Статті в журналах з теми "1720-1729"

AbstractThe paper first situates the trade carried on by private European traders in the overall framework of the Indian Ocean trade in the early-modern period. It then discusses in some detail the trading network of private English merchants in the Western Indian Ocean with special reference to the Surat-Mocha link in the 1720s and the 1730s. The evidence base is provided mainly by the private papers of Sir Robert Cowan, governor of Bombay between 1729 and 1734 and a major English private trader, operating in collaboration with Henry Lowther, chief of the English factory at Surat. Cette contribution replace tout d'abord les activités commerciales menées par les négociants européens dans le cadre général du commerce de l'Océan indien au cours de la période moderne. Elle examine ensuite avec quelque détail le réseau commercial établi par des négociants anglais privés dans le secteur occidentalde l'Océan indien, plus particulièrement les relations instituées entre Surat et Moka dans les années 1720-1730. Les données présentées ont été tirées principalement de la correspondance privée de Sir Robert Cowan, gouverneur de Bombay (1729-1734) et grand négociant privé, associé à Henry Lowther, responsable du comptoir de Surat.

The article considers the possibilities of studying the process of settling by Russian old-timers of the free lands of the Middle Tom region on the border of the Kuznetsk and Tomsk districts (the north of the part of Krapivino district of the Kemerovo region). For this, the author uses the oral traditions at his disposal about the roads from the Kuznetsk fortress to the Mungatsky prison, and foundation of russian old-timers countries. This information is supplemented by a map created by the surveyor P. G. Chichagov in 1720–1729.

Vergegenwärtigt man sich, dass Friedelena Margaretha Bach von 1709 bis 1729 in der Familie ihres Schwagers Johann Sebastian Bach gelebt hat, und reflektiert man diese Tatsache vor dem Hintergrund bekannter Fakten der Bach-Biographie, wird deutlich, dass Friedelena Bach wegen des frühen Todes ihrer Schwester Maria Barbara für Bachs Familie eine Bedeutung gewonnen haben muss, die über die normale Rolle einer im Haushalt helfenden unverheirateten Schwägerin hinausgegangen ist. Ihre wichtigste Aufgabe dürfte darin bestanden haben, die vier Kinder nach dem Tod der Schwester (Juli 1720) und der Wiederverheiratung des Schwagers (Dezember 1721) zu betreuen und zu versorgen, und zwar nicht nur in Köthen, sondern auch in Leipzig. Die Position, die Friedelena Bach für die vier Kinder ihrer Schwester eingenommen hat, dürfte es der bei der Hochzeit zwanzigjährigen Hofsängerin Anna Magdalena Wilcke erschwert, wenn nicht unmöglich gemacht haben, für die Stiefkinder „eine zweite Mutter“ zu werden. Andererseits war Friedelena Bachs Wirken offensichtlich eine Voraussetzung dafür, dass Anna Magdalena Bach in Leipzig zwischen 1723 und 1729 nicht in der Hausfrauen- und Mutter-Rolle aufgehen musste, sondern ein musikalisch orientiertes Leben an der Seite ihres Ehemannes führen konnte.

Ordynacja zwana Ostrogską została założona przez księcia Janusza Ostrogskiego za zgodą sejmu Rzeczypospolitej w 1609 roku. W jej skład miały wchodzić dobra Ostrogskiego położone w województwach wołyńskim, kijowskim, sandomierskim i krakowskim. Ordynacja Ostrogska dostała się w ręce książąt Sanguszków za sprawą drugiej żony Pawła Karola Sanguszki (1680-1750), Marianny z Lubomirskich Sanguszkowej (zm. 1729), córki Józefa Karola Lubomirskiego i Teofili z Zasławskich, oraz siostry Aleksandra Dominika Lubomirskiego, ordynata Ostrogskiego. Po śmierci brata w 1720 roku weszła w posiadanie ordynacji Ostrogskiej. Dobra wchodzące w skład ordynacji ostrogskiej zostały wymienione w testamencie księcia Pawła Karola Sanguszki ze wskazaniem swego syna Janusza Aleksandra jako do niego należące.

В статье исследуется рукопись правил Collegium Musicum 1729 года, обнаруженная в Российской национальной библиотеке под шифром Нем. O. XII. 1. Хотя источник не содержит обозначения города, где содружество было создано, все подписи в конце документа оказались принадлежащими студентам Лейпцигского университета 1725–1729 годов поступления. Рассматривается возможность отношения найденных правил к музыкальным коллегиям, существовавшим к тому времени в городе, в особенности к сообществу, начавшему свою деятельность с весны‒лета 1729 года под руководством И. С. Баха. Делается вывод, что манускрипт является важным документом для истории музыки Лейпцига, а также первым и единственным пока свидетельством того, как были организованы подобные содружества в городе, на чем они основывались, каковы были взаимоотношения директора и членов ансамбля, какие сочинения входили в их репертуар, каков был состав коллегии в 1729 году. Источник рассматривается также в более широком контексте истории немецкой музыки рубежа 1720‑х— 1730‑х годов и творческой деятельности Баха того периода. В отличие от публикации, где рукопись была представлена впервые (Bach-Jahrbuch 2012, S. 107–119), в настоящей статье содержатся новые сведения и предлагается их осмысление со ссылками на материалы, обнаруженные в недавние годы. The article focuses on the research of a manuscript with the rules of the Collegium Musicum 1729 found at the National Library of Russia (shelfmark Нем. O. XII. 1). Although the source contains no indication of a city where such a society was established, all the signatures at the end of the document turned out to belong to students who had entered the University of Leipzig from 1725 till 1729. The possibility of these rules relating to the Collegia existing in the city by that time is considered in the article, specifically to the Collegium Musicum directed by J. S. Bach since spring or early summer of 1729. It is concluded that the manuscript occurs to be an important document for the history of music in Leipzig; it is the first and sole known evidence how such societies were organized in the city, what their basis was, what relations their director and members had, which pieces were included into their repertoire and who the members of the Leipzig Collegium Musicum in 1729 were. The source is also regarded in the broader context of the history of German music at the turn of the 1720s and 1730s as well as Bach’s work of that period. In comparison with the first publication of this finding in the Bach-Jahrbuch 2012 (p. 107–19) the present article contains new evidence and new suggestions with the references to the sources found in recent years.

The thirteenth volume in the series presents all articles on the aurora borealis that were published in the journal of the Swedish Societas Literaria / Societas Regia Literaria et Scientiarum (now Kungl. Vetenskaps-Societeten i Uppsala) from 1720 to 1729. The articles are by the adjunct/professor of astronomy in Uppsala, Erik Johan (Ericus Johannes) Burman; the professor of mathematics in Lund, Conrad (Conradus) Quensel; and the adjunct/professor of astronomy in Uppsala Anders (Andreas) Celsius. E. J. Burman developed at theory of two kinds of aurora borealis and inspired other investigators across Sweden to observe the phenomenon according to his instructions. The introduction, written by Latinist and historian of science Per Pippin Aspaas, consists of a short history of the society in the period including brief presentations of Burman, Quensel and Celsius. Furthermore, Aspaas summarizes the contents of all articles dealing with the aurora and presents extracts in English translation.

Anhand des von 1720 bis 1729 wirkenden Neukirchen-Musikdirektors Georg Balthasar Schott wird gezeigt, dass Ermittlungen zu Kollegen Johann Sebastian Bachs überraschende Einblicke in das damalige Leipziger Musikleben liefern können, die ihrerseits wieder zu einem besseren Verständnis von Bachs eigenem Wirken beitragen und zuweilen auch die Hintergründe eines bachschen Werks erhellen. Zunächst wird die Biographie Schotts dargestellt. Danach steht sein Wirken als Komponist für die Neukirche im Vordergrund. Sodann gilt das Interesse seinem Collegium musicum und dem dort aufgeführten Repertoire, speziell einem unter der Leitung Schotts aufgeführten, bisher unbekannten Oratorium. Dies erweist sich als Schlüssel, um die Entstehungsumstände von Bachs "Geburtstagskantate" für den Fürsten Johann August von Anhalt-Zerbst (BC G 13) aufzuklären. (Autor, Quelle: Bibliographie des Musikschrifttums online) Erwähnte Artikel: Barbara Reul: "O vergnügte Stunden / da mein Hertzog funden seinen Lebenstag". Ein unbekannter Textdruck zu einer Geburtstagskantate J. S. Bachs für den Fürsten Johann August von Anhalt-Zerbst. BJ 1999, S. 7-18 Hans-Joachim Schulze: Johann Sebastian Bach und Zerbst 1722: Randnotizen zu einer verlorenen Gastmusik. BJ 2004, S. 209-214

<p>A Modest Proposal For Preventing the Children of Ireland from Being a Burden to their Parents or Country; and for Making them Beneficial to the Publick (híodesta proposición para evitar que los niños de Irlanda sean una carga para sus padres o para el Estado y se conviertan en beneficio público) aparece en Dublin en 1729. Los panfletos relativos a Irlanda constituyen una parte importante de su obra. La serie comienza en 1720, con A Proposal for the Universal Use of lrish Manufacture, in Cloaths, etc. En 1724 aparece el primero de la colección The Drapier’s Letters', en 1727, A Short View of the State of Ireland, referido también a la situación del territorio y publicados en Dublin. Ya en 1704 había dado cuenta de un manejo sagaz del discurso satírico, en A Tale of a Tub (And the Battle of the Books), que aparece en una edición anotada en 1710: The Battle of the Books was Swift’s contribution of the famous Quarrel of the Ancients and the Moderns.<br /><br /><br /></p>

In our article ‘Neglected evidence about the actor Michel Baron (1653–1729)’, which appeared in Theatre Research International, 18, 3 (1993), 173–76, we quoted a letter from Madame to Baron Von Hading (foot of p. 174). Madame refers to the actress Mlle Desmares, a prominent member of the French company in the early eighteenth century. The first part of the quotation was as follows:He did not think of it after the death of the king, but la Desmares [an actress of the Comédie-Française], perceiving that no one was going to see them any more, came to the conclusion that they would fare better if Baron were back in the company, and she persuaded him.The king died in 1715, and the incident described occurred in, or shortly before, 1720.After the proofs were corrected and returned, an error crept in which dismayed us greatly. Our parenthesis, ‘an actress of the Comedie-Française’ was replaced by another: ‘better known as la Champmesle’. We did not sanction this amendment, and it is wrong. So much so, in fact, that it looks like carelessness and ignorance on our part, the apprehension of which may tell against acceptance of our findings and objective critical appreciation of our conclusions. We are therefore most grateful to the Editor for allowing us to insert this correction, which we believe to be important.The actress known as La Champmeslé, Marie Desmares, died in 1698. She was the wife of the actor Champmeslé, whose name she took, and she was probably the greatest actress of her generation; she was also the celebrated mistress of Racine.

e13551 Background: Balugrastim is a once-per-cycle fixed-dose genetic fusion protein composed of human serum albumin (HSA) and granulocyte colony-stimulating factor (G-CSF) in development for prevention of severe neutropenia in cancer patients receiving chemotherapy. Albumin fusion is a clinically validated technology that extends product half-life, allowing for infrequent dosing, better tolerability, lower cost, and improves drug design, potentially lowering immunogenicity risk. Here, we describe the technology used to produce balugrastim and summarize preclinical findings compared with pegfilgrastim (Neulasta). Methods: Design and production of balugrastim was described previously (Halpern et al. Pharmaceut Res 2002;19:1720−1729). Biologic activity of balugrastim was assessed in an NFS-60 cell line proliferation assay vs filgrastim and pegfilgrastim. PK and PD properties were studied in healthy and neutropenic animal models. Results: Albumin fusion produces a long-acting G-CSF with comparable pharmacologic properties to pegfilgrastim. In vitro, balugrastim had binding affinity and cell proliferation activity comparable to pegfilgrastim, and both were lower than non-PEGylated filgrastim on a molar basis. Overall increases in leukocytes, neutrophilic granulocytes, and monocytes were dose dependent and consistent with the effects expected for a long-acting G-CSF with some variation based on the specific animal model used. A single balugrastim dose in BDF1 mice elicited a dose-dependent increase in peripheral granulocytes and mobilized hematopoietic progenitor cells. In cynomolgus monkeys, balugrastim caused an increase in peripheral neutrophils similar to pegfilgrastim, with higher responses after 2nd, 3rd, and 4th doses. In mice, balugrastim had shorter terminal half-life and mean residence time, and faster clearance than pegfilgrastim. In monkeys, terminal half-life of balugrastim was slightly longer than pegfilgrastim. Conclusions: An albumin fusion technology platform was used to produce balugrastim – a novel, biologically active albumin G-CSF fusion protein with greater structural homogeneity and comparable pharmacologic properties to conventionally PEGylated G-CSFs.

Jednym z ciekawszych okresów w dziejach pałacu wilanowskiego są lata 1720-1729 kiedy dawna królewska rezydencja znalazła się w posiadaniu hetmanowej wielkiej koronnej i kasztelanowej krakowskiej Elżbiety z Lubomirskich Sieniawskiej. Warto nadmienić, że przedsiębiorcza magnatka rywalizowała o podwarszawski pałac z królem Augustem II i rywalizację tę wygrała. W momencie nabycia klucza wilanowskiego przez Sieniawską dawna ulubiona siedziba Jana III Sobieskiego znajdowała się w bardzo złym stanie, a zrujnowane folwarki nie przynosiły oczekiwanych dochodów. W związku z czym Sieniawska postanowiła przywrócić tamtejszym dobrom płynność finansową, która pozwoliłaby m.in. na utrzymanie tamtejszego pałacu. Elżbieta z Lubomirskich Sieniawska była jedną z ważniejszych postaci na arenie politycznej i artystycznej czasów saskich. W działalności fundacyjnej hetmanowej Sieniawskiej widoczna jest cycerońska zasada publicam magnificentiam diligit. Bogate dekoracje malarsko-rzeźbiarskie były swego rodzaju „kostiumami” symbolicznymi i tak też były odczytywane przez współczesnych. Szczególną rolę w budowaniu wizerunku potężnej magnatki odegrała dawna królewska rezydencja w podwarszawskim Wilanowie, zakupiona 3 lipca 1720. Było to uwieńczenie stopniowego wykupywania dóbr królewskich, którymi hetmanowa opiekowała się po wyjeździe Marii Kazimiery do Rzymu (w jej rękach znalazły się m.in. pałace w Wysocku i Surochowie, a także dobra tarnopolskie). Pałac wilanowski w chwili zakupu znajdował się w opłakanym stanie. Sieniawska nie tylko wyremontowała pałac ale ukończyła obydwa skrzydła boczne, a także w subtelny sposób wplotła własny rodowy wątek w skomplikowany ideowy program rezydencji „Polskiego Herkulesa”. Wilanów był miejscem modnym, często odwiedzanym przez czołowych przedstawicieli magnaterii, a także samego Augusta II. Tak poważne przedsięwzięcia jak remont i rozbudowa dawnej królewskiej rezydencji wymagało zaangażowania nie tylko plejady artystów i rzemieślników ale także oficjalistów odpowiedzialnych za dowóz materiałów budowlanych, opłacanie wykonawców i sprawne funkcjonowanie całej fabryki. Trzon zespołu wykonującego prace artystyczno-budowlane w rezydencji wilanowskiej tworzyli artyści i rzemieślnicy zatrudnieni przez Sieniawską w Łubnicach, przy modernizacji jej głównej siedziby. Nie tworzyli oni wewnętrznej struktury w ramach magnackiego dworu, ale zhierarchizowaną grupę specjalistów podległą architektowi hetmanowej Giovanniemu Spazzio, który pełnił rolę nie tylko głównego projektanta, ale również nadzorcy wszystkich przedsięwzięć artystycznych. Warsztat ów, na co wskazują jednoznacznie źródła, nie był zbyt liczny. Jego zasadniczy trzon składał się z kilku wyspecjalizowanych wykonawców z tego powodu Sieniawska zmuszona była wspomagać się najmowanymi na zasadzie kontraktów wykonawcami. Wiodącą rolę odegrało środowisko warszawskie, z którego wywodzili się m.in. przedstawiciele rodziny Ceronich, przedsiębiorca budowlany Giuseppe Fontana, rzeźbiarz Johann Georg Plersch czy malarz Giuseppe Rossi, by ograniczyć się do najważniejszych. Na podstawie analizy zachowanych źródeł udało się dość dokładnie zilustrować funkcjonowanie owego zespołu stałych i okresowo zatrudnianych wykonawców, a także organizację fabryki pałacowej. Jego sprawne funkcjonowanie uzależnione było nie tylko od twórców, ale też od współpracujących z nimi plenipotentów związanych z administracją ziemską. Podkreślono szczególną rolę burgrabiego, którego udział w procesie budowy był dotąd marginalizowany. Jeszcze mniej wiadomo było o zaangażowanych przy fabryce urzędnikach (administratorach, podstarościch, zarządcach, gubernatorach, itd.). Nie mniej interesujące było prześledzenie sposobu finansowania prac, a także opłacania artystów. Okazało się, że niezmiernie ważną rolę odgrywał miejscowy arendarz dysponujący gotówką, którą wypłacał za odpowiednimi, pisemnymi „asygnacjami”.

<p>The birth and rapid progress of scientific periodicals during the closing decades of the seventeenth century was a process that entailed new challenges for scholars and had many implications for the relations between the republic of letters and society as a whole. From this point forward, stronger demands were placed upon scholars to publicly account for their findings, as well as to improve their ability to communicate their research to a general audience. Inherent in this process was the gradual development of a new genre, the modern scientific article, together with spin-off forms like reviews, summaries, and abstracts. In Sweden, the quarterly <em>Acta literaria Sueci&aelig;</em> (Uppsala, 1720-1729) was pioneering in its ambition to give Swedish scholarship a more conspicuous place in the learned world than it had been bestowed in foreign journals. In this the Latin <em>Acta</em> did experience some success, but a more comprehensive breakthrough for Swedish learning in the European media came during the next few decades, reflecting the country's prosperity in the natural sciences. Of vital importance for this breakthrough was, beginning in 1739, the quarterly <em>Handlingar</em> (written in the vernacular) of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, which was extensively translated and reviewed abroad. In the francophone sphere, however, its reception lagged in comparison to what was the case in the German area, and in the renowned <em>Journal des savants</em>, the Swedish journal was practically disregarded for many years. Then, in the 1770s and 1780s, it unexpectedly became the subject of a rather intense series of reviews composed by French intermediaries who took pains to learn Swedish. The article concludes with several examples of their techniques for transmitting the contents of <em>Handlingar </em>through the use of summaries, paraphrases, and translations.</p>

There was a time when science still had to ‘hatch’. An era during which man often extrapolated existing knowledge to a level beyond reality. That period is not as far behind us as we would like to believe. Breeding of animals has always stimulated man’s fantasy. Out of this, a very interesting myth - or is it a mystery? - was born: the existence of a hybrid between horse and cow, ‘Le Jumart’. On top of the very well-known hybrids between horses and donkeys, the French ‘capitaine des haras’ Francois Alexandre de Garsault (1692-1778) describes the procedure of how to create a hybrid between a cow and a horse in his widespread and well known ‘Nouveau Parfait Maréchal’, first published in 1741. In depth research showed that he was far from being the only one who believed in the existence of such a crossover species. Other well-respected contemporary scientists even dedicate chapters in their textbooks on this animal, such as the French naturalist and medical doctor Jean-Pierre Buchoz (1731-1807) in his ‘Traité Economique et Physique de Gros Menu Bétail’ published in 1778. Even opinion leaders Charles Bonnet (1720-1793) and Lazzarro Spallanzani (1729-99) were convinced that these animals really roamed around in France during the 18th century. Finally, even the founder of the first ‘Ecole Vétérinaire’ in the world, Claude Bourgelat (1712-1779) testified in a letter to Bonnet to have admired the product of a stallion and a cow with his own eyes. Fortunately, the debate could count on important disbelievers as well, with Albrecht von Haller taking the lead by publishing a paper in the ‘Supplément à l’Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire Raisonné des Sciences, des Arts et Métiers’ (1777), in which he calls the existence of the Jumart a ‘fable’. It would take another century for André Suchetet (1849-1910) to publish an ‘Extrait des Mémoires de la Société Zoologique de France’ with the title ‘La Fable des Jumarts’ (1889). Extremely interested in hybridization, this 19th century politician and member of several scientific societies, faces the challenge to finally steer the scientific community to a general conclusion on this enigma. This paper describes in a chronological order the rise and fall of one of the most intriguing ‘fabula’ in reproductive medicine and how it took emerging modern science about 200 years to decide on ‘myth’ or ‘mystery’.

When Louis XIV died, in 1715, the Comédie-Française was a weakened institution. It had barely survived the lean years at the end of the reign, and although it was sufficiently endowed with good actresses, it could boast no charismatic leading male actor who by his very presence might restore its fortunes in the new confident era that was beginning. Indeed, the adverse competitive environment created by the bawdy and vivacious theatres of the fairs on the one hand, and by the ever-popular Académie Royale (or Opera) on the other, was soon exacerbated by the return to Paris of the Italian actors, recalled in 1716 after an absence of nineteen years. It was in this context that in 1720, after an absence of nearly three decades, there returned to the Paris stage one of the most admired actors of the previous century, Michel Baron.

Este trabajo pretende mostrar, por un lado, aspectos metodológicos nuevos de los estudios de la financiación militar en Indias, y en concreto los referentes a la frontera del septentrión novohispano; por otro lado busca responder a cuestiones vitales de la fiscalidad militar de la provincia de Texas en el siglo XVIII. Las reformas emprendidas por Rivera en 1729 y Rubí en 1772 constituyen el centro de esta investigación y responde al interés por conocer el gasto total de la provincia, la problemática de los canales de financiación y el grado de aplicación de ambos reglamentos, en especial el de Rivera, tan criticado por la historiografía. Las aportaciones que aquí se recogen están basadas en fuentes primarias de archivo, nunca usadas hasta ahora para tratar la fiscalidad militar de la frontera norte, y sus conclusiones muestran el grado de implicación de las autoridades militares virreinales en la expansión del septentrión en la provincia de Texas, así como las incidencias de los situados sobre la población civil y militar.

Il processo penale canonico ha sempre costituito l’extrema ratio cui ricorrere solo quando fossero esaurite tutte le altre vie per ottenere la riparazione dello scandalo, il ristabilimento della giustizia, l’emendamento del reo (cfr. c. 1341). Le cause penali necessitano della presenza del promotore di giustizia in quanto con esse si vuole perseguire le finalità della giustizia e della tutela del bene pubblico. Per irrogare o dichiarare la pena il Codice di Diritto Canonico del 1983 prevede una doppia procedura penale: giudiziaria (che si concluderà con una sentenza) o amministrativa (stragiudiziale – che si concluderà con un decreto). Nel processo penale giudiziario il Promotore di giustizia svolge il compito di parte attrice o titolare dell’azione criminale contro l’imputato. Giovanni Paolo II nel discorso alla Rota Romana ha sottolineato che «l’istituzionalizzazione di quello strumento di giustizia che è il processo rappresenta una progressiva conquista di civiltà e di rispetto della dignità dell’uomo» (Cfr. Giovanni Paolo II, Discorso alla Rota Romana, (18 gennaio 1990), in L’Osservatore Romano, 19 gennaio 1990, p. 5). Si evince molto chiaramente dal can. 1342, § 1 la preferenza del legislatore per la via giudiziale. Infatti, il processo penale giudiziario offre maggiori garanzie di giustizia, in quanto assicura e garantisce in modo conforme il diritto alla difesa, permette al giudice di consolidare una maggiore certezza morale sull’esistenza dei fatti mediante l’acquisizione giudiziale delle prove, delle circostanze e dell’imputabilità, valutando tutte le circostanze del delitto, determina la condizione dell’imputato, precisa il grado del danno causato dal delitto, applica con equità la pena giusta alla luce degli elementi emersi durante il giudizio. Rimangono tuttavia casi in cui il legislatore indica la via giudiziale come la più adatta, che certamente offre maggiori certezze e garanzie ai fini dell’accertamento della verità, della giustizia e soprattutto della salvaguardia dei diritti dei fedeli. Innanzitutto essa è obbligatoria per irrogare o dichiarare le pene più gravi, come quelle espiatorie perpetue (can. 1336). «Per decreto non si possono infliggere o dichiarare pene perpetue; né quelle pene che la legge o il precetto che le costituisce vieta di applicare per decreto» (can. 1342, § 2). Il promotore di giustizia assume le vesti di parte attrice o titolare dell’azione criminale (actio criminalis) contro l’imputato. Egli è la persona pubblica costituita per tutelare il bene pubblico, che deriva dall’osservanza della legge, al di là delle considerazioni soggettive can. 1362, § 1; 1720, 3°; 1726. Nel processo penale, a protezione dei diritti del fedele il legislatore vieta espressamente di imporre all’imputato il giuramento e l’accusato non è tenuto a confessare il delitto (can. 1728, § 2). In questo modo si garantisce al reo la scelta della linea difensiva più opportuna senza costrizione a riconoscere i fatti che siano a sé sfavorevoli. Il processo penale giudiziario prevede e garantisce al reo un diritto fondamentale di appello dopo l’emanazione della sentenza di condanna (can. 1727, § 1). Inoltre garantisce il diritto di appello al promotore di giustizia nelle cause in cui la loro presenza è richiesta (cfr. cann. 1727, § 2, 1628). Il termine per proporre l’appello è di 15 giorni e va proposto avanti al giudice a quo, che ha emesso la sentenza. Può essere fatto a voce, ed in tal caso il notaio lo deve mettere per scritto avanti allo stesso appellante (can. 1630, § 2). Il can. 1353 disciplina che «l’appello o il ricorso contro le sentenze giudiziali o i decreti che infliggono o dichiarano una pena qualsiasi hanno effetto sospensivo». Il legislatore prevede nel Capitolo III: «de actione ad damna reparanda» un’azione contenziosa per la riparazione dei danni ingiustamente inferti dal delitto (cann. 1729–1731). Pur consentendo nell’ambito del processo penale giudiziario l’esercizio dell’azione per il risarcimento dei danni, il legislatore tiene sempre distinte le due azioni, quella criminale, tendente all’irrogazione o alla dichiarazione della pena, e quella contenziosa per la riparazione dei danni inferti dal delitto. La sentenza può essere eseguita dopo che sia passata in giudicato, ossia dopo una duplice sentenza conforme che non sempre si ha con la decisione di secondo grado.

BackgroundSystemic lupus erythematosus (SLE) causes significant disease burden. Racial and ethnic differences in outcomes have been recognized, with increased morbidity and mortality in Black and Hispanic individuals, compared to non-Hispanic White referents. Financial barriers to treatment, such as copayments (or copays), may affect adherence to essential pharmacologic therapies, contributing to increased health adversity. Determining the contribution of copays to adherence may identify disparities in medication access and pathways to improve adherence.ObjectivesTo examine the association between race or ethnicity and medication adherence.MethodsWe used administrative health claims data (Optum’s De-identified Clinformatics® Data Mart Database, 2007-2021) to identify individuals with incident SLE (2 ICD-9/10 codes within 30-365 days) between 2010-19 receiving hydroxychloroquine (HCQ), azathioprine (AZA), mycophenolate mofetil (MMF), methotrexate (MTX), or combination therapy (HCQ with AZA, MMF, or MTX). Race or ethnicity were categorized as Asian, Black, Hispanic, White, or unknown. We dichotomized copays as low (<$10/30 days) or high (≥$10/30 days). Adherence was defined as proportion of days covered (PDC) ≥80%. We examined the association between race or ethnicity and adherence with multivariable-adjusted logistic regression models, using White individuals as referent. Results were then stratified by copay categories.ResultsWe identified 12,510 individuals: age 54.2±15.5 years; 88.2% women; 63.2% (7910) White, 14.9% (1860) Black, and 13.8% (1729) Hispanic. A total of 9510 (76%) were on HCQ and 15% on combination therapy. Median (IQR) 30-day copays were $8 (4, 10) for HCQ, $7 (2, 10) for AZA, $10 (5, 20) for MMF, and $8 (3, 11) for MTX. Black individuals had 51% (95% CI 0.31-0.80), 30% (95% CI 0.61-0.81), and 35% (95% CI 0.45-0.94) lower odds of adhering to AZA, HCQ, and combination therapy, respectively. Hispanic individuals had 27% (95% CI 0.63-0.94) lower odds of adhering to HCQ. When stratified by low or high copay, the association between race or ethnicity and adherence did not change, and the interaction of copayment on the association between race or ethnicity and adherence was not significant (Table 1).ConclusionIn this large cohort, Black and Hispanic individuals had decreased odds of adherence to SLE medications even after adjusting for several socioeconomic factors and comorbidities. The detrimental associations between copay and adherence were consistent across copay strata, suggesting that other factors contribute to racial and ethnic disparities. Factors such as polypharmacy, pharmacy deserts, transportation, mental health, cultural barriers, and health care access merit examination for their relation to adherence.Table 1.Association of Race or Ethnicity and Odds of Medication AdherenceAsianBlackHispanicOR (95% CI); P valueAZA (n=690)0.67 (0.23-1.94);0.460.50 (0.30-0.80);0.0041.00 (0.57-1.75);0.99HCQ (n=8629)1.15 (0.87-1.53);0.330.70 (0.61-0.81); <0.00010.73 (0.63-0.85); <0.0001MMF (n=756)1.53 (0.66-3.53); 0.320.73 (0.50-1.13);0.160.82 (0.52-1.30); 0.40MTX (n=518)0.75 (0.20-3.43); 0.711.11 (0.57-2.15);0.771.36 (0.67-2.76); 0.41Combination Therapy* (n=1720)1.04 (0.53-2.02); 0.910.65 (0.55-0.94);0.020.70 (0.48-1.03); 0.97Reference group: White individuals.Table 2.Stratification by Copayment≥$10 vs <$10 CopayOR (95% CI); P valueAsianBlackHispanicInteraction p valueAZA0.18 (0.02-1.54); 0.180.37 (0.17-0.81); 0.010.43 (0.17-1.11); 0.080.79HCQ0.52 (0.30-0.90); 0.020.72 (0.56-0.93); 0.010.57 (0.44-0.73); <0.00010.51MMF0.68 (0.13-3.44); 0.640.85 (0.42-1.75); 0.660.83 (0.39-1.75); 0.620.78MTX0.41 (0.02-9.51); 0.580.75 (0.25-2.30); 0.622.00 (0.50-8.04); 0.330.67Combination Therapy1.70 (0.45-6.45); 0.431.25 (0.69-2.27); 0.460.61 (0.32-1.16); 0.130.14Adjusted for age, sex, Elixhauser comorbidities, tobacco use, antiphospholipid syndrome, educational attainment, annual household income, insurance type, and US geographic region.AcknowledgementsThis work is supported by K24HL160527.Disclosure of InterestsRaisa Lomanto Silva: None declared, Gretchen M Swabe: None declared, Sebastian E. Sattui Grant/research support from: Bristol Myers Squibb Foundation Robert A. Winn Diversity in Clinical Trials Career Development Award, outside of the submitted work., Jared W Magnani: None declared.

Introduction. The article is a special study of the history of the Malorussian settlements founded by Yakov Zhidkov. After the completion of the Tsaritsyn line, Peter the Great allowed him to settle the lands between the Volga and Ilovlya rivers with Malorussians (Cherkasy). Methods and materials. This topic was mainly touched upon in the works of Saratov and Volgograd historians and local historians. The author of the article introduces into scientific circulation the office materials of the Census Offices of the First Audit, the Supreme Privy Council, the Governing Senate and the Astrakhan Provincial Chancellery. Analysis. It has been established that the Malorussian settlements inhabited by Zhidkov in 1722, contrary to all regulations, very quickly began to be replenished by runaway Velikоrussian peasants, which caused discontent among the landlords. As a result, Peter the Great’s successors were forced to abandon this practice. In the end of 1728 – beginning of 1729, all the settlements were destroyed, the fugitive Velikоrussian peasants were returned to their owners, and Malorussian were sent home. Results. The government colonization of the lands beyond the Tsaritsyn line by resettling the Malorussians there quickly turned into a popular colonization, which the St. Petersburg authorities had to stop. In the same year, outposts of the Cossacks of the Malorussian Sloboda regiments were temporarily placed to protect empty territories along the Volga. A few years later, the territories between the Volga and Ilovlya were settled by Cossacks transferred by the government from the Don and their families, who formed a new Volga Cossack army. The duties of the voist included the capture of robbers, fugitive peasants and soldiers, as well as countering the “thievish” raids of nomads.

Mirjana POLIĆ BOBIĆ: Kalifornijski zapisi oca Ferdinanda Konšćaka iz Družbe Isusove, Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada, Zagreb, 2015.U ovoj knjizi autorica je iscrpno i kompetentno, kao ponajbolji prevodilac pisane ostavštine Ferdinanda Konšćaka, analitički i metodološki kvalitetno, uz podrobna objašnjenja i popratna razmišljanja, na tristo stranica predstavila bogatu i vrijednu pisanu ostavštinu kao i relevantne spise o njegovom radu i o njemu. To je do sada najsveobuhvatniji pristup obradi spisa ovoga pripadnika Družbe Isusove u nas, koji uvelike pridonosi spoznaji o veličini i značenju njegovih znanstvenih i istraživačkih dosega, ne samo za geografiju nego za pojedine druge znanosti. Opsežni uvod čine četiri poglavlja autoričine sveobuhvatne rasprave 1. o Konšćakovim zapisima i životu s popisom i opisom rukopisa i izdanja Konšćakovih tekstova o Novom svijetu i o njegovu životu, 2. o tome kako je Konšćak mogao dospjeti u Donju Kaliforniju, 3. o Kaliforniji od mita do utopijskog projekta te 4. o kraljevskim i misionarskim interesima, utopijskim obrascima i svakodnevnici sa zaključnim razmatranjima. Spisateljičina rasprava o navedenim aspektima, opservacije i razmatrani predlošci brojnih prethodnika, suvremenika i kasnijih istraživača i promicatelja Konšćakova rada i djela odaju vrsnu poznavateljicu brojnih predložaka i dokumentacije, neobjavljene i objavljene, dostupne i manje dostupne o našem isusovcu istraživaču. Drugi dio, može se slobodno istaknuti, krucijalni su prijevodi petnaestak autentičnih zapisa, dakle pisama, izvješća, dnevnika, opisa, Ferdinanda Konšćaka iz kojih se neposredno saznaje o njegovim putovanjima, otkrićima, spoznajama, poslanju, sukobljavanjima pa sve do intimnijih razmišljanja u prepisci ili izviješćima kroz koja izbija mnoštvo dokaza o njemu kao o izrazitom isusovačkom humanistu, entuzijastu, misionaru i istraživaču. To su pisma subraći, nadređenima, meksičkom provincijalu, superiorima, vizitatorima, prijateljima, dnevnici i dr., te također dva prijevoda drugih autora Miguela del Barca i oca Francisca Zevallosa koji se tiču Ferdinanda Konšćaka. Djelo prate i zahvala, popis izvora uz prevedene Konšćakove tekstove, literatura, sažetci na španjolskom i engleskom jeziku i kratki opis života i rada autorice. Otac Ferdinand Konšćak, poznat u svjetskoj literaturi i kao Ferdinando Consag (španj.) utemeljitelj Donje Kalifornije (Baja California), rođen je u Varaždinu 2. prosinca 1703., a umro je u misiji Santa Gertrudis u Donjoj Kaliforniji (Meksiko) 10. rujna 1759. Pristupio je isusovačkom redu 1719. u Trenčinu u Slovačkoj. Filozofiju je završio u Grazu, zatim radio na kolegijima u Zagrebu, pa Budimu. Prije završetka studija teologije u Grazu, odobren mu je odlazak u Novi svijet pa je 1729. otišao u Španjolsku, odakle je iz Cadiza 1731. krenuo u jednom od jedrenjaka flote za Indije. Preko Havane, stigao je u Veracruz te u Meksiko gdje je 1731. završio započeti studij teologije. Na poluotok Donje Kalifornije stigao je 1732. u redukciju Loreto gdje je najprije boravio, pa 1733. prešao u San Ignacio, zatim na sam jug poluotoka, pa ponovno u San Ignacio odakle je opsluživao velik dio izoliranih krajeva, dajući posebno velik doprinos osnivanju misija Santa Gertrudis i San Francisco de Borja. Kao isusovački misionar postao je jedan od najslavnijih istraživača meksičkoga poluotoka Kalifornije, koji je dokazao da je Kalifornija poluotok. Naime, poslije ranijih spoznaja (još od 30-ih godina 16. st.) da je Donja Kalifornija poluotok (v. Planciusov zemljovid svijeta 1592., i Meteliusov Kalifornije 1598.), u 17. i početkom 18. stoljeća počeli su se u Europi pojavljivati pogrješni, dosta tvrdokorni stavovi da je riječ o otoku kao i zemljovidi na kojima je tako i prikazivana. Stoga je trebalo ponovno, a iz sasvim pragmatičnih razloga, podastrijeti nove dokaze o poluotoku. Premda se već subrat Francisco E. Kino u četiri svoja putovanja 1697. – 1702. uvjerio da je Kalifornija poluotok, to otkriće nije bilo prihvaćeno pa su se tražili novi dokazi. Konšćakovo istraživanje dokazalo je drugi put poluotočnost Donje Kalifornije. Čak je i kasnije bilo dvojbi o poluotočnosti pa je 1766. tamo poslan otac Wenceslao Linck da provjeri Konšćakovu tvrdnju. Priznati su mu znanstveni doprinosi u matematici, astronomiji, prirodoslovlju, etnologiji, geografiji i geologiji. Bio je graditelj cesta, vodoopskrbnih objekata i obrambenih nasipa te nadzornik svih isusovačkih misija u Meksiku, a njegovo ime nosi otočić Roca Consag (Consag Rocks na sjeveru Kalifornijskog zaljeva 17 milja od grada San Felipe). Miguel del Barco, kojeg je kasnije iščitavao i Alexander von Humboldt, navodio je Konšćaka kao važnog izvora opisa ratničkih običaja, društvenog ustroja tamošnjih indijanskih zajednica, njihovih jezika, vjerovanja, načina odijevanja, prehrambenih navika, obreda uvođenja u zrelo doba života. Uz brojne pohode, poduzeo je i tri veće ekspedicije (1746., 1751. i 1753.) u kojima je sustavno istraživao neznana područja poluotoka. U prvoj do ušća Rio Colorada, razriješio je više od dva stoljeća podržavanu dvojbu o Donjoj Kaliforniji, dokazavši da nije otok nego poluotok. Oko 1748. izradio je precizan zemljovid Donje Kalifornije, a oko 1750. i zemljovid Kalifornijskog zaljeva, ucrtavši u njih brojna naselja, misije, imena zaljeva, rtova, otoka, pojave vode (na njegovu zemljovidu Aguage) itd. kao i imena plemena. Zanimljivi su prikazi reljefa, posebice vulkanskog područja Las Virgenes (en los quales sehàn de scubierto Volcanes d Fuego. Año 1746), zaljeva, rtova, otoka i otočića u Kalifornijskom zaljevu itd. U svim ekspedicijama bilježio je podatke o terenu, prirodnim bogatstvima i starosjediocima. Osnovao je nove misije, gradio akvadukte, nasipe, kanale za odvodnju, sudjelovao pri otvaranju prvih rudnika srebra na poluotoku. Još za života objavljeni su njegovi dnevnici ekspedicijâ, prevedeni na nekoliko jezika, u više izdanja, a njegovi zemljovidi poluotokâ i zaljevâ bili su poznati u to doba i nerijetko precrtavani. U prvom pohodu 1746. Konšćak je s posadama i pratnjom na četiri jedrenjaka, počevši od luke San Carlos (daje opširan opis luke, voda, rtova), najbliže misiji San Ignacio, uz istočnu obalu poluotoka istražio najprije širi prostor zaljeva Santisima Trinidad (lovište bisernica s hridinastim dnom, opasnim za ronioce, San Bernabé i otočić s tuljanima). Nastavili su do područja rta San Juan de Bauptista, niske obale s glinenim nanosima, pojavom vode i priobalnim hridima što opširnije opisuje, zatim do rta San Miguel, koji sa sljedećim rtom zatvara zaljev, s barom, vrelom vode, lovištem bisernica, gdje za nevremena more izbacuje mnoštvo školjaka tvoreći nasip koji već kršteni domoroci nazivaju Pepena. U mjestu San Miguel de la Peña održali su poduku domorocima poganima, od kojih su neke i krstili. Dalje opširno opisuje obalu, vrste dna, odvaljene litice, pojave ilovasta tla uz obalu s kaktusom cardón i čičkom, brojnim pticama, pojavama mramora. U blizini rta San Gabriel de las Almeja ili Salsipuedes (prema imenu susjednog otočja) spominje otočić Tortuguilla (tj. Kornjačica) koji Kalifornijci nazivaju Serro Blanco, obližnja naselja u kojima je bilo ponešto krštenika. Domoroci skupljaju vodu, pa makar i slankastu jer su izvori rijetkost. Dno je opasno, hridinasto, spominje neku žutu pećinu, s opisom obale. Skupine domorodaca dovodile su djecu na krštenje, ali bilo je i onih, na koje su bili upozoreni da spremaju napad na ekspediciju, pa su nastavili prema zaljevu San Rafael gdje su na ušću rijeke Kada Koaman u razgovorima s gostoljubivim domorocima, koji su ih vodili do brzaca vode i zdenca, saznali da njih i ronioce napadaju gorštaci. Posebno je važan opis toplih vrela koja su vidljiva za oseke, a za plime su poplavljena morem, priobalnih dijelova s konkavnim stijenama s izvorima vode, šljunčanim i pješčanim nanosima, drvećem mezquite. Pohod je nastavljen prema rtu San Antonio. Tamošnjem malom zaljevu dali su ime Purgatorio (Čistilište). Zatim su obišli stjenoviti i hridinasti rt Las Animas i stigli u duboku i pogodnu uvalu Los Angeles zaštićenu ulančenim otocima na ulazu s pojavom vode koja teče sa strmih padina. Ovdje su bili izloženi prijetnjama okupljenih domorodaca sa sjevera koji su brodove pratili nekoliko dana. Nastavili su do dijela Los Remedios s uvalom Nostra Señora de los Remedios, s nasuprotnim otokom Angel Santo de la Guarda. Za njega navodi da je dosta izdužen, širi na sjeverozapadu i da se od rta San Rafael proteže sve do otočića San Juan i San Pablo, a i dijelu obale su dali isto ime. Svugdje ima dosta bisernica. Kanal između otoka i obale poluotoka pun je kitova pa ga zovi Kitovim tjesnacem (Canal de Ballenas). Skromne, guste i bljutave vode našli su i na dijelu obale koji su nazvali po danu dolaska, San Pedro e Pablo. Nastavili su do zaljeva San Luis Gonzaga i njegova otoka okruženog rtovima, povoljnog za sidrenje, s više slanih lokava na kopnu i bogat ribom, a na zemljovidu je ovdje označeno ime na kopnu San Stanislao (sv. Stanislav; poljski isusovac iz 16. st.). Tu se nalazi i voda San Estanislao. Stalno su susretali negostoljubive, preplašene domoroce, a u moru posvuda sedefaste školjke. Sljedećem dijelu obale nadjenuli su ime San Sebastian, a zatim dio obale zvan Visitación završava na sjeveru istoimenim visokim rtom. Dalje je obala niska, ravna, blatna i kamenita, s dosta antilopa, divljih koza i ovnova, a naišli su i na ključalo sumporno vrelo s dimom (zacijelo solfatar). Sljedeća zona, nazvana Santa Ysabel, zadnje je nalazište školjaka bisernica, jer ih dalje nije bilo, a u blizini, na dijelu dosta teško pristupačne obale s pješčanim prudovima s dražicom San Fermin našli su pitku vodu. Nastavili su prema uvali San Felipe de Jesús, a prošavši San Buonaventuru, obala je postala niska, pješčana, močvarna (Marismas na zemljovidu) s planinama udaljenima tri do četiri lige, bez uvala i izvora, s plitkim morem (Pantanas), zamuljeno. Stigavši do ušća Crvene rijeke, vode su postale obojene, opore, nezdrave. Unatoč vrlo teškim uvjetima, naišli su na pitku vodu pri ušću, na kojem rukavci rijeke odvajaju tri niska močvarna otoka. Nanos rijeke prostire se miljama, a snaga plimnih valova, kao i same rijeke, dovodila je do havarija pa je jedan od brodova stradao. Istražili su područje oko ušća, ustanovivši da s kalifornijske strane rijeka vijuga i među planinama. Nakon dvadeset pet dana istraživačkog pohoda, Konšćak prvi put spominje zemljovid koji je izrađivao navodeći: „Petnaestorica naših kretala se jedno vrijeme kopnom, pa su nam donijeli vijesti o stanju u močvari koja se nalazi na samom rtu toga podvodnoga područja i mi to ucrtasmo u zemljovid“ na kojem je bila označena sjeverna širina. Ovaj Konšćakov dnevnik otac Miguel de la Barca kasnije je popratio podrobnim objašnjenjima i komentarima. U drugoj ekspediciji Konšćak je putovao kopnom poluotoka prema sjeveru i do Tihog oceana. Taj pohod o kojem piše u pismu prijatelju i posebno opširno u dnevniku, odvijao se 1751. iz misije San Ignacio, zapravo iz La Piedad (kasnije nazvana Santa Gertrudis) prema San Everardu kroz Sierra Madre na drugu stranu poluotoka do Oceana. Pohod se odvijao uz pomoć konja, najprije u bezvodnom kraju s bodljikavim stablima milapa, gdje su domoroci već bili pokršteni. Zatim su stigli do korita Kalmayia, koje je pripadalo oselju Nuestra Señora dela Visitación, zatim do Nuestra Señora dela Desponsación de Pui te potoka Kanjaikamána, Nakon nekoliko dana došli su do Ajavaiamina, tekućice s vodom, potom do Anguma, potoka Ziénage u Mezcalu, nešto sjevernije. U dnevniku spominje otoke u tjesnacu Santa Barbara i otok Cerros (Cedros) ili Santisima Trinidad, koji domoroci zovu Vamalgua ili (G)Uamalgua (tj. kuća magle) te rt Mendocino i otok Cenizas na Oceanu. Došavši do mjesta Kalvalaga pogled im se pružio na mali, ali visok otok „koji pomorci koji putuju za Filipine zovu Guadalupe“. Odatle su se vratili natrag do potoka Ziénage i potoka Kanjaikamána, te se zadržali kod vrela Medakal. Slijedi opis obale nasuprot otoku Cedros, gdje ima u moru mnoštvo kitova, gdje su pronašli ostatke brodoloma nekog broda, a spominje i Zaljev (očito Vizcaíno). Uskoro su stigli u indijanski Laboakal, odakle su se ponovno vratili u La Piedad i San Everardo, odakle su i krenuli. Svugdje opisuje život, vjerovanja, ponašanja i običaje domorodaca. Iz vremena između drugog i trećeg pohoda, posebno je važan opis otkrivenih dijelova Kalifornije i dijelova Meksika. Najprije za Donju Kaliforniju kaže da je siromašna, bezvodna, s nešto ruda i bisernicama, u nju misionari dolaze iz svojih misija u Sinaloi, na koju se kratko osvrće. Misije su geografski razmještene od najjužnije San Lucas do najsjevernije Santa Gertrudis. Plodnog zemljišta ima samo na jugu, i tamo žive u bolestima i međusobnim sukobima vrlo razrijeđeni Perikujci i Vajkurci te Guajkurci. Tri misije Perikujaca, Santa Rosa, Santiago i San José del Cabo, svedene su na Santiago i seoce San José, a vajkurske su misije Nuestra Señora de Pilar na jugu i Nuestra Señora de los Dolores i San Luis Gonzaga nešto sjevernije s oceanske strane. Ishodište misijskog rada i kraljevskih snaga je Loreto, nekad Concho, u području malobrojnog naroda Monkujaca, jezikom različitog od drugih, a okružuje ga prostorno istaknut narod Kočimaca ili Lajmona. Tamo je sedam misija (od juga prema sjeveru: San Javier, San José de Comondú, Purísima Concepción, Santa Rosalia, Nuestra Señora de Guadelupe, San Ignacio i Santa Gertrudis). Opisuje različitost narječja plemena, njihovih običaja te napose način jedenja (s uzicom uz dvostruko žvakanje). Poluotokom se pruža bezvodno sredogorje Sierra Madre, a priobalje je još bezvodnije pa su samo tri misije na obali. Otvoreni su i rudnici (Santa Anna i dr.). Ima nešto srebra, dosta naslaga soli i salitre. Uz poluotok su i otoci, s oceanske strane su važniji Santa Magdalena, La Navidad de Nuestra Señora i Cerros (Uamalgua). S ovoga posljednjeg domoroci su prešli na kopno i dio ih se naselio u San Estanislau. Bave se i lovom na morske dabrove (nutrije). S istočne strane poluotoka ima više pogodnih luka (Concepción, Los Angeles i dr.), zaljeva te otoka, od kojih su za pristajanje pogodna tri: Espíritu Santo (za plime dva otoka, vrelo vode), San José (domoroci tamo love divljač koja u želudcima ima bezoar, kamen koji stvaraju preživači i ima ljekovita svojstva) i onaj posvećen Gospi Karmelskoj na kojem je solana. Navodi da su svi otoci Kalifornijskog zaljeva nenaseljeni, premda je na nekima prije bilo stanovnika, ali su prešli na kopno u misije. Opisuje različitost školjki bisernica i samih bisera prema boji (na jugu su bijeli, sjevernije u raznim bojama) s kojima se trguje, purpurnu školjku, a ističe da su brojne i zmije te morske kornjače s obje strane poluotoka, ali onih s prozirnim oklopom koje daju skupu kornjačevinu ima samo na jugu. Bavi se i različitim biljkama (medesa, agave, tedá, gorka smokva, kaktusi, razni sukulenti, garambulla, pitahaye, cardón, portulak, šćir) od kojih su neke jestive, ljekovite, a za prehranu su važni i zečevi, kunići, šišmiši pa i štakori. Česti su leopardi, rjeđi jaguari, divlje mačke, vukovi, ima kojota, a lisice su brojne, i sve ih domoroci jedu. Otrovnice čegrtuše su posvuda kao i brojne druge, većinom neotrovne zmije. Spominje i guštere i crve koje domoroci sve jedu osim daždevnjaka i nekoga crvenog crva, te pojedine kukce (stjenice, skakavce, razne pauke pa i tarantule i dr.). Od ptica spominje brojne grabljivice, orlove, gavrane te golubove, neke vrste nalik na fazane i prepelice. Srebro se vadi u rudnicima na jugu, bakra ima po kamenju, željeza također u grumenima, sumpora u izobilju, galice, različitih mramora i prozirca nalik na dijamant. Daje opširne opise običaja i životnih navika domorodaca, muškaraca i žena, nošnje, ženidbe, vjerovanja, idola, vračeva, glazbe, plesova, mnogoženstva (naročito kod stasitih i svijetloputih Perikujaca), vještina lova, prehrane, pogrebnih običaja, inicijacije itd. Vrlo pojednostavnjeno daje opise pojedinih stijena, ruda, okamina, konglomerata i breča pokušavajući objasniti njihov postanak. Na kraju u bilješci navodi luke s oceanske strane kad se od otoka Cerros putuje na sjever: San Hipólito i San Damián prije otoka Cenizas, a zatim San Francisco (de Borja, op. p.), Las Vírgenes, San Simón i Judas te San Diego, koji je razmjerno blizu misije San Borja. Treći pohod 1753. godine, čiji izvorni opis (dnevnik) do sada nije poznat, ali se ponešto saznaje iz drugih napisa, ostvaren je kroz unutrašnjost poluotoka na sjever do 30. stupnja sjeverne širine. Ovaj je put prošao u puno gostoljubivijem okruženju domorodaca, kopnom od Santa Gertrudis preko naselja uz zaljev Los Angeles, do naselja u sredogorju nedaleko od zaljeva San Luis Gonzaga. Osim što je brojnim pothvatima osnivao sigurna naselja, vodoopskrbne sustave, smirivao sukobe među plemenima, onemogućavao pljačke s različitih strana, počeo opismenjavati i liječiti domoroce od zaraza i epidemija, otvarajući im tako put u civilizirani način života, za geografe su značajni i njegovi pisani doprinosi. Uz manje opservacije o Havani, Veracruzu, otocima Alacranes u Meksičkom zaljevu, otkrio je svjetskoj geografskoj spoznaji oblik i zemljopisna obilježja istočne obale Donje Kalifornije, duljinu otoka Angel de la Guarda, mjesto za misiju San Francisco de Borja, izvor rijeke Adac. Istražujući terene oko misija San Ignacio, koji je na granici prema sjeveru (frontera del Norte), Santa Gertrudis, te velik dio Kalifornijskog zaljeva (ili Crvenog mora), u njegovim se zapisima ističu misija Guadelupe, oblast Primeria (današnje Sonora i Sinaloa), ušće Crvene rijeke, temeljit opis zaljeva Los Angeles, vrlo pogodne prirodne luke s vrelima vode i više otočića u blizini (južno od Kanala kitova Canal de Ballenas na njegovoj karti) s pogodnim pristupom iz luka Caborce i Tepoce, koji, s obzirom na povoljne vjetrove, omogućuje prolaz kroz „zastrašujuće otoke Salsipuedes“, Laogiú, tj. planine San Rafael i mnoge druge u ovom tekstu navedene. Geografi, ali i svi drugi koje ova problematika zanima, u ovom će zanimljivom štivu zahvaljujući trudu autorice, pronaći poticaje za saznanja o Ferdinandu Konšćaku i njegovim otkrićima i zapisima, a možda i za daljnje pronalaženje drugih, do danas još nepoznatih rukopisa, bilo njegovih ili o njemu. Autorica Polić Bobić je za knjigu o ocu Ferdinandu Konšćaku dobila nagradu Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti za najviša znanstvena i umjetnička dostignuća u Republici Hrvatskoj za 2015. godinu za područje društvenih znanosti Mirjana POLIĆ BOBIĆ, Mijo KORADE: Paragvajska pisma: Ivan Marchesetti i Nikola Plantić, isusovci u Paragvajskoj provinciji Družbe Isusove, Matica hrvatska, Zagreb, 2015. Iz pera vrsne hispanistice, urednice i književne prevoditeljice, redovite profesorice španjolske i hispanoameričke književnosti na Filozofskom fakultetu Sveučilišta u Zagrebu te koautora, crkvenog povjesničara i povjesničara kulture, suradnika Hrvatskog instituta za povijest u Zagrebu i nasl. redovitog profesora na Hrvatskim studijima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, dostupno je široj javnosti kulturološko ostvarenje koje ima i brojne sastavnice povijesno-zemljopisne naravi, pa je stoga zanimljivo ne samo za povjesničare, hispaniste i druge, nego posebice i za geografe. Prof. Polić Bobić inače se bavi istraživanjem književnosti i kulturne povijesti kolonijalne Amerike te hrvatsko-hispanskim kulturnim vezama, a prof. Mijo Korade hrvatskom latinističkom historiografijom, historiografijom hrvatskoga redovništva, odnosima Crkve i države, poviješću školstva u Hrvata i hrvatskim putnicima i putopiscima. Knjiga se u prvom dijelu bavi Paragvajskom provincijom Družbe Isusove i njezinim misijama u kojima su srednjoeuropski isusovci, među kojima i hrvatski, u okviru opće i kulturne povijesti kolonijalne Amerike dali istaknut doprinos ne samo zemljopisnom širenju misijskih projekata, nego i sveukupnom udjelu Družbe Isusove u kulturi, povijesti, geografiji, književnosti itd. kolonijalnih posjeda. Razmatranim spisima te redovničke pokrajine, u kojoj su o nastanku tzv. redukcija, tj. naseobina u kojima se obavljala evangelizacija indijanskih plemena Guarani i drugih, omogućen je odgovarajući pristup poznavanju onovremenih procesa, uz ostalo i sociogeografskih, u prostoru južnoameričkoga geopolitičkog sraza dvaju katoličkih kolonijalnih imperija, španjolskog i portugalskog. U porječjima Parane, Paragvaja, Urugvaja s njihovim brojnim pritokama, u okviru većeg broja (više od četrdeset) misija na teritoriju današnje Argentine, Paragvaja, Bolivije i Brazila, između 1585. (1604.) i 1767. ostvarivani su suživot i društveno-gospodarsko uređenje potaknuti djelovanjem požrtvovnih isusovaca, među kojima se ističu i oni iz hrvatskoga prostora tadašnje Austrijske provincije Družbe Isusove, Ivan Krstitelj Marchesetti iz Rijeke i Nikola Plantić iz Zagreba, čija su pisma predmet ove knjige. Red kojem su pripadali zacrtao je stvaranje kršćanskog društva, ustrojstveno i gospodarski izvan utega tadašnjih europskih kasnofeudalnih odnosa, bližeg pravednim novozavjetnim učenjima o ravnopravnosti i vrijednosti svih ljudskih bića. Taj „jedinstveni socijalni eksperiment u povijesti čovječanstva“, koji je imao i svoje političko-geografsko naličje, premda je doživio mnoge poticaje, priznanja i podršku mnogih suvremenika, ugašen je, na štetu posebice brazilskih guaranskih misija. Tome su uzrok bila međudržavna i unutarcrkvena nesuglasja, agresivnost odmetnika i pojedinih kolonizatora te posebice objede i optužbe da misionari zlorabe zasnovane redukcije za svoje bogaćenje i širenje nekoga svojeg zamišljenog kraljevstva. Otuda i kasnije neosnovane i izmišljene reinterpretacije o Plantiću kao „paragvajskom kralju“, kao „komunističkom kralju“ i sl. Od 1585. do 1767. Družba je provela dvadesetpet istraživačkih pohoda, ostavivši o tome brojna pismena svjedočanstva. Epilog gotovo dvostoljetnih nastojanja isusovaca, u vrtlogu dinastičkih interesa i prekrajanja i u sukobu portugalskih i španjolskih geopolitičkih prisezanja, bio je, nažalost, porazan, posebice za stotine tisuća domorodaca koji su pristali na pokrštavanje i novi način života ostvaren kroz misionarske redukcije. Pojam redukcija (lat. reducere – natrag dovesti) ovdje označava misijska naselja, tzv. Paragvajske redukcije u koje su iz divljih krajeva i prašuma okupljani Indijanci da žive sigurni u organiziranoj kršćanskoj zajednici. Prostirale su se na području dugačkom više od 1000 km i širokom oko 300 km, površine više od 400 tisuća četvornih kilometara. Prva je bila Loreto (1609.), u pokrajini Guayara. Najsjevernija redukcija, San Ignacio del Norte, bila je na 16. usporednici, a najjužnija, Yapeyu, između 29. i 30. usporednice južne zemljopisne širine. U početku su bile izrazito ugrožene od neprijatelja kraljevske kuće i guvernera, raznih španjolskih upravitelja i veleposjednika, portugalskih trupa i posebice odmetnika, a kasnije su konsolidirane u tzv. Kršćansku Republiku Paragvaj koja je uživala visoku autonomiju unutar Španjolskog Kraljevstva. U vrijeme procvata redukcija, ustrojenih po načelu „zajednički posjed, zajednički rad, zajednički plodovi“ 30-ih i 40-ih godina 18. stoljeća živjelo je u njima i više od 140 000 osoba. Uređenje naseobina i zemljišnih imanja svakako je bitno utjecalo na stvaranje novoga oblika kulturnog krajobraza u divljim predjelima južnoameričkog kontinenta. U drugom dijelu knjige predstavljena su do sada neobjavljena pisma navedene dvojice hrvatskih isusovaca u izvorniku na španjolskom i u hrvatskom prijevodu, pisma iz njihove prepiske i druga pisma u kojima se spominje Ivan Marchesetti (Rijeka, 10. prosinca 1704. – Candelaria, Paragvaj, 5. veljače 1767.). Ivan Marchesetti umro je u Novom svijetu prije protjerivanja Družbe Isusove 1767. godine. U Argentinu je stigao 1734. i ondje, poslije priprema u Córdobi, od 1738. do smrti djelovao kao misionar i upravitelj u sedam misija. U Nuestra Señora de Fe uveo je plantažni uzgoj štitastih uši – košenila za proizvodnju grimiznih boja te priređivanje lijekova i začina te ustrojio samoobranu grada. Uspješno je pokrenuo proizvodnju i trgovinu poljoprivrednim kulturama u redukcijama (maté, duhan, trska, sukno i dr.). Nikola Plantić (Zagreb, 2. prosinca 1720. – Varaždin, 15. lipnja 1777.), koji je bio u Paragvaju, ali nije poslan u misije, nego je kao profesor filozofije i teologije boravio u Cordobi, vratio se u Hrvatsku gdje je i umro. Prije odlaska u Južnu Ameriku 1748. studirao je filozofiju u Zagrebu i Grazu, a teologiju u Trnavi te 1747. zaređen. Bio je i rektor isusovačkoga kolegija u Buenos Airesu te superior u Montevideu. Nakon izgona isusovaca na temelju patenta Karla III., vratio se 1768. u Zagreb. Od 1771. bio je rektor isusovačkoga kolegija u Varaždinu, gdje je ostao i nakon ukinuća reda 1773. Popraćena opsežnim bilješkama, pisma Marchesettija i Plantića subraći pohranjena u argentinskom državnom arhivu, svjedoče o misijama, tegobama, gospodarskom i društvenom ustroju, svakodnevnom životu, dvojbama i borbama misionara, kolonizatora i domorodačkih plemena. Prepisku je pronašao pok. Milan Blažeković te ju je predao 1992. godine drugom autoru knjige dr. Koradeu. Ova pisma, kao izvorna svjedočanstva, važna su potka u izučavanju povijesno-zemljopisnih okolnosti tristogodišnjega kolonijalnog razdoblja i nastanka južnoameričkih društava. Autori su ih popratili znanstvenim studioznim razmatranjima o životu i radu dvojice misionara te njihovu utjecaju na subraću redovnike, druge suvremenike i naraštaje koji su slijedili. Posebno je obrađena i legenda o kralju Nikoli, tj. intriga o Plantiću kao kralju paragvajskih Indijanaca, izmišljena i proširena za potrebe pristalica sramotno rigidne reakcije na jednu humanu, gospodarski uspješnu misionarsku stečevinu i koliko je bilo moguće, ostvarenje pravednog suživota domorodaca i kolonizatora. Svakoga geografa, kao i brojne druge čitatelje, zanimat će ovo štivo kao dokumentacija i svjedočanstvo jednog vremena i geopolitičkih zbivanja unutar kojih je, unatoč brojnim poteškoćama, ostvarena jedna od najhumanijih do sada poznatih ljudskih zajednica. Kada su godine 1750. Španjolska i Portugal provele bestidnu trgovinu s gradovima-misijama zamjenom sedam redukcija na istočnoj obali Urugvaja za bogatu koloniju San Sacramento na ušću rijeke La Plate, u mjesec dana moralo se iseliti 30 tisuća ljudi sa svom pokretnom imovinom iz sedam misijskih župa. Guarani su morali prepustiti sav svoj 150-godišnji trud svojim neprijateljima. Brojni prosvjedi civilnih i crkvenih vlasti u Americi i u Španjolskoj nisu, nažalost, bili od pomoći. Unatoč kasnijem povratu na prijašnje stanje, protjerivanjem isusovačkog reda u Portugalu, ubrzo i u Španjolskoj, te geopolitičkim previranjima u 19. stoljeću, baština prosvjetiteljskih i vjerskih misija ubrzano se gasila. Ipak, ostale su brojne potvrde, uz ostalo i pisma naših redovnika, veličanstvenog postignuća jednoga crkvenog reda, doprinosa općem boljitku svijeta. Isusovci su svojim redukcijama u Paragvaju ispisali zasigurno jednu od najljepših stranica socijalne povijesti kao i povijesnog zemljopisa na karti svijeta. Knjiga je izašla u izdanju Matice hrvatske, kao prva knjiga u sklopu edicije Biblioteka Historia. Glavna urednica je Romana Horvat, a recenzenti su dr. sc. Marino Manin iz Instituta za migracije i narodnosti u Zagrebu i dr. sc. Damir Zorić, etnolog i povjesničar iz Matice hrvatske. Knjiga ima dvjesto četrdeset šest stranica s osamnaest slika (dvanaest u bojama), bibliografijom i kazalom osobnih imena. Kao što je s uspjehom i suosjećanjem za Guaranske redukcije svojevremeno prihvaćen filmski oskarovac Misija na ovu temu, tako i ova knjiga ne ostavlja ravnodušnima sve one koji teže pravednijim i humanijim odnosima među ljudskim zajednicama.

The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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The formation of metallurgy in Russia occurred during the Northern War, which predetermined the dominance of state ownership in this sector of the economy. During the end of the war, Peter I embarked on a policy of privatising the state-owned industry. The regulatory and legal basis for privatisation was the Berg Privileges of 1719. However, having begun the policy of transferring state-owned factories to companies of private industrialists, Peter I was not consistent. He thought about the development of the state-owned metallurgy of the Urals and, at the same time, considered the possibility of its transfer to private industrialists in the future. This article examines the position of W. de Henning on the issue of privatisation. During his leadership of the local mining industry in 1720–1722, V. N. Tatishchev was the first to raise the question of the need to privatise the state-owned metallurgy of the Urals. In 1722, Peter I appointed Henning as head of the state mining industry of the Urals, giving him extensive administrative power. In 1722–1724, Henning managed to reconstruct the old state-owned factories and build new ones – Yekaterinburg, Polevskoy, Pyskor, and Yagoshikha. Meanwhile, in 1724, Tatishchev presented to Peter I projects for the privatisation of state-owned factories in the Urals. The emperor “accepted these projects as beneficial ones” but at the same time, developed a complex procedure for considering privatisation issues in the relevant central and local state bodies. In 1724, Tatishchev’s projects received negative reviews from the Berg Collegium and Henning, who pointed to high profits from state-owned factories. At the same time, Henning proposed his projects which either meant the transfer of state-owned factories to the company of Peter I, A. D. Menshikov, F. M. Apraksin, etc., or the transfer of Pyskor plants to him, A. Stroganov, and M. Turchaninov. However, Tatishchev and Henning’s discussion of the projects ground to a halt due to the death of Peter I. Again, the question of privatisation of the state-owned metallurgy of the Urals arose during the so-called “sales crisis” of 1729–1732 and was already post-suppressed by Henning. Henning’s privatisation projects were discussed in the Senate, the Berg Board, and the Monetary Commission. In 1733, a Commission on state-owned factories was established. However, in 1732, the “sales crisis” was overcome, and Henning abandoned his privatisation projects. He finally came to the conclusion that state ownership in metallurgy was no less effective than private ownership and began a new stage of construction of state-owned factories in the Urals. The same position was held by Tatishchev, who replaced Henning in 1734–1737 as head of the Ural plants. The subsequent history of privatisation campaigns of the second half of the eighteenth – early twentieth centuries confirmed the validity of this conclusion, with considerable state ownership in metallurgy not only remaining but also expanding.