you go.’ But you know what? It was because I was afraid not to fit, you know?” The anticipatory scrutinizing described by these participants, and the anxieties it produced, echoes Kirkland’s contention that fat individuals use the technique of ‘scanning’ in order to navigate and manage hostile social and built environments. Scanning, she states, involves both literally rapidly looking over situations and places to determine accessibility, as well as a learned assessment and observation technique that allows fat people to anticipate how they will be received in new situations and new places. For my participants, worries about not fitting were more than just internal calculation. Rather, others made all too clear that fat bodies are not welcome. Nina recalled nasty looks she received from other subway riders when she attempted to sit down. Decenia described an experience on a crowded commuter train in which the woman next to her openly expressed annoyance and disgust that their thighs were touching. Talia recalled being aggressively handed a weight loss brochure by a fellow passenger. When asked to contrast their experiences living in New York City with having travelled or lived elsewhere, participants almost universally described the New York as a more difficult place to live for fat people. However, the experiences of three of the Latinas that I interviewed troubled this narrative. Katrina felt that the harassment she received in her country of origin, the Dominican Republic, was far worse than what she now experienced in the New York Metropolitan Area. Although Decenia detailed painful experiences of anti-fat stigma in New York City, she nevertheless described her life as relatively “easy” compared to what it was like in her home country of Brazil. And Denisa contrasted her neighbourhood of East Harlem with other parts of Manhattan: “In Harlem it's different. Everybody is really fat or plump – so you feel a bit more comfortable. Not everybody, but there's a mix. Downtown – there's no mix.” Collectively, their stories serve as a reminder (see Franko et al.; Grabe and Hyde) to be suspicious of over determined accounts that “Latino culture” is (or people of colour communities in general are), more accepting of larger bodies and more resistant to weight-based stigma and discrimination. Their comments also reflect arguments made by Colls, Grosz, and Garland Thomson, who have all pointed to the contingent nature between space and bodies. Colls argue that sizing is both a material and an emotional process – what size we take ourselves to be shifts in different physical and emotional contexts. Grosz suggests that there is a “mutually constitutive relationship between bodies and cities” – one that, I would add, is raced, classed, and gendered. Garland Thomson has described the relationship between bodies and space/place as “a dynamic encounter between world and flesh.” These encounters, she states, are always contingent and situated: “When the spatial and temporal context shifts, so does the fit, and with it meanings and consequences” (592). In this sense, fat is materialized differently in different contexts and in different scales – nation, state, city, neighbourhood – and the materialization of fatness is always entangled with raced, classed, and gendered social and political-economic relations. Nevertheless, it is possible to draw some structural commonalities between divergent parts of the Greater New York City Metropolitan Area. Specifically, a dense population, cramped physical spaces, inaccessible transportation and transportation funding cuts, social norms of fast paced life, and elite, raced, classed, and gendered norms of status and beauty work to materialize fatness in such a way that a ‘misfit’ is often the result for fat people who live and/or work in this area. And importantly, misfitting, as Garland Thomson argues, has consequences: it literally “casts out” when the “shape and function of … bodies comes into conflict with the shape and stuff of the built world” (594). This casting out produces some bodies as irrelevant to social and economic life, resulting in segregation and isolation. To misfit, she argues, is to be denied full citizenship. Responsibilising the Present Garland Thomson, discussing Bynum’s statement that “shape carries story”, argues the following: “the idea that shape carries story suggests … that material bodies are not only in the spaces of the world but that they are entwined with temporality as well” (596). In this section, I discuss how participants described their decisions to get weight loss surgery by making references to the need take responsibility for health now, in the present, in order to avoid further and future morbidity and mortality. Following Adams et al., I look at how the fat body is lived in a state of constant anticipation – “thinking and living toward the future” (246). All of the participants I spoke with described long histories of weight cycling. While many managed to lose weight, none were able to maintain this weight loss in the long term – a reality consistent with the medical fact that dieting does not produce durable results (Kassirer and Angell; Mann et al.; Puhl and Heuer). They experienced this inability as not only distressing, but terrifying, as they repeatedly regained the lost weight plus more. When participants discussed their decisions to have surgery, they highlighted concerns about weight related comorbidities and mobility limitations in their explanations. Consistent then with Boero, Lopez, and Wadden et al., the participants I spoke with did not seek out surgery in hopes of finding a permanent way to become thin, but rather a permanent way to become healthy and normal. Concerns about what is considered to be normative health, more than simply concerns about what is held to be an appropriate appearance, motivated their decisions. Significantly, for these participants the decision to have bariatric surgery was based on concerns about future morbidity (and mortality) at least as much, if not more so, than on concerns about a current state of ill health and impairment. Some individuals I spoke with were unquestionably suffering from multiple chronic and even life threatening illnesses and feared they would prematurely die from these conditions. Other participants, however, made the decision to have bariatric surgery despite the fact that they had no comorbidities whatsoever. Motivating their decisions was the fear that they would eventually develop them. Importantly, medial providers explicitly and repeatedly told all of these participants that lest they take drastic and immediate action, they would die. For example: Faith’s reproductive endocrinologist said: “you’re going to have diabetes by the time you’re 30; you’re going to have a stroke by the time you’re 40. And I can only hope that you can recover enough from your stroke that you’ll be able to take care of your family.” Several female participants were warned that without losing weight, they would either never become pregnant or they would die in childbirth. By contrast, participants stated that their bariatric surgeons were the first providers they had encountered to both assert that obesity was a medical condition outside of their control and to offer them a solution. Within an atmosphere in which obesity is held to be largely or entirely the result of behavioural choices, the bariatric profession thus positions itself as unique by offering both understanding and what it claims to be a durable treatment. Importantly, it would be a mistake to conclude that some bariatric patients needed surgery while others choose it for the wrong reasons. Regardless of their states of health at the time they made the decision to have surgery, the concerns that drove these patients to seek out these procedures were experienced as very real. Whether or not these concerns would have materialized as actual health conditions is unknown. Furthermore, bariatric patients should not be seen as having been duped or suffering from ‘false consciousness.’ Rather, they operate within a particular set of social, cultural, and political-economic conditions that suggest that good citizenship requires risk avoidance and personal health management. As these individuals experienced, there are material and social consequences for ‘failing’ to obtain normative conceptualizations of health. This set of conditions helps to produce a bariatric patient population that includes both those who were contending with serious health concerns and those who feared they would develop them. All bariatric patients operate within this set of conditions (as do medical providers) and make decisions regarding health (current, future, or both) by using the resources available to them. In her work on the temporalities of dieting, Coleman argues that rather than seeing dieting as a linear and progressive event, we might think of it instead a process that brings the future into the present as potential. Adams et al suggest concerns about potential futures, particularly in regard to health, are a defining characteristic of our time. They state: “The present is governed, at almost every scale, as if the future is what matters most. Anticipatory modes enable the production of possible futures that are lived and felt as inevitable in the present, rendering hope and fear as important political vectors” (249). The ability to act in the present based on potential future risks, they argue, has become a moral imperative and a marker of proper of citizenship. Importantly, however, our work to secure the ‘best possible future’ is never fully assured, as risks are constantly changing. The future is thus always uncertain. Acting responsibly in the present therefore requires “alertness and vigilance as normative affective states” (254). Importantly, these anticipations are not diagnostic, but productive. As Adams et al state, “the future arrives already formed in the present, as if the emergency has already happened…a ‘sense’ of the simultaneous uncertainty and inevitability of the future, usually manifest in entanglements of fear and hope” (250). It is in this light, then, that we might see the decision to have bariatric surgery. For these participants, their future weight-related morbidity and mortality had already arrived in the present and thus they felt they needed to act responsibly now, by undergoing what they had been told was the only durable medical intervention for obesity. The emotions of hope, fear, anxiety and I would suggest, hatred, were key in making these decisions. Conclusion Medical, public health, and media discourses frame obesity as an epidemic that threatens to bring untold financial disaster and escalating rates of morbidity and mortality upon the nation state and the world at large. As Fraser et al argue, strong emotions (such hatred, fear, anxiety, and hope), are at the centre of these discourses; they construct, circulate, and proliferate them. Moreover, they create categories of people who are deemed legitimate and categories of others who are not. In this context, the participants I spoke with were caught between a desire to have fatness understood as a medical condition needing intervention; the anti-fat attitudes of others, including providers, which held that obesity was a failure of the will and nothing more; their own internalization of these messages of personal responsibility for proper behavioural choices, and, the biologically intractable nature of fatness wherein dieting not only fails to reduce weight in the vast majority of cases but results, in the long term, in increased weight gain (Kassirer and Angell; Mann et al.; Puhl and Heuer). Widespread anxiety and embarrassment over and fear and hatred of fatness was something that the individuals I interviewed experienced directly and which signalled to them that they were less than human. Their desire for weight loss, therefore was partially a desire to become ‘normal.’ In Butler’s term, it was the desire for a ‘liveable life. ’A liveable life, for these participants, included a desire for a seamless fit with the built environment. The individuals I spoke with were never more ashamed of their fatness than when they experienced a ‘misfit’, in Garland Thomson’s terms, between their bodies and the material world. Moreover, feelings of shame over this disjuncture worked in tandem with a deeply felt, pressing sense that something must be done in the present to secure a better health future. The belief that bariatric surgery might finally provide a durable answer to obesity served as a strong motivating factor in their decisions to undergo bariatric surgery. By taking drastic action to lose weight, participants hoped to contest stigmatizing beliefs that their fat bodies reflected pathological interiors. Moreover, they sought to demonstrate responsibility and thus secure proper subjectivities and citizenship. In this sense, concerns, anxieties, and fears about health cannot be disentangled from the experience of anti-fat stigma and discrimination. Again, anti-fat bias, for these participants, was more than discursive: it operated through the circulation of emotion and was experienced in a very material sense. The decision to have weight loss surgery can thus be seen as occurring at the interface of emotion, flesh, space, place, and time, and in ways that are fundamentally shaped by the broader social context of neoliberal healthism. AcknowledgmentI am grateful to the anonymous reviewers of this article for their helpful feedback on earlier version. References Adams, Vincanne, Michelle Murphy, and Adele E. Clarke. “Anticipation: Technoscience, Life, Affect, Temporality.” Subjectivity 28.1 (2009): 246-265. 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This thesis is an evaluation of the effectiveness of a community-wide diabetes prevention program conducted in three Divisions of General Practice in Sydney, Australia. The aims were to assess whether translation of diabetes prevention programs was feasible in real-life settings and whether results achieved were comparable with those of randomised trials on which this intervention was based. Its primary goals were to assess whether the lifestyle intervention could increase participation in moderate-to-vigorous physical activity to 210 minutes per week, reduce total fat and saturated fat consumption to 30% and 10% of total daily energy intake, increase fibre consumption to 15 g/1,000 kcal/day, and lead to 5% weight loss over one year. The background section covers the physiopathology of type 2 diabetes, its risk factors, and the available population screening tools to identify people at risk. The growing morbidity and mortality burden, the economic implications of this public health problem, and the importance and feasibility of preventing or delaying the onset by intervening in the precursor stages are then summarised. Evidence for preventability is examined through a literature review of lifestyle interventions in research settings comprising highly structured and closely monitored physical activity and dietary programs under controlled conditions. Examples of the effectiveness of translation of randomised controlled trials (RCTs) into less stringent programs in community settings such as workplaces, churches, indigenous communities and whole-of-country initiatives are presented. A systematic review and meta-analysis of effectiveness of the lifestyle approaches in routine clinical practice supplements the evidence for application of prevention principles in real-life settings. The main chapters of the thesis centre on process and impact evaluation of the semi-structured Sydney-based intervention, which recruited 1,250 participants from the mainstream Australian 29 public using general practitioner services in the study area, who were followed for 12 months. The intervention’s goals aligned with those of the Finnish Diabetes Prevention Program but with less stringent entry criteria and less intensive intervention components delivered by purpose-trained lifestyle officers. The Program included an initial individual assessment and coaching session, three subsequent group sessions in the following three months, then three follow-up coaching calls at three, six and nine months. A final assessment at one year, using the same objective and self-reported measures as in the initial assessment, captured changes in body weight, physical activity and dietary habits. The process evaluation showed that it is feasible and effective to use targeted screening to identify and recruit high-risk individuals into a free-of-charge program in the general practice setting, however a quarter of participants were lost to follow-up by one year. While minor variations in aspects of the Program were required to meet local need, Program fidelity in delivering components, and self-reported adherence to diet and physical activity was high. Using a before-after study design, the impact evaluation measured 1-year changes in key Program parameters in relation to baseline. These comprised: measured weight, waist circumference, BMI, and glycaemia measurements; and self-reported dietary intake and structured physical activity, using a 3-day food record and the Physical Activity Scale for the Elderly (PASE) questionnaire, respectively. The main findings at 12 months for the 586 completers as at December 2010 were: a mean weight loss of 2.1 kg; waist circumference reduction of 2.5 cm; no significant change in glycaemia; 3% reduction of fat and saturated fat intake; 16% increase in fibre intake; and mean increase in moderate-to-vigorous physical activity of 13.7 minutes/week. All these changes were smaller than those achieved by the RCTs in research settings, most likely due to the lower intensity and monitoring of the Sydney intervention. Weight loss and waist circumference reductions were similar for participants in 30 group session and those who received telephone-only coaching. Diabetes incidence was 1% at the end of the first year. An economic appraisal of the Program implementation completes the evaluation. A cost of A$400 per kg lost among people achieving the weight goal was estimated on Program completion, but the cost was double for the overall group that included non weight losers. The cost of achieving the physical activity goal and the dietary goals was not feasible or sustainable with resources available in routine clinical settings. The costs per outcome were similar for participants not attending group sessions, who received only telephone coaching. Hence it is worth exploring this less labour-intensive modality if a general practice based Program were to be delivered as routine preventive care. In sum, the evaluation of this community-wide diabetes prevention program showed that translation of diabetes prevention programs into routine practice, while feasible at less intensive levels than in RCTs, has a somewhat lower effect on diabetes risk reduction and it can still be a financial burden in clinical settings. However, given the potential for population-wide benefit, the effectiveness of alternative delivery modes, number and duration of program components and more targeted patient sub-groups should be investigated.
The Sydney Diabetes Prevention Program was funded by New South Wales Health as part of the Australian Better Health Initiative. Financial contribution and other in-kind support were provided by the Sydney South West Area Health Service and the Australian Diabetes Council -NSW.

Competency to practise has become an essential part of a health professional’s lifelong journey. It is defined in many ways to encompass the intellectual and experiential elements of training along with a person’s efforts to keep up-to-date. Many would describe competency as ‘fit for purpose’ to do the job, ensuring that the public are protected and given the professional service that meets their expectation. One of the conundrums of the regulators of pharmacy practice is how the competency of pharmacists can be measured and monitored to fulfil their statutory obligations to the public. Many agree that the best way of determining competency would be to observe people in their day-to-day practice. However, this would be a prohibitively costly exercise. This thesis originated from the question of how competency could be assessed in a form that would give regulators confidence and that was cost effective. Most assessment methods used are de facto methods of measurement. However, regulators need to have confidence that the assessments are able to accurately measure the standard of a person’s professional practice.

This qualitative thesis uses discourse analysis to examine parental resistance towards medical treatment of critically ill children. It is an investigation of the 'mobile and transitory' discourses at play in instances of resistance between parents, physicians and nurses within health care institutions, and an examination of the consequences of resistance through providing alternative ways of perceiving and therefore understanding these disagreements. The philosophical perspectives, methodology and methods used in this thesis are underpinned by selected ideas taken from the works of Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu and supported by relevant literature in the fields of media, law, children, parenting, caring, serious childhood illness, medicine and nursing. The thesis obtains information from a variety of texts that includes established literature (such as medical, sociological, legal, academic and philosophical), newspaper articles, radio or television interviews, internet sources, court reports and proceedings, legal experts and other commentators - and 15 interview based texts, where the focus is on analyses of narratives of parents, doctors and nurses. In the texts gathered for this thesis, there are noticeable differences between the personal experience discourses of parents, the 'in-between' discourses of nurses, and the disciplined discourses of physicians. This thesis brings these discourses into conversation with each other suggesting that parental resistance does not occur because of an infrequent and unusual set of circumstances where a few socially isolated and/or 'difficult' parents disagree with the treatment desires of paediatric physicians. Instead, it is argued that from an examination of interview based texts, parental resistance is an omnipresent but transitory occurrence that affects many of the interactions between the parents of seriously ill children and clinical staff. It is maintained that within these interactions, the seeds of this resistance are sown in both critical decision making situations and in everyday occurrences between doctors, nurses and parents within healthcare institutions. Contributing factors to parental resistance include the use of power games by staff, the language of medicine, forms of symbolic violence, the presence or absence of trust between parents and medical staff, the effects of medical habitus, and challenges to the parental role and identity. Overall, it is proposed in this thesis that parents who resist treatment for their seriously ill child are not exceptions to the normative patient-physician relationship. Instead an analysis of their discourses and practices is able to illuminate the complex interactions between patients and medical conventions. It is therefore possible to see parents who resist medical advice not as peripheral to the medical encounter but as examples of how patient-physician relationships come to be codified, constructed and crafted through everyday discourses and practices within health care settings.

The thesis proposes and defends a maxim which can serve as a foundation and guideline for professional ethics in nursing, the maxim that nurses should act so far as possible to promote patient's self-determination. The thesis is informed by philosophical ethics and by knowledge of professional nursing practice.

Widespread use of prescription opioids has been a major public health concern since 1999. Many consequences are associated with the problem, such as opioid misuse, abuse, and drug overdose deaths. Opioids are not the only medications involved with drug overdose deaths. Due to stricter control of prescription opioids, those who misused opioids are associated with initiation of another illicit drug abuse. This results in increased drug overdose death involving heroin and semisynthetic/synthetic opioids. Another risk factor for increased overdose death is concurrent use of opioids with other central nervous system (CNS) depressants and some anticonvulsants. Concurrent use of opioids and benzodiazepine, z-drugs (zolpidem and zaleplon), gabapentin, and/or pregabalin is associated with increased risk of respiratory depression and drug overdose death. To combat problematic opioid use, many mitigation strategies were introduced. However, opioid-related problems remain.

Increasing numbers of Australian older people are living with chronic disease. Their ability to effectively self-manage their conditions is an important issue, not only for their own health but also for the government, who are concerned with spiralling healthcare costs. CDSM is informed, in part, by an individual’s health literacy which are non-disease-specific skills relating to finding, appraising and using health information, and encompass factors such as communicating with health care providers, navigating complex health systems and having social support to engage in managing health. New technologies provide the opportunity to deliver healthcare in innovative ways. However, there is a paucity of evidence on their use, particularly in community care. The purpose of this study was to: (1) understand what home-based group videoconference (VC) interventions have been developed for the e-health setting; (2) identify the mechanisms of delivering group education and social support by VC for older people; and (3) examine the impact of such a program in delivering patient education on health literacy, chronic disease self-management (CDSM) and social support. E-health, an umbrella term which includes telehealth, provides healthcare from a distance using telecommunications techniques. The Australian Government considers e-health as a key component in the future delivery of healthcare. E-health and telehealth are emerging vehicles to provide health information on CDSM as well as the opportunity to develop innovative patient education methods. Telehealth disrupts usual care, for example, using videoconferencing (VCing) for a consultation can negate the need for health professionals and patients to be physically in the same space. A particularly underexplored area is the use of group videoconferencing (VCing) for CDSM and health literacy patient education that is delivered into the patients’ homes. Group work is an effective method for providing CDSM knowledge and skills. However, there are known barriers for patients in accessing groups; these include timing, mobility, transport, and fear of meeting new people. Group VCing may provide the opportunity to overcome some of these barriers to enable wider access to group settings. iii This study, the Telehealth Literacy Project (THLP) was situated in the real world setting, working in collaboration with an aged care industry partner provider with community-dwelling older people aged between 49 and 90. It was nested within a wider telehealth remote monitoring study and explored the methodology of using group VCing to engage with older people. In order to answer the research questions, an intervention was developed specifically to test the methodology of group VCing. This thesis is focused on answering the research questions on the methodology of using group VCing and not on critiquing the intervention. In addition it reports only data from the THLP. A mixed method research design was employed during the study, including a systematic review, co-creation of the intervention with health professionals and participants and for the program evaluation, pre- and post-intervention quantitative measures (with control and intervention groups) and qualitative interviews. An evaluation framework was developed from the literature comprising overarching concepts of feasibility, acceptability and effectiveness In the THLP there were two groups, an intervention group comprising 52 participants who opted-into the weekly VC group intervention and a control group of 60 participants who chose not to take part in the intervention but who completed a baseline questionnaire. Following baseline data analysis those who opted-in to take part in the intervention were grouped by similar levels of health literacy. Each week intervention participants would meet in a virtual room and take part in discussions with the researcher on different health literacy and generic CDSM issues. Slides and videos were used to facilitate discussion with an emphasis on participants being engaged in conversation with each other to promote social support.

"Research highlights the increasing burden of physical inactivity and chronic disease ... The overall purpose of this research was to explore the utility and effectiveness of internet delivered physical activity behaviour change programs in primary and secondary prevention ... The second step was to examine predictors of website usage within a current publicly accessible physical activity website (10,000 Steps) aimed at primary prevention "--Abstract.

Background: Falls and fall-related injury among older people are a major public health burden. Exercise-based fall prevention programmes are effective in reducing falls in older community-dwelling people. However, this effectiveness is hampered by low participation and adherence. Digital technologies are a novel and potentially effective method for delivering tailored fall prevention exercise programmes to older people. Aims and objectives: This thesis aims to evaluate the effectiveness, acceptability and cost-effectiveness of technology-driven fall prevention programmes in older community-dwelling people. The following research questions were examined: Are eHealth-delivered exercise programmes effective at improving balance in people aged 65 years and older living in the community compared to a control? Is a home-based balance exercise programme delivered through a tablet-based technology acceptable to older people living in the community? Is an e-Health balance exercise programme a cost-effective way to reduce falls and injurious falls in community-living older people compared to usual care? Methods: A series of related studies were conducted to answer these questions, including: a systematic review with meta-analysis, a qualitative study, and a health economic evaluation. The systematic review and meta-analysis evaluated randomised controlled trials of eHealth-delivered exercise programmes for community-dwelling people aged 65 years and over, published in English. The primary outcomes were static and dynamic balance. Secondary outcomes included fall risk and fear of falling. The standardised mean differences (SMDs, Hedges’s g) were calculated with 95% confidence intervals from random effects meta-analyses. The qualitative study recruited 50 participants from StandingTall, a large randomised controlled trial which delivered a home-based fall prevention programme via a tablet-computer. Participants were selected using purposive sampling and to ensure maximum variability. Data was collected via one-on-one interviews by qualified research staff at one of three different time points (1 month, 6 months and 12 months) over 12 months. Interviews were transcribed verbatim, verified for accuracy and then analysed thematically. The economic evaluation was a within-trial evaluation of StandingTall. Five hundred and three people aged 70 years or over participated. Cost-effectiveness was measured as the incremental cost per fall, and per injurious fall, prevented. General linear models were used with a gamma distribution for costs and a Poisson regression for rates of falls and injurious falls. Incremental Cost-Effectiveness Ratios (ICERs) were calculated to assess the additional expenditure required to generate an additional unit of benefit. One-way sensitivity analysis and sub-group analyses were performed. Results: The systematic review and meta-analysis identified nine trials of 498 participants. Eight trials measured static balance, with the pooled effect indicating that eHealth-delivered exercise programmes have a significant effect on static balance (eight trials; SMD = 0.40; 95% CI 0.14 to 0.67). All nine trials measured dynamic balance to find there was no effect on dynamic balance (nine trials; SMD=0.22; 95% CI -0.09 to 0.54). Three trials measured fall risk to find there was no evidence of an effect of eHealth-delivered exercise programmes on fall risk compared to control (SMD=0.28, 95% CI -0.06 to 0.63; I2 = 42.9%, p = 0.173). Three trials measured fear of falling to find there was no evidence of an effect of eHealth-delivered exercise programmes on fear of falling compared to control (SMD = -0.07, 95 % CI -0.34 to 0.20; I2 = 0.0%, p = 0.950). The qualitative study identified eight themes, which fall into two categories: experiences of using StandingTall and the design of StandingTall. Overall, participants appreciated the flexibility of StandingTall’s tablet-based online delivery, and described an improvement in physical awareness and confidence with everyday activities. Participants also reported various challenges with the technology, and determined that computer literacy is essential for successful engagement. Despite this participants found the overall design of StandingTall as user-friendly, clear, and easy-to-understand. The economic evaluation found the total programme delivery and care resource cost was $8,321 (standard deviation, SD 18,958) to intervention participants and $6,829 (SD 15,019) to control participants. The incremental cost per fall prevented was $4,785 and per injurious fall prevented was $6,585. Discussion and conclusion: Falls present a major age-related health challenge for society, and one which is likely to grow in significance as life expectancy increases. This body of research has provided preliminary evidence to demonstrate that balance exercise programmes delivered using technology are an effective, cost-effective and acceptable way of improving balance in older people. This, in combination with the ubiquitous availability of technology, could allow rapid scale-up and implementation of eHealth fall prevention programmes to large populations.

Skin cancer screening clinics were introduced into a number of towns throughout Queensland as part of the Melanoma Screening Trial (MST), a study investigating the efficacy of screening for melanoma. The MST requires 60% of these towns' populations aged over 30 years to be screened for

melanoma within a three year intervention phase. The aim of this case study is to assess the relationship between Rogers' (1995) diffusion of innovations and the health promotion strategies implemented to encourage attendance at skin cancer screening clinics.

Data were obtained from a number of sources, including administrative files, progress reports, interviews and focus groups and were positioned within a comparative theory/practice matrix. Pattern matching logic was used to

assess the relationship between the health promotion strategies and the theoretical construct of diffusion of innovations.

All components of diffusion of innovations (Rogers, 1995) were addressed by the health promotion strategies encouraging attendance at the skin cancer screening clinics. The delivery of the skin cancer screening clinics was in accordance with principles identified by past diffusion research. The skin cancer screening clinics conformed to most predictors of diffusion success and were delivered within a "real" environment, as suggested by past community -based interventions. A number of changes to existing health promotion strategies and the addition of some new strategies have been suggested to improve the rate of diffusion of skin cancer screening clinics in

the future.